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THE LIFE OF GEORGE BORROW
by Herbert Jenkins
PREFACE
During the whole of Borrow's manhood there was probably only one
period when he was unquestionably happy in his work and content with
his surroundings. He may almost be said to have concentrated into
the seven years (1833-1840) that he was employed by the British and
Foreign Bible Society in Russia, Portugal and Spain, a lifetime's
energy and resource. From an unknown hack-writer, who hawked about
unsaleable translations of Welsh and Danish bards, a travelling
tinker and a vagabond Ulysses, he became a person of considerable
importance. His name was acclaimed with praise and enthusiasm at
Bible meetings from one end of the country to the other. He
developed an astonishing aptitude for affairs, a tireless energy, and
a diplomatic resourcefulness that aroused silent wonder in those who
had hitherto regarded him as a failure. His illegal imprisonment in
Madrid nearly brought about a diplomatic rupture between Great
Britain and Spain, and later his missionary work in the Peninsula was
referred to by Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons as an instance
of what could be achieved by courage and determination in the face of
great difficulties.
Those seven rich and productive years realised to the full the
strange talents and unsuspected abilities of George Borrow's unique
character. He himself referred to the period spent in Spain as the
"five happiest years" of his life. When, however, his life came to
be written by Dr Knapp, than whom no biographer has approved himself
more loyal or enthusiastic, it was found that the records of that
period were not accessible. The letters that he had addressed to the
Bible Society had been mislaid. These came to light shortly after
the publication of Dr Knapp's work, and type-written copies were
placed at my disposal by the General Committee long before they were
given to the public in volume form.
A systematic search at the Public Record Office has revealed a wealth
of unpublished documents, including a lengthy letter from Borrow
relating to his imprisonment at Seville in 1839. From other sources
much valuable information and many interesting anecdotes have been
obtained, and through the courtesy of their possessor a number of
unpublished Borrow letters are either printed in their entirety or
are quoted from in this volume.
My thanks are due in particular to the Committee of British and
Foreign Bible Society for placing at my disposal the copies of the
Borrow Letters, and also for permission to reproduce the interesting
silhouette of the Rev. Andrew Brandram, and to the Rev. T. H. Darlow,
M.A. (Literary Superintendent), whose uniform kindness and desire to
assist me I find it impossible adequately to acknowledge. My thanks
are also due to the Rt. Hon. Sir Edward Grey, M.P., for permission to
examine the despatches from the British Embassy at Madrid at the
Record Office, and the Registers of Passports at the Foreign Office,
and to Mr F. H. Bowring (son of Sir John Bowring), Mr Wilfrid J.
Bowring (who has placed at my disposal a number of letters from
Borrow to his grandfather), Mr R. W. Brant, Mr Ernest H. Caddie, Mr
William Canton, Mr S. D. Charles, an ardent Borrovian from whom I
have received much kindness and many valuable suggestions, Mr A. I.
Dasent, the editors of The Athenaeum and The Bookman, Mr Thomas Hake,
Mr D. B. Hill of Mattishall, Norfolk, Mr James Hooper, Mr W. F. T.
Jarrold (for permission to reproduce the hitherto unpublished
portrait of Borrow painted by his brother), Dr F. G. Kenyon, C.B., Mr
F. A. Mumby, Mr George Porter of Denbigh (for interesting particulars
about Borrow's first visit to Wales), Mr Theodore Rossi, Mr Theodore
Watts-Dunton, Mr Thomas Vade-Walpole, who have all responded to my
appeal for help with great willingness.
To one friend, who elects to be nameless, I am deeply grateful for
many valuable suggestions and much help; but above all for the keen
interest he has taken in a work which he first encouraged me to
write. To her who gave so plentifully of her leisure in transcribing
documents at the Record Office and in research work at the British
Museum and elsewhere, I am indebted beyond all possibility of
acknowledgment. To no one more than to Mr John Murray are my
acknowledgments due for his unfailing kindness, patience and
assistance. It is no exaggeration to state that but for his aid and
encouragement this book could not have been written.
HERBERT JENKINS.
January, 1912.
CHAPTER I: 1678-MAY 1816
On 28th July 1783 was held the annual fair at Menheniot, and for
miles round the country folk flocked into the little Cornish village
to join in the festivities. Among the throng was a strong contingent
of young men from Liskeard, a town three miles distant, between whom
and the youth of Menheniot an ancient feud existed. In days when the
bruisers of England were national heroes, and a fight was a fitting
incident of a day's revelry, the very presence of their rivals was a
sufficient challenge to the chivalry of Menheniot, and a contest
became inevitable. Some unrecorded incident was accepted by both
parties as a sufficient cause for battle, and the two factions were
soon fighting furiously midst collapsing stalls and tumbled
merchandise. Women shrieked and fainted, men shouted and struck out
grimly, whilst the stall-holders, in a frenzy of grief and despair,
wrung their hands helplessly as they saw their goods being trampled
to ruin beneath the feet of the contestants.
Slowly the men of Liskeard were borne back by their more numerous
opponents. They wavered, and just as defeat seemed inevitable, there
arrived upon the scene a young man who, on seeing his townsmen in
danger of being beaten, placed himself at their head and charged down
upon the enemy, forcing them back by the impetuosity of his attack.
The new arrival was a man of fine physique, above the medium height
and a magnificent fighter, who, later in life, was to achieve
something of which a Mendoza or a Belcher might have been proud. He
fought strongly and silently, inspiring his fellow townsmen by his
example. The new leader had entirely turned the tide of battle, but
just as the defeat of the men of Menheniot seemed certain, a
diversion was created by the arrival of the local constables. Now
that their own villagers were on the verge of disaster, there was no
longer any reason why they should remain in the background. They
made a determined effort to arrest the leader of the Liskeard
contingent, and were promptly knocked down by him.
At that moment Mr Edmund Hambley, a much-respected maltster and the
headborough of Liskeard, was attracted to the spot. Seeing in the
person of the outrageous leader of the battle one of his own
apprentices, he stepped forward and threatened him with arrest.
Goaded to desperation by the scornful attitude of the young man, the
master-maltster laid hands upon him, and instantly shared the fate of
the constables. With great courage and determination the headborough
rose to his feet and again attempted to enforce his authority, but
with no better result. When he picked himself up for a second time,
it was to pass from the scene of his humiliation and, incidentally,
out of the life of the young man who had defied his authority.
The young apprentice was Thomas Borrow (born December 1758), eighth
and posthumous child of John Borrow and of Mary his wife, of
Trethinnick (the House on the Hill), in the neighbouring parish of St
Cleer, two and a half miles north of Liskeard. At the age of
fifteen, Thomas had begun to work upon his father's farm. At
nineteen he was apprenticed to Edmund Hambley, maltster, of Liskeard,
who five years later, in his official capacity as Constable of the
Hundred of Liskeard, was to be publicly defied and twice knocked down
by his insubordinate apprentice.
A trifling affair in itself, this village fracas was to have a
lasting effect upon the career of Thomas Borrow. He was given to
understand by his kinsmen that he need not look to them for sympathy
or assistance in his wrongdoing. The Borrows of Trethinnick could
trace back further than the parish registers record (1678). They
were godly and law-abiding people, who had stood for the king and
lost blood and harvests in his cause. If a son of the house disgrace
himself, the responsibility must be his, not theirs. In the opinion
of his family, Thomas Borrow had, by his vigorous conduct towards the
headborough, who was also his master, placed himself outside the
radius of their sympathy. At this period Trethinnick, a farm of some
fifty acres in extent, was in the hands of Henry, Thomas' eldest
brother, who since his mother's death, ten years before, had assumed
the responsibility of launching his youngest brother upon the world.
Fearful of the result of his assault on the headborough, Thomas
Borrow left St Cleer with great suddenness, and for five months
disappeared entirely. On 29th December he presented himself as a
recruit before Captain Morshead, {3a} in command of a detachment of
the Coldstream Guards, at that time stationed in the duchy.
Thomas Borrow was no stranger to military training. For five years
he had been in the Yeomanry Militia, which involved a short annual
training. In the regimental records he is credited with five years
"former service." He remained for eight years with the Coldstream
Guards, most of the time being passed in London barracks. He had no
money with which to purchase a commission, and his rise was slow and
deliberate. At the end of nine months he was promoted to the rank of
corporal, and five years later he became a sergeant. In 1792 he was
transferred as Sergeant-Major to the First, or West Norfolk Regiment
of Militia, whose headquarters were at East Dereham in Norfolk.
It was just previous to this transfer that Sergeant Borrow had his
famous encounter in Hyde Park with Big Ben Bryan, the champion of
England; he "whose skin was brown and dusky as that of a toad." It
was a combat in which "even Wellington or Napoleon would have been
heartily glad to cry for quarter ere the lapse of five minutes, and
even the Blacksmith Tartar would, perhaps, have shrunk from the
opponent with whom, after having had a dispute with him," Sergeant
Borrow "engaged in single combat for one hour, at the end of which
time the champions shook hands and retired, each having experienced
quite enough of the other's prowess." {4a}
At East Dereham Thomas Borrow met Ann {4b} Perfrement, {4c} a
strikingly handsome girl of twenty, whose dark eyes first flashed
upon him from over the footlights. It was, and still is, the custom
for small touring companies to engage their supernumeraries in the
towns in which they were playing. The pretty daughter of Farmer
Perfrement, whose farm lay about one and a half miles out of East
Dereham, was one of those who took occasion to earn a few shillings
for pin-money. The Perfrements were of Huguenot stock. On the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes, their ancestors had fled from
their native town of Caen and taken refuge in East Anglia, there to
enjoy the liberty of conscience denied them in their beloved
Normandy. Thomas Borrow made the acquaintance of the young
probationer, and promptly settled any aspirations that she may have
had towards the stage by marrying her. The wedding took place on
11th February 1793 at East Dereham church, best known as the resting-
place of the poet Cowper, Ann being twenty-one and Thomas thirty-four
years of age.
For the next seven years Thomas and Ann Borrow moved about with the
West Norfolk Militia, which now marched off into Essex, a few months
later doubling back again into Norfolk. Then it dived into Kent and
for a time hovered about the Cinque Ports, Thomas Borrow in the
meantime being promoted to the rank of quarter-master (27th May
1795). It was not until he had completed fourteen years of service
that he received a commission. On 27th February 1798 he became
Adjutant in the same regiment, a promotion that carried with it a
captain's rank.
Whilst at Sandgate Mrs Borrow became acquainted with John Murray, the
son of the founder of the publishing house from which, forty-four
years later, were to be published the books of her second son, then
unborn. The widow of John Murray the First had married in 1795
Lieutenant Henry Paget of the West Norfolk Militia. Years later
(27th March 1843) George Borrow wrote to John Murray, Junr., third of
the line:
"I am at present in Norwich with my mother, who has been ill, but is
now, thank God, recovering fast. She begs leave to send her kind
remembrances to Mr Murray. She knew him at Sandgate in Kent FORTY-
SIX years ago, when he came to see his mother, Mrs P[aget]. She was
also acquainted with his sister, Miss Jane Murray, {5a} who used to
ride on horseback with her on the Downs. She says Captain [sic]
Paget once cooked a dinner for Mrs P. and herself; and sat down to
table with his cook's apron on. Is not this funny? Does it not
'beat the Union,' as the Yankees say?"
The first child of the marriage was born in 1800, it is not known
exactly when or where. This was John, "the brother some three years
older than myself," whose beauty in infancy was so great "that
people, especially those of the poorer classes, would follow the
nurse who carried him about in order to look at and bless his lovely
face," {6a} with its rosy cheeks and smiling, blue-eyed innocence.
On one occasion even, an attempt was made to snatch him from the arms
of his nurse as she was about to enter a coach. The parents became a
prey to anxiety; for the child seems to have possessed many endearing
qualities as well as good looks. He was quick and clever, and when
the time came for instruction, "he mastered his letters in a few
hours, and in a day or two could decipher the names of people on the
doors of houses and over the shop windows." {6b} His cleverness
increased as he grew up, and later he seems to have become, in the
mind of Captain Borrow at least, a standard by which to measure the
shortcomings of his younger son George, whom he never was able to
understand.
For the next three years, 1800-3, the regiment continued to hover
about the home counties. The Peace of Amiens released many of the
untried warriors, who had enlisted "until the peace," their adjutant
having to find new recruits to fill up the gaps. War broke out again
the following year (18th May 1803), and the Great Terror assumed a
phase so critical as to subdue almost entirely all thought of party
strife. On 5th July Ann Borrow gave birth to a second son, in the
house of her father. At the time Captain Borrow was hunting for
recruits in other parts of Norfolk, in order to send them to
Colchester, where the regiment was stationed. In due course the
child was christened George Henry {7a} at the church of East Dereham,
and, within a few weeks of his birth, he received his first
experience of the vicissitudes of a soldier's life, by accompanying
his father, mother, and brother to Colchester to rejoin the regiment.
The whole infancy of George Borrow was spent in the same trailing
restlessness. Napoleon was alive and at large, and the West Norfolks
seemed doomed eternally to march and countermarch in the threatened
area, Sussex, Kent, Essex.
No efforts appear to have been made to steal the younger brother,
although "people were in the habit of standing still to look at me,
ay, more than at my brother." {7b} Unlike John in about everything
that one child could be unlike another, George was a gloomy,
introspective creature who considerably puzzled his parents. He
compares himself to "a deep, dark lagoon, shaded by black pines,
cypresses and yews," {7c} beside which he once paused to contemplate
"a beautiful stream . . . sparkling in the sunshine, and . . .
tumbling merrily into cascades," {7d} which he likened to his
brother.
Slow of comprehension, almost dull-witted, shy of society, sometimes
bursting into tears when spoken to, George became "a lover of nooks
and retired corners," {7e} where he would sit for hours at a time a
prey to "a peculiar heaviness . . . and at times . . . a strange
sensation of fear, which occasionally amounted to horror," {7f} for
which there was no apparent cause. In time he grew to be as much
disliked as his brother was admired. On one occasion an old Jew
pedlar, attracted by the latent intelligence in the smouldering eyes
of the silent child, who ignored his questions and continued tracing
in the dust with his fingers curious lines, pronounced him "a
prophet's child." This carried to the mother's heart a quiet
comfort; and reawakened in her hope for the future of her second son.
The early childhood of George Borrow was spent in stirring times.
Without, there was the menace of Napoleon's invasion; within, every
effort was being made to meet and repel it. Dumouriez was preparing
his great scheme of defence; Captain Thomas Borrow was doing his
utmost to collect and drill men to help in carrying it into effect.
Sometimes the family were in lodgings; but more frequently in
barracks, for reasons of economy. Once, at least, they lived under
canvas.
The strange and puzzling child continued to impress his parents in a
manner well-calculated to alarm them. One day, with a cry of
delight, he seized a viper that, "like a line of golden light," was
moving across the lane in which he was playing. Whilst making no
effort to harm the child, who held and regarded it with awe and
admiration, the reptile showed its displeasure towards John, his
brother, by hissing and raising its head as if to strike. This
happened when George was between two and three years of age. At
about the same period he ate largely of some poisonous berries, which
resulted in "strong convulsions," lasting for several hours. He
seems to have been a source of constant anxiety to his parents, who
were utterly unable to understand the strange and gloomy child who
had been vouchsafed to them by the inscrutable decree of providence.
In the middle of the year 1809 the regiment returned from Essex to
Norfolk, marching first to Norwich and thence to other towns in the
county. Captain Borrow and his family took up their quarters once
more at Dereham. George was now six years old, acutely observant of
the things that interested him, but reluctant to proceed with studies
which, in his eyes, seemed to have nothing to recommend them. Books
possessed no attraction for him, although he knew his alphabet and
could even read imperfectly. The acquirement of book-learning he
found a dull and dolorous business, to which he was driven only by
the threats or entreaties of his parents, who showed some concern
lest he should become an "arrant dunce."
The intelligence that the old Jew pedlar had discovered still lay
dormant, as if unwilling to manifest itself. The boy loved best "to
look upon the heavens, and to bask in the rays of the sun, or to sit
beneath hedgerows and listen to the chirping of the birds, indulging
the while in musing and meditation." {9a} Meanwhile John was earning
golden opinions for the astonishing progress he continued to make at
school, unconsciously throwing into bolder relief the apparent
dullness of his younger brother. George, however, was as active
mentally as the elder. The one was studying men, the other books.
George was absorbing impressions of the things around him: of the
quaint old Norfolk town, its "clean but narrow streets branching out
from thy modest market-place, with thine old-fashioned houses, with
here and there a roof of venerable thatch"; of that exquisite old
gentlewoman Lady Fenn, {9b} as she passed to and from her mansion
upon some errand of bounty or of mercy, "leaning on her gold-headed
cane, whilst the sleek old footman walked at a respectful distance
behind." {9c) On Sundays, from the black leather-covered seat in the
church-pew, he would contemplate with large-eyed wonder the rector
and James Philo his clerk, "as they read their respective portions of
the venerable liturgy," sometimes being lulled to sleep by the
monotonous drone of their voices.
On fine Sundays there was the evening walk "with my mother and
brother--a quiet, sober walk, during which I would not break into a
run, even to chase a butterfly, or yet more a honey-bee, being fully
convinced of the dread importance of the day which God had hallowed.
And how glad I was when I had got over the Sabbath day without having
done anything to profane it. And how soundly I slept on the Sabbath
night after the toil of being very good throughout the day." {10a}
During these early years there was being photographed upon the brain
of George Borrow a series of impressions which, to the end of his
life, remained as vivid as at the moment they were absorbed. What
appeared to those around him as dull-witted stupidity was, in
reality, mental surfeit. His mind was occupied with other things
than books, things that it eagerly took cognisance of, strove to
understand and was never to forget. {10b} Hitherto he had taken "no
pleasure in books . . . and bade fair to be as arrant a dunce as ever
brought the blush of shame into the cheeks of anxious and
affectionate parents." {10c} His mind was not ready for them. When
the time came there was no question of dullness: he proved an eager
and earnest student.
One day an intimate friend of Mrs Borrow's, who was also godmother to
John, brought with her a present of a book for each of the two boys,
a history of England for the elder and for the younger Robinson
Crusoe. Instantly George became absorbed.
"The true chord had now been touched . . . Weeks succeeded weeks,
months followed months, and the wondrous volume was my only study and
principal source of amusement. For hours together I would sit poring
over a page till I had become acquainted with the import of every
line. My progress, slow enough at first, became by degrees more
rapid, till at last, under a 'shoulder of mutton sail,' I found
myself cantering before a steady breeze over an ocean of enchantment,
so well pleased with my voyage that I cared not how long it might be
ere it reached its termination. And it was in this manner that I
first took to the paths of knowledge." {11a}
In the spring of 1810 the regiment was ordered to Norman Cross, in
Huntingdonshire, situated at the junction of the Peterborough and
Great North Roads. At this spot the Government had caused to be
erected in 1796 an extensive prison, covering forty acres of ground,
in which to confine some of the prisoners made during the Napoleonic
wars. There were sixteen large buildings roofed with red tiles.
Each group of four was surrounded by a palisade, whilst another
palisade "lofty and of prodigious strength" surrounded the whole. At
the time when the West Norfolk Militia arrived there were some six
thousand prisoners, who, with their guards, constituted a
considerable-sized township. From time to time fresh batches of
captives arrived amid a storm of cheers and cries of "Vive
L'Empereur!" These were the only incidents in the day's monotony,
save when some prisoner strove to evade the hospitality of King
George, and was shot for his ingratitude.
Captain Borrow rejoined his regiment at Norman C Cross, leaving his
family to follow a few days later. At the time the country round
Peterborough was under water owing to the recent heavy rains, and at
one portion of the journey the whole party had to embark in a species
of punt, which was towed by horses "up to the knees in water, and, on
coming to blind pools and 'greedy depths,' were not unfrequently
swimming." {11b} But they were all old campaigners and accepted such
adventures as incidents of a soldier's life.
At Norman Cross George made the acquaintance of an old snake-catcher
and herbalist, a circumstance which, insignificant in itself, was to
exercise a considerable influence over his whole life. Frequently
this curious pair were to be seen tramping the countryside together;
a tall, quaint figure with fur cap and gaiters carrying a leathern
bag of wriggling venom, and an eager child with eyes that now burned
with interest and intelligence--and the talk of the two was the lore
of the viper. When the snake-catcher passed out of the life of his
young disciple, he left behind him as a present a tame and fangless
viper, which George often carried with him on his walks. It was this
well-meaning and inoffensive viper that turned aside the wrath of
Gypsy Smith, {12a} and awakened in his heart a superstitious awe and
veneration for the child, the Sap-engro, who might be a goblin, but
who certainly would make a most admirable "clergyman and God
Almighty," who read from a book that contained the kind of prayers
particularly to his taste--perhaps the greatest encomium ever
bestowed upon the immortal Robinson Crusoe. Thus it came about that
George Borrow was proclaimed brother to the gypsy's son Ambrose,
{12b} who as Jasper Petulengro figures so largely in Lavengro and The
Romany Rye, and is credited with that exquisitely phrased pagan
glorification of mere existence:
"Life is sweet, brother . . . There's night and day, brother, both
sweet things; sun, moon and stars, brother, all sweet things; there's
likewise the wind on the heath. Life is very sweet, brother; who
would wish to die?" {13a}
The Borrows were nomads, permitted by God and the king to tarry not
over long in any one place. In the following July (1811) the West
Norfolks proceeded to Colchester via Norfolk, after fifteen months of
prison duty and straw-plait destroying. {13b} Captain Borrow betook
himself to East Dereham again to seek for likely recruits. In the
meantime George made his first acquaintance with that universal
specific for success in life, for correctness of conduct, for
soundness of principles--Lilly's Latin Grammar, which to learn by
heart was to acquire a virtue that defied evil. The good old
pedagogue who advocated Lilly's Latin Grammar as a remedy for all
ills, would have traced George Borrow's eventual success in life
entirely to the fact that within three years of the date that the
solemn exhortation was pronounced the boy had learned Lilly by heart,
although without in the least degree comprehending him.
Early in 1812 the regiment turned its head north, and by slow
degrees, with occasional counter marchings, continued to progress
towards Edinburgh, which was reached thirteen months later (6th April
1813). "With drums beating, colours flying, and a long train of
baggage-waggons behind," {13c} the West Norfolk Militia wound its way
up the hill to the Castle, the adjutant's family in a chaise forming
part of the procession. There in barracks the regiment might rest
itself after long and weary marches, and the two young sons of the
adjutant be permitted to continue their studies at the High School,
without the probability that the morrow would see them on the road to
somewhere else.
Whilst at Edinburgh George met with his first experience of racial
feeling, which, under uncongenial conditions, develops into race-
hatred. He discovered that one English boy, when faced by a throng
of young Scots patriots, had best be silent as to the virtues of his
own race. He joined in and enjoyed the fights between the "Auld and
the New Toon," and incidentally acquired a Scots accent that somewhat
alarmed his loyal father, who had named him after the Hanoverian
Georges. Proving himself a good fighter, he earned the praise of his
Scots acquaintances, and a general invitation to assist them in their
"bickers" with "thae New Toon blackguards."
He loved to climb and clamber over the rocks, peeping into "all
manner of strange crypts, crannies, and recesses, where owls nestled
and the weasel brought forth her young." He would go out on all-day
excursions, enjoying the thrills of clambering up to what appeared to
be inaccessible ledges, until eventually he became an expert
cragsman. One day he came upon David Haggart {14a} sitting on the
extreme verge of a precipice, "thinking of Willie Wallace."
For fifteen months the regiment remained at Edinburgh. In the spring
of 1814 the waning star of Napoleon had, to all appearances, set, and
he was on his way to his miniature kingdom, the Isle of Elba (28th
April). Europe commenced to disband its huge armies, Great Britain
among the rest. On 21st June the West Norfolks received orders to
proceed to Norwich by ship via Leith and Great Yarmouth. The
Government, relieved of all apprehension of an invasion, had time to
think of the personal comfort of the country's defenders. With
marked consideration, the orders provided that those who wished might
march instead of embarking on the sea. Accordingly Captain Borrow
and his family chose the land route. Arrived at Norwich, the
regiment was formally disbanded amid great festivity. The officers,
at the Maid's Head, the queen of East Anglian inns, and the men in
the spacious market-place, drank to the king's health and peace. The
regiment was formally mustered out on 19th July.
The Borrows took up their quarters at the Crown and Angel in St
Stephen's Street, a thoroughfare that connects the main roads from
Ipswich and Newmarket with the city. George, now eleven years old,
had an opportunity of continuing his education at the Norwich Grammar
School, whilst his brother proceeded to study drawing and painting
with a "little dark man with brown coat . . . and top-boots, whose
name will one day be considered the chief ornament of the old town,"
{15a} and whose works are to "rank among the proudest pictures of
England,"--the Norwich painter, "Old Crome." {15b}
Whilst the two boys were thus occupied, Louis XVIII. was endeavouring
to reorder his kingdom, and on a little island in the Mediterranean,
Napoleon was preparing a bombshell that was to shatter the peace of
Europe and send Captain Borrow hurrying hither and thither in search
of the men who, a few months before, had left the colours, convinced
that a generation of peace was before them.
On 1st March Napoleon was at Cannes; eighteen days later Louis XVIII.
fled from Paris. Everywhere there were feverish preparations for
war. John Borrow threw aside pencil and brush and was gazetted
ensign in his father's regiment (29th May). Europe united against
the unexpected and astonishing danger. By the time Captain Borrow
had finished his task, however, the crisis was past, Waterloo had
been won and Napoleon was on his way to St Helena.
By a happy inspiration it was decided to send the West Norfolks to
Ireland, where "disturbances were apprehended" and private stills
flourished. On 31st August the regiment, some eight hundred strong,
sailed in two vessels from Harwich for Cork, the passage occupying
eight days. The ship that carried the Borrows was old and crazy,
constantly missing stays and shipping seas, until it seemed that only
by a miracle she escaped "from being dashed upon the foreland."
After a few days' rest at Cork, the "city of contradictions," where
wealth and filth jostled one another in the public highways and
"boisterous shouts of laughter were heard on every side," the
regiment marched off in two divisions for Clonmel in Tipperary.
Walking beside his father, who was in command of the second division,
and holding on to his stirrup-leather, George found a new country
opening out before him. On one occasion, as they were passing
through a village of low huts, "that seemed to be inhabited solely by
women and children," he went up to an old beldam who sat spinning at
the door of one of the hovels and asked for some water. She
"appeared to consider for a moment, then tottering into her hut,
presently reappeared with a small pipkin of milk, which she offered .
. . with a trembling hand." When the lad tendered payment she
declined the money, and patted his face, murmuring some
unintelligible words. Obviously there was nothing in the boy's
nature now that appeared strange to simple-minded folk. Probably the
intercourse with other boys at Edinburgh and Norwich had been
beneficial in its effect. Keenly interested in everything around
him, George fell to speculating as to whether he could learn Irish
and speak to the people in their own tongue.
At Clonmel the Borrows lodged with an Orangeman, who had run out of
his house as the Adjutant rode by at the head of his men, and
proceeded to welcome him with flowery volubility. On the advice of
his host Captain Borrow sent George to a Protestant school, where he
met the Irish boy Murtagh, who figures so largely in Lavengro and The
Romany Rye. Murtagh settled any doubts that Borrow may have had as
to his ability to acquire Erse, by teaching it to him in exchange for
a pack of cards.
On 23rd December 1815 Ensign John Thomas Borrow was promoted to the
rank of lieutenant, he being then in his sixteenth year. In the
following January, after only a few months' stay, the West Norfolks
were moved on to Templemore. It was here that George learned to
ride, and that without a saddle, and had awakened in him that
"passion for the equine race" that never left him. {17a}
The nine months spent in Ireland left an indelible mark upon Borrow's
imagination. In later life he repeatedly referred to his knowledge
of the country, its people, and their language. In overcoming the
difficulties of Erse, he had opened up for himself a larger prospect
than was to be enjoyed by a traveller whose first word of greeting or
enquiry is uttered in a hated tongue.
On 11th May 1816 the West Norfolk Militia was back again at Norwich.
Peace was now finally restored to Europe, and every nation was far
too impoverished, both as regards men and money, to nourish any
schemes of aggression. Napoleon was safe at St Helena, under the eye
of that instinctive gaoler, Sir Hudson Lowe. The army had completed
its work and was being disbanded with all possible speed. The turn
of the West Norfolk Militia came on 17th June, when they were
formally mustered out for the second time within two years. Three
years later their Adjutant was retired upon full-pay--eight shillings
a day.
CHAPTER II: MAY 1816-MARCH 1824
For the first time since his marriage, Captain Borrow found himself
at liberty to settle down and educate his sons. He had spent much of
his life in Norfolk, and he decided to remain there and make Norwich
his home. It was a quiet and beautiful old-world city: healthy,
picturesque, ancient, and, above all, possessed of a Grammar School,
where George could try and gather together the stray threads of
education that he had acquired at various times and in various
dialects. It was an ideal city for a warrior to take his rest in;
but probably what counted most with Captain Borrow was the Grammar
School--more than the Norman Cathedral, the grim old Castle that
stands guardian-like upon its mound, the fact of its being a garrison
town, or even the traditions that surrounded the place. He had two
sons who must be appropriately sent out into the world, and Norwich
offered facilities for educating both. He accordingly took a small
house in Willow Lane, to which access was obtained by a covered
passage then called King's, but now Borrow's Court.
During the most nomadic portion of his life, when, with discouraging
rapidity, he was moving from place to place, Captain Borrow never for
one moment seems to have forgotten his obligations as a father.
Whenever he had been quartered in a town for a few months, he had
sought out a school to which to send John and George, notably at
Huddersfield and Sheffield. Had he known it, these precautions were
unnecessary; for he had two sons who were of what may be called the
self-educating type: John, by virtue of the quickness of his parts;
George, on account of the strangeness of his interests and his thirst
for a knowledge of men and the tongues in which they communicate to
each other their ideas. It would be impossible for an unconventional
linguist, such as George Borrow was by instinct, to remain
uneducated, and it was equally impossible to educate him.
Quite unaware of the trend of his younger son's genius, Captain
Borrow obtained for him a free-scholarship at the Grammar School,
then under the headmastership of the Rev. Edward Valpy, B.D., whose
principal claims to fame are his severity, his having flogged the
conqueror of the "Flaming Tinman," and his destruction of the School
Records of Admission, which dated back to the Sixteenth Century.
Among Borrow's contemporaries at the Grammar School were "Rajah"
Brooke of Sarawak (for whose achievements he in after life expressed
a profound admiration), Sir Archdale Wilson of Delhi, Colonel Charles
Stoddart, Dr James Martineau, and Thomas Borrow Burcham, the London
Magistrate.
Borrow was now thirteen, and, it would appear, as determined as ever
to evade as much as possible academic learning. He was "far from an
industrious boy, fond of idling, and discovered no symptoms by his
progress either in Latin or Greek of that philology, so prominent a
feature of his last work (Lavengro)." {20a} Borrow was an idler
merely because his work was uncongenial to him. "Mere idleness is
the most disagreeable state of existence, and both mind and body are
continually making efforts to escape from it," he wrote in later
years concerning this period. He wanted an object in life, an
occupation that would prove not wholly uncongenial. That he should
dislike the routine of school life was not unnatural; for he had
lived quite free from those conventional restraints to which other
boys of his age had always been accustomed. Occupation of some sort
he must have, if only to keep at a distance that insistent melancholy
that seems to have been for ever hovering about him, and the tempter
whispered "Languages." {21a} One day chance led him to a bookstall
whereon lay a polyglot dictionary, "which pretended to be an easy
guide to the acquirement of French, Italian, Low Dutch, and English."
He took the two first, and when he had gleaned from the old volume
all it had to teach him, he longed for a master. Him he found in the
person of an old French emigre priest, {21b} a study in snuff-colour
and drab with a frill of dubious whiteness, who attended to the
accents of a number of boarding-school young ladies. The progress of
his pupil so much pleased the old priest that "after six months'
tuition, the master would sometimes, on his occasional absences to
teach in the country, request his so forward pupil to attend for him
his home scholars." {21c} It was M. D'Eterville who uttered the
second recorded prophecy concerning George Borrow: "Vous serez un
jour un grand philologue, mon cher," he remarked, and heard that his
pupil nourished aspirations towards other things than mere philology.
In the study of French, Spanish, and Italian, Borrow spent many hours
that other boys would have devoted to pleasure; yet he was by no
means a student only. He found time to fish and to shoot, using a
condemned, honey-combed musket that bore the date of 1746. His
fishing was done in the river Yare, which flowed through the estate
of John Joseph Gurney, the Quaker-banker of Earlham Hall, two miles
out of Norwich. It was here that he was reproached by the voice,
"clear and sonorous as a bell," of the banker himself; not for
trespassing, but "for pulling all those fish out of the water, and
leaving them to gasp in the sun."
At Harford Bridge, some two miles along the Ipswich Road, lived "the
terrible Thurtell," a patron and companion of "the bruisers of
England," who taught Borrow to box, and who ultimately ended his own
inglorious career by being hanged (9th January 1824) for the murder
of Mr Weare, and incidentally figuring in De Quincey's "On Murder
Considered As One of the Fine Arts." It was through "the king of
flash-men" that Borrow saw his first prize-fight at Eaton, near
Norwich.
The passion for horses that came suddenly to Borrow with his first
ride upon the cob in Ireland had continued to grow. He had an
opportunity of gratifying it at the Norwich Horse Fair, held each
Easter under the shadow of the Castle, and famous throughout the
country. {22a} It was here, in 1818, that Borrow encountered again
Ambrose Petulengro, an event that was to exercise a considerable
influence upon his life. Mr Petulengro had become the head of his
tribe, his father and mother having been transported for passing bad
money. He was now a man, with a wife, a child, and also a mother-in-
law, who took a violent dislike to the tall, fair-haired gorgio.
Borrow's life was much broadened by his intercourse with Mr
Petulengro. He was often at the gypsy encampment on Mousehold, a
heath just outside Norwich, where, under the tuition of his host, he
learned the Romany tongue with such rapidity as to astonish his
instructor and earn for him among the gypsies the name of "Lav-
engro," word-fellow or word-master. He also boxed with the godlike
Tawno Chikno, who in turn pronounced him worthy to bear the name
"Cooro-mengro," fist-fellow or fist-master. He frequently
accompanied Mr Petulengro to neighbouring fairs and markets, riding
one of the gypsy's horses. At other times the two would roam over
the gorse-covered Mousehold, discoursing largely about things Romany.
The departure of Mr Petulengro and his retinue from Norwich threw
Borrow back once more upon his linguistic studies, his fishing, his
shooting, and his smouldering discontent at the constraints of school
life. It was probably an endeavour on Borrow's part to make himself
more like his gypsy friends that prompted him to stain his face with
walnut juice, drawing from the Rev. Edward Valpy the question:
"Borrow, are you suffering from jaundice, or is it only dirt?" The
gypsies were not the only vagabonds of Borrow's acquaintance at this
period. There were the Italian peripatetic vendors of weather-
glasses, who had their headquarters at Norwich. In after years he
met again more than one of these merchants. They were always glad to
see him and revive old memories of the Norwich days.
About this time he saved a boy from drowning in the Yare. {23a} It
may be this act with which he generously credits his brother John
when he says -
"I have known him dash from a steep bank into a stream in his full
dress, and pull out a man who was drowning; yet there were twenty
others bathing in the water, who might have saved him by putting out
a hand, without inconvenience to themselves, which, however, they did
not do, but stared with stupid surprise at the drowning one's
struggles." {24a}
From the first Borrow had shown a strong distaste for the humdrum
routine of school life. In a thousand ways he was different from his
fellows. He had been accustomed to meet strange and, to him, deeply
interesting people. Now he was bidden adopt a course of life against
which his whole nature rebelled. It was impossible. He missed the
atmosphere of vagabondage that had inspired and stimulated his early
boyhood.
The crisis came at last. There was only one way to avoid the awkward
and distasteful destiny that was being forced upon him. He entered
into a conspiracy with three school-fellows, all younger than
himself, to make a dash for a life that should offer wider
opportunities to their adventurous natures. The plan was to tramp to
Great Yarmouth and there excavate on the seashore caves for their
habitation. From these headquarters they would make foraging
expeditions, and live on what they could extract from the surrounding
country, either by force or by the terror that they inspired. One
morning the four started on their twenty-mile trudge to the sea; but,
when only a few miles out, one of their number became fearful and
turned back.
Encouraged by their leader, the others continued on their way. The
father of the other two boys appears to have got wind of the project
and posted after them in a chaise. He came up with them at Acle,
about eleven miles from Norwich. When they were first seen, Borrow
was striving to hearten his fellow buccaneers, who were tired and
dispirited after their long walk. The three were unceremoniously
bundled into the chaise and returned to their homes and,
subsequently, to the wrath of the Rev. Edward Valpy. {25a}
The names of the three confederates were John Dalrymple (whose heart
failed him) and Theodosius and Francis Purland, sons of a Norwich
chemist. The Purlands are credited with robbing "the paternal till,"
while Dalrymple confined himself to the less compromising duty of
"gathering horse-pistols and potatoes." If the boys robbed their
father's till, why did they beg? In the ballad entitled The
Wandering Children and the Benevolent Gentleman, Borrow depicts the
"eldest child" as begging for charity for these hungry children, who
have had "no breakfast, save the haws." This does not seem to
suggest that the boys were in the possession of money. Again, it was
the father of one of their schoolfellows who was responsible for
their capture, according to Dr Knapp, by asking them to dinner whilst
he despatched a messenger to the Rev. Edward Valpy. The story of
Borrow's being "horsed" on Dr Martineau's back is apocryphal.
Martineau himself denied it. {25b}
There is no record of how Captain Borrow received the news of his
younger son's breach of discipline. It probably reminded him that
the boy was now fifteen and it was time to think about his future.
The old soldier was puzzled. Not only had his second son shown a
great partiality for acquiring Continental tongues, but he had
learned Irish, and Captain Borrow seemed to think that by learning
the language of Papists and rebels, his son had sullied the family
honour. To his father's way of thinking, this accomplishment seemed
to bar him from most things that were at one and the same time
honourable and desirable.
The boy's own inclinations pointed to the army; but Captain Borrow
had apparently seen too much of the army in war time, and the
slowness of promotion, to think of it as offering a career suitable
to his son, now that there was every prospect of a prolonged peace.
He thought of the church as an alternative; but here again that fatal
facility the boy had shown in learning Erse seemed to stand out as a
barrier. "I have observed the poor lad attentively and really I do
not see what to make of him," Captain Borrow is said to have
remarked. What could be expected of a lad who would forsake Greek
for Irish, or Latin for the barbarous tongue of homeless vagabonds?
Certainly not a good churchman. At length it became obvious to the
distressed parents that there was only one choice left them--the law.
About this period Borrow fell ill of some nameless and unclassified
disease, which defied the wisdom of physicians, who shook their heads
gravely by his bedside. An old woman, however, cured him by a
decoction prepared from a bitter root. The convalescence was slow
and laborious; for the boy's nerves were shattered, and that deep,
haunting melancholy, which he first called the "Fear" and afterwards
the "Horrors," descended upon him.
On the 30th of March 1819 Borrow was articled for five years to
Simpson & Rackham, solicitors, of Tuck's Court, St Giles, Norwich.
{26a} He consequently left home to take up his abode at the house of
the senior partner in the Upper Close. {27a} Mr William Simpson was
a man of considerable importance in the city; for besides being
Treasurer of the County, he was Chamberlain and Town Clerk, whilst
his wife was famed for her hospitality, in particular her expensive
dinners.
With that unerring instinct of contrariety that never seemed to
forsake him, Borrow proceeded to learn, not law but Welsh. When the
eyes of authority were on him he transcribed Blackstone, but when
they were turned away he read and translated the poems of Ab Gwilym.
He performed his tasks "as well as could be expected in one who was
occupied by so many and busy thoughts of his own."
At the end of Tuck's Court was a house at which was employed a Welsh
groom, a queer fellow who soon attracted the notice of Simpson &
Rackham's clerks, young gentlemen who were bent on "mis-spending the
time which was not legally their own." {27b} They would make audible
remarks about the unfortunate and inoffensive Welsh groom, calling
out after him "Taffy"--in short, rendering the poor fellow's life a
misery with their jibes, until at last, almost distracted, he had
come to the determination either to give his master notice or to hang
himself, that he might get away from that "nest of parcupines."
Borrow saw in the predicament of the Welsh groom the hand of
providence. He made a compact with him, that in exchange for lessons
in Welsh, he, Borrow, should persuade his fellow clerks to cease
their annoyance.
From that time, each Sunday afternoon, the Welsh groom would go to
Captain Borrow's house to instruct his son in Welsh pronunciation;
for in book Welsh Borrow was stronger than his preceptor. Borrow had
learned the language of the bards "chiefly by going through Owen
Pugh's version of 'Paradise Lost' twice" with the original by his
side. After which "there was very little in Welsh poetry that I
could not make out with a little pondering." {28a} This had occupied
some three years. The studies with the groom lasted for about twelve
months, until he left Norwich with his family. {28b}
Captain Borrow's thoughts were frequently occupied with the future of
his younger son, a problem that had by no means been determined by
signing the articles that bound him to Simpson & Rackham. The boy
was frank and honest and did not scruple to give expression to ideas
of his own, and it was these ideas that alarmed his father. Once at
the house of Mr Simpson, and before the assembled guests, he told an
archdeacon, worth 7000 pounds a year, that the classics were much
overvalued, and compared Ab Gwilym with Ovid, to the detriment of the
Roman. To Captain Borrow the possession of ideas upon any subject by
one so young was in itself a thing to be deplored; but to venture an
opinion contrary to that commonly held by men of weight and substance
was an unforgivable act of insubordination.
The boy had been sent to Tuck's Court to learn law, and instead he
persisted in acquiring languages, and such languages! Welsh, Danish,
Arabic, Armenian, Saxon; for these were the tongues with which he
occupied himself. None but a perfect mother such as Mrs Borrow could
have found excuses for a son who pursued such studies, and her
husband pointed out to her, it is "in the nature of women invariably
to take the part of the second born."
In one of those curiously self-revelatory passages with which his
writings abound, Borrow tells how he continued to act as door-keeper
long after it had ceased to be part of his duty. As a student of men
and a collector of strange characters, it was in keeping with his
genius to do so, although he himself was unable to explain why he
took pleasure in the task. No one was admitted to the presence of
the senior partner who did not first pass the searching scrutiny of
his articled clerk. Those who pleased him were admitted to Mr
Simpson's private room; to those who did not he proved himself an
almost insuperable obstacle. Unfortunately Borrow's standards were
those of the physiognomist rather than the lawyer; he inverted the
whole fabric of professional desirability by admitting the goats and
refusing the sheep. He turned away a knight, or a baronet, and
admitted a poet, until at last the distressed old gentleman in black,
with the philanthropical head, his master, was forced to expostulate
and adjure his clerk to judge, not by faces but by clothes, which in
reality make the man. Borrow bowed to the ruling of "the prince of
English solicitors," revised his standards and continued to act as
keeper of the door.
Mr Simpson seems to have earned Borrow's thorough regard, no small
achievement considering in how much he differed from his illustrious
articled-clerk in everything, not excepting humour, of which the
delightful, old-world gentleman seems to have had a generous share.
He was doubtless puzzled to classify the strange being by whose
instrumentality a stream of undesirable people was admitted to his
presence, whilst distinguished clients were sternly and rigorously
turned away. He probably smiled at the story of the old yeoman and
his wife who, in return for some civility shown to them by Borrow,
presented him with an old volume of Danish ballads, which inspired
him to learn the language, aided by a Danish Bible. {30a} He was not
only "the first solicitor in East Anglia," but "the prince of all
English solicitors--for he was a gentleman!" {30b} In another place
Borrow refers to him as "my old master . . . who would have died
sooner than broken his word. God bless him!" {30c} And yet again as
"my ancient master, the gentleman solicitor of East Anglia." {30d}
Borrow was always handsome in everything he did. If he hated a man
he hated him, his kith and kin and all who bore his name. His
friendship was similarly sweeping, and his regard for William Simpson
prompted him to write subsequently of the law as "a profession which
abounds with honourable men, and in which I believe there are fewer
scamps than in any other. The most honourable men I have ever known
have been lawyers; they were men whose word was their bond, and who
would have preferred ruin to breaking it." {31a}
Fortunately for Borrow there was at the Norwich Guildhall a valuable
library consisting of a large number of ancient folios written in
many languages. "Amidst the dust and cobwebs of the Corporation
Library" he studied earnestly and, with a fine disregard for a
librarian's feelings, annotated some of the volumes, his marginalia
existing to this day. One of his favourite works was the Danica
Literatura Antiquissima of Olaus Wormius, 1636, which inspired him
with the idea of adopting the name Olaus, his subsequent
contributions to The New Magazine being signed George Olaus Borrow.
Whilst Borrow was striving to learn languages and avoid the law,
{31b} the question of his brother's career was seriously occupying
the mind of their father. Borrow loved and admired his brother.
There is sincerity in all he writes concerning John, and there is
something of nobility about the way in which he tells of his father's
preference for him. "Who," he asks, "cannot excuse the honest pride
of the old man--the stout old man?" {31c}
The Peace had closed to John Borrow the army as a profession, and he
had devoted himself assiduously to his art. Under Crome the elder he
had made considerable progress, and had exhibited a number of
pictures at the yearly exhibitions of the Norwich Society of Artists.
He continued to study with Crome until the artist's death (22nd April
1821), when a new master had to be sought. With his father's
blessing and 150 pounds he proceeded to London, where he remained for
more than a year studying with B. R. Haydon. {32a} Later he went to
Paris to copy Old Masters.
About this time Borrow had an opportunity of seeing many of "the
bruisers of England." In his veins flowed the blood of the man who
had met Big Ben Bryan and survived the encounter undefeated. "Let no
one sneer at the bruisers of England," Borrow wrote--"What were the
gladiators of Rome, or the bull-fighters of Spain, in its palmiest
days, compared to England's bruisers?" {32b} he asks. On 17th July
1820 Edward Painter of Norwich was to meet Thomas Oliver of London
for a purse of a hundred guineas. On the Saturday previous (the
15th) the Norwich hotels began to fill with bruisers and their
patrons, and men went their ways anxiously polite to the stranger,
lest he turn out to be some champion whom it were dangerous to
affront. Thomas Cribb, the champion of England, had come to see the
fight, "Teucer Belcher, savage Shelton, . . . the terrible Randall, .
. . Bulldog Hudson, . . . fearless Scroggins, . . . Black Richmond, .
. . Tom of Bedford," and a host of lesser lights of the "Fancy."
On the Monday, upwards of 20,000 men swept out of the old city
towards North Walsham, less than twenty miles distant, among them
George Borrow, striding along among the varied stream of men and
vehicles (some 2000 in number) to see the great fight, which was to
end in the victory of the local man and a terrible storm, as if
heaven were thundering its anger against a brutal spectacle. The
sportsmen were left to find their way to shelter, Borrow and Mr
Petulengro, whom he had encountered just after the fight, with them,
talking of dukkeripens (fortunes).
Some time during the year 1820, a Jew named Levy (the Mousha of
Lavengro), Borrow's instructor in Hebrew, introduced him to William
Taylor, {33a} one of the most extraordinary men that Norwich ever
produced. In the long-limbed young lawyer's clerk, whose hair was
rapidly becoming grey, Taylor showed great interest, and, as an act
of friendship, undertook to teach him German. He was gratified by
the young man's astonishing progress, and much interested in his
remarkable personality. As a result Borrow became a frequent visitor
at 21 King Street, Norwich, where Taylor lived and many strange men
assembled.
It is doubtful if William Taylor ever found another pupil so apt, or
a disciple so enthusiastic among all the "harum-scarum young men"
{33b} that he was so fond of taking up and introducing "into the best
society the place afforded." {33c} He was much impressed by Borrow's
extraordinary memory and power of concentration. Speaking one day of
the different degrees of intelligence in men he said:- "I cannot give
you a better example to explain my meaning than my two pupils (there
was another named Cooke, who was said to be 'a genius in his way');
what I tell Borrow once he ever remembers; whilst to the fellow Cooke
I have to repeat the same thing twenty times, often without effect;
and it is not from want of memory either, but he will never be a
linguist." {33d}
To a correspondent Taylor wrote:-
"A Norwich young man is construing with me Schiller's Wilhelm Tell,
with the view of translating it for the press. His name is George
Henry Borrow, and he has learnt German with extraordinary rapidity;
indeed, he has the gift of tongues, and, though not yet eighteen,
understands twelve languages--English, Welsh, Erse, Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, German, Danish, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese; he
would like to get into the Office for Foreign Affairs, but does not
know how." {34a}
This was in 1821; two years later Borrow is said to have "translated
with fidelity and elegance from twenty different languages." {34b}
In spite of his later achievements in learning languages, it seems
scarcely credible that he acquired eight separate languages in two
years, although it must be remembered that with him the learning of a
language was to be able to read it after a rather laborious fashion.
Taylor, however, uses the words "facility and elegance."
In the autobiographical notes that Borrow supplied to Mr John Longe
in 1862 there appears the following passage:-
"At the expiration of his clerkship he knew little of the law, but he
was well versed in languages, being not only a good Greek and Latin
scholar, but acquainted with French, Italian, Spanish, all the Celtic
and Gothic dialects, and likewise with the peculiar language of the
English Romany Chals or gypsies."
At William Taylor's table Borrow met "the most intellectual and
talented men of Norwich, as also those of note who visited the city."
{34c} Taylor was much interested in young men, into whose minds he
did not hesitate to instil his own ideas, ideas that not only earned
for him the name of "Godless Billy," but outraged his respectable
fellow-citizens as much as did his intemperate habits. "His face was
terribly bloated from drink, and he had a look as if his intellect
was almost as much decayed as his body," wrote a contemporary. {35a}
"Matters grew worse in his old age," says Harriet Martineau, "when
his habits of intemperance kept him out of the sight of ladies, and
he got round him a set of ignorant and conceited young men, who
thought they could set the whole world right by their destructive
propensities. One of his chief favourites was George Borrow." {35b}
Borrow has given the following convincing picture of Taylor:
"Methought I was in a small, comfortable room wainscotted with oak; I
was seated on one side of a fireplace, close by a table on which were
wine and fruit; on the other side of the fire sat a man in a plain
suit of brown, with the hair combed back from the somewhat high
forehead; he had a pipe in his mouth, which for some time he smoked
gravely and placidly, without saying a word; at length, after drawing
at the pipe for some time rather vigorously, he removed it from his
mouth, and emitting an accumulated cloud of smoke, he exclaimed in a
slow and measured tone: 'As I was telling you just now, my good
chap, I have always been an enemy of humbug.'" {35c}
William Taylor appears to have flattered "the harum-scarum young men"
with whom he surrounded himself by talking to them as if they were
his intellectual equals. He encouraged them to form their own
opinions, in itself a thing scarcely likely to make him popular with
either parents or guardians, least of all with discipline-loving
Captain Borrow, who declined even to return the salute of his son's
friend on the public highway.
Borrow now began to look to the future and speculate as to what his
present life would lead to. His cogitations seem to have ended,
almost invariably, in a gloomy mist of pessimism and despair--in
other words, an attack of the "Horrors." If Mr Petulengro were
encamped upon Mousehold, the antidote lay near to hand in his
friend's pagan optimism; if, on the other hand, the tents of Egypt
were pitched on other soil, there was no remedy, unless perhaps a
prize-fight supplied the necessary stimulus to divert his thoughts
from their melancholy trend.
Borrow met at the house of his tutor and friend, in July 1821, Dr
Bowring {36a} (afterwards Sir John) at a dinner given in his honour.
Bowring had recently published Specimen of Russian Poets, in
recognition of which the Czar (Alexander I.) had presented him with a
diamond ring. He had a considerable reputation as a linguist, which
naturally attracted Borrow to him. Dr Bowring was told of Borrow's
accomplishments, and during the evening took a seat beside him.
Borrow confessed to being "a little frightened at first" of the
distinguished man, whom he described as having "a thin weaselly
figure, a sallow complexion, a certain obliquity of vision, and a
large pair of spectacles." It would be dangerous to accept entirely
the account that Borrow gives of the meeting, {36b} because when that
was written he had come to hate and despise the man whom he had begun
by regarding with such awe. Bowring appears to have ventilated his
views with some freedom, and to have had a rather serious passage of
arms with another guest whom he had rudely contradicted. It is very
probable that Borrow's dislike of Bowring prompted him to exaggerate
his account of what happened at Taylor's house that evening.
Whilst Borrow was industriously occupied in collecting vagabonds and
imbibing the dangerous beliefs of William Taylor, there sat in an
easy-chair in the small front-parlour of the little house in Willow
Lane, in a faded regimental coat, a prematurely old man, whose frame
still showed signs of the magnificent physique of his vigorous
manhood. "Sometimes in prayer, sometimes in meditation, and
sometimes in reading the Scriptures," with his dog beside him,
Captain Thomas Borrow, now sixty-five, was preparing for the end that
he felt to be approaching. He frequently meditated upon what was to
become of his younger son George, who held his father in such awe as
to feel ill at ease when alone with him.
One day the inevitable interrogation took place. "What do you
propose to do?" and the equally inevitable reply followed, "I really
do not know what I shall do." In the course of a somewhat lengthy
cross-examination, Captain Borrow discovered that his son knew the
Armenian tongue, for which he very cunningly strove to enlist his
father's interest by telling him that in Armenia was Mount Ararat,
whereon the ark rested. Captain Borrow also discovered that his son
could not only shoe a horse, but also make the shoes; but, what was
most important, he found that George had learned "very little" law.
When asked if he thought he could support himself by Armenian or his
"other acquirements," the younger man was not very hopeful, and
horrified the old soldier by suggesting that if all else failed there
was always suicide.
The dying man was thus left to yearn for the return of his elder son,
in whom all his hopes lay centred. John appears to have been by no
means dutiful to his parents in the matter of letters. For six
months he left them unacquainted even with his address in Paris,
where he was still copying Old Masters in the Louvre.
After their talk the father and younger son seem to have come to a
better understanding. George would frequently read aloud from the
Bible, whilst Captain Borrow would tell about his early life. His
son "had no idea that he knew and had seen so much; my respect for
him increased, and I looked upon him almost with admiration. His
anecdotes were in general highly curious; some of them related to
people in the highest stations, and to men whose names are closely
connected with some of the brightest glories of our native land."
{38a}
At last John arrived, apparently a little disillusioned with the
world; but the coming of his favourite son produced no change for the
better in Captain Borrow s health. He was content and happy that God
had granted his wish. There remained nothing now to do but "to bless
my little family and go." George learned "that it is possible to
feel deeply and yet make no outward sign."
The end came on the morning of 28th February 1824. It was by a
strange chance that the old man should die in the arms of his younger
son, who had run down on hearing his mother's anguished screams.
Borrow has given a dramatic account of his father's last moments:-
"At the dead hour of night, it might be about two, I was awakened
from sleep by a cry which sounded from the room immediately below
that in which I slept. I knew the cry, it was the cry of my mother,
and I also knew its import; yet I made no effort to rise, for I was
for the moment paralysed. Again the cry sounded, yet still I lay
motionless--the stupidity of horror was upon me. A third time, and
it was then that, by a violent effort bursting the spell which
appeared to bind me, I sprang from the bed and rushed downstairs. My
mother was running wildly about the room; she had awoke and found my
father senseless in the bed by her side. I essayed to raise him, and
after a few efforts supported him in the bed in a sitting posture.
My brother now rushed in, and snatching a light that was burning, he
held it to my father's face. 'The surgeon, the surgeon!' he cried;
then dropping the light, he ran out of the room followed by my
mother; I remained alone, supporting the senseless form of my father;
the light had been extinguished by the fall, and an almost total
darkness reigned in the room. The form pressed heavily against my
bosom--at last methought it moved. Yes, I was right, there was a
heaving of the breast, and then a gasping. Were those words which I
heard? Yes, they were words, low and indistinct at first, and then
audible. The mind of the dying man was reverting to former scenes.
I heard him mention names which I had often heard him mention before.
It was an awful moment; I felt stupified, but I still contrived to
support my dying father. There was a pause, again my father spoke:
I heard him speak of Minden, and of Meredith, the old Minden
sergeant, and then he uttered another name, which at one period of
his life was much on his lips, the name of--but this is a solemn
moment! There was a deep gasp: I shook, and thought all was over;
but I was mistaken--my father moved and revived for a moment; he
supported himself in bed without my assistance. I make no doubt that
for a moment he was perfectly sensible, and it was then that,
clasping his hands, he uttered another name clearly, distinctly--it
was the name of Christ. With that name upon his lips, the brave old
soldier sank back upon my bosom, and, with his hands still clasped,
yielded up his soul." {39a}
CHAPTER III: APRIL 1824-MAY 1825
On 2nd April 1824, George Borrow was cast upon the world of London by
the death of his father, "with an exterior shy and cold, under which
lurk much curiosity, especially with regard to what is wild and
extraordinary, a considerable quantity of energy and industry, and an
unconquerable love of independence." {40a}
It had become necessary for him to earn his own livelihood. Captain
Borrow's pension had ceased with his death, and the old soldier's
savings of a lifetime were barely sufficient to produce an income of
a hundred pounds a year for his widow. The provision made in the
will for his younger son during his minority would operate only for
about four months, as he would be of age in the following July. {40b}
The clerkship with Simpson & Rackham would expire at the end of
March. Borrow had outlined his ambitions in a letter written on 20th
January 1824, when he was ill and wretched, to Roger Kerrison, then
in London: "If ever my health mends [this has reference to a very
unpleasant complaint he had contracted], and possibly it may by the
time my clerkship is expired, I intend to live in London, write
plays, poetry, etc., abuse religion and get myself prosecuted," for
he was tired of the "dull and gloomy town." It was therefore with a
feeling of relief that, on the evening of 1st April, he took his seat
on the top of the London coach, his hopes centred in a small green
box that he carried with him. It contained his stock-in-trade as an
author: his beloved manuscripts, "closely written over in a singular
hand."
Among the bundles of papers were:
(i.) The Ancient Songs of Denmark, heroic and romantic, translated
by himself, with notes philological, critical and historical.
(ii.) The Songs of Ab Gwilym, the Welsh Bard, also translated by
himself, with notes critical, philological and historical. {41a}
(iii.) A romance in the German style.
In addition to his manuscripts, Borrow had some twenty or thirty
pounds, his testimonials, and a letter from William Taylor to Sir
Richard Phillips, the publisher, to whose New Magazine he had already
contributed a number of translations of poems. He had also printed
in The Monthly Magazine and The New Monthly Magazine translations of
verse from the German, Swedish, Dutch, Danish and Spanish, and an
essay on Danish ballad writing.
On the morning of 2nd April there arrived at 16 Milman Street,
Bedford Row, London, W.C.,
"A lad who twenty tongues can talk,
And sixty miles a day can walk;
Drink at a draught a pint of rum,
And then be neither sick nor dumb;
Can tune a song and make a verse,
And deeds of Northern kings rehearse;
Who never will forsake his friend
While he his bony fist can bend;
And, though averse to broil and strife,
Will fight a Dutchman with a knife;
O that is just the lad for me,
And such is honest six-foot-three." {42a}
It was through the Kerrisons that Borrow went to 16 Milman Street,
where Roger was lodging. His apartments seem to have been dismal
enough, consisting of "a small room, up two pair of stairs, in which
I was to sit, and another, still smaller, above it, in which I was to
sleep." After the first feeling of loneliness had passed, dispelled
largely by a bright fire and breakfast, he sallied forth, the
contents of the green box under his arm, to present his letter of
introduction to Sir Richard Phillips, {42b} in whom centred his hopes
of employment.
On arriving at the publisher's house in Tavistock Square, he was
immediately shown into Sir Richard's study, where he found "a tall,
stout man, about sixty, dressed in a loose morning gown," and with
him his confidential clerk Bartlett (the Taggart of Lavengro). Sir
Richard was at first enthusiastic and cordial, but when he learned
from William Taylor's letter that Borrow had come up to earn his
livelihood by authorship, his manner underwent a marked change. The
bluff, hearty expression gave place to "a sinister glance," and
Borrow found that within that loose morning gown there was a second
Sir Richard.
He learned two things--first, that Sir Richard Phillips had retired
from publishing and had reserved only The Monthly Magazine; {43a}
secondly, that literature was a drug upon the market. With airy
self-assertiveness, the ex-publisher dismissed the contents of the
green box that Borrow had brought with him, which had already aroused
considerable suspicion in the mind of the maid who had admitted him
to the publisher's presence.
When he had thoroughly dashed the young author's hopes of employment,
Sir Richard informed him of a new publication he had in preparation,
The Universal Review [The Oxford Review of Lavengro], which was to
support the son of the house and the wife he had married. With a
promise that he should become a contributor to the new review, an
earnest exhortation to write a story in the style of The Dairyman's
Daughter, and an invitation to dinner for the following Sunday, the
first interview between George Borrow and Sir Richard Phillips ended,
and Borrow left the great man's presence to begin his exploration of
London, first leaving his manuscripts at Milman Street. During the
rest of the day he walked "scarcely less than thirty miles about the
big city." It was late when he returned to his lodgings, thoroughly
tired, but with a copy of The Dairyman's Daughter, for "a well-
written tale in the style" of which Sir Richard Phillips "could
afford as much as ten pounds." The day had been one of the most
eventful in Borrow's life.
On the following Sunday Borrow dined at Tavistock Square, and met
Lady Phillips, young Phillips and his bride. He learned that Sir
Richard was a vegetarian of twenty years' standing and a total
abstainer, although meat and wine were not banished from his table.
When publisher and potential author were left alone, the son having
soon followed the ladies into the drawing-room, Borrow heard of Sir
Richard's amiable intentions towards him. He was to compile six
volumes of the lives and trials of criminals [the Newgate Lives and
Trials of Lavengro], each to contain not less than a thousand pages.
{44a} For this work he was to receive the munificent sum of fifty
pounds, which was to cover all expenses incurred in the purchase of
books, papers and manuscripts necessary to the compilation of the
work. This was only one of the employments that the fertile brain of
the publisher had schemed for him. He was also to make himself
useful in connection with the forthcoming Universal Review.
"Generally useful, sir--doing whatever is required of you"; for it
was not Sir Richard's custom to allow young writers to select their
own subjects.
With impressive manner and ponderous diction, Sir Richard Phillips
unfolded his philanthropic designs regarding the young writer to whom
his words meant a career. He did not end with the appointment of
Borrow as general utility writer upon The Universal Review; but
proceeded to astonish him with the announcement that to him, George
Borrow, understanding German in a manner that aroused the "strong
admiration" of William Taylor, was to be entrusted the translating
into that tongue of Sir Richard Phillips' book of Philosophy. {44b}
If translations of Goethe into English were a drug, Sir Richard
Phillips' Proximate Causes was to prove that neither he nor his book
would be a drug in Germany. For this work the remuneration was to be
determined by the success of the translation, an arrangement
sufficiently vague to ensure eventual disagreement.
When Sir Richard had finished his account of what were his intentions
towards his guest, he gave him to understand that the interview was
at an end, at the same time intimating how seldom it was that he
dealt so generously with a young writer. Borrow then rose from the
table and passed out of the house, leaving his host to muse, as was
his custom on Sunday afternoons, "on the magnificence of nature and
the moral dignity of man."
For the next few weeks Borrow was occupied in searching in out-of-
the-way corners for criminal biography. If he flagged, a visit from
his philosopher-publisher spurred him on to fresh effort. He
received a copy of Proximate Causes, with an injunction that he
should review it in The Universal Review, as well as translate it
into German. He was taken to and introduced to the working editor
{45a} of the new publication, which was only ostensibly under the
control of young Phillips.
In the provision that he should purchase at his own expense all the
necessary materials for Celebrated Trials, Borrow found a serious tax
upon his resources; but a harder thing to bear with patience and
good-humour were the frequent visits he received from Sir Richard
himself, who showed the keenest possible interest in the progress of
the compilation. He had already caused a preliminary announcement to
be made {45b} to the effect that:
"A Selection of the most remarkable Trials and Criminal Causes is
printing, in five volumes. {46a} It will include all famous cases,
from that of Lord Cobham, in the reign of Henry the Fifth, to that of
John Thurtell: and those connected with foreign as well as English
jurisprudence. Mr Borrow, the editor, has availed himself of all the
resources of the English, German, French, and Italian languages; and
his work, including from 150 to 200 {46b} of the most interesting
cases on record, will appear in October next." {46c}
Sir Richard's visits to Milman Street were always accompanied by
numerous suggestions as to criminals whose claims to be included in
this literary chamber of horrors were in his, Sir Richard's, opinion
unquestionable. The English character of the compilation was soon
sacrificed in order to admit notable malefactors of other
nationalities, and the drain upon the editor's small capital became
greater than ever.
The leisure that he allowed himself, Borrow spent in exploring the
city, or in the company of Francis Arden (Ardrey in Lavengro), whom
he had met by chance in the coffee-room of a hotel. The two appear
to have been excellent friends, perhaps because of the dissimilarity
of their natures. "He was an Irishman," Borrow explains, "I an
Englishman; he fiery, enthusiastic and opened-hearted; I neither
fiery, enthusiastic, nor open-hearted; he fond of pleasure and
dissipation, I of study and reflection." {46d}
They went to the play together, to dog-fights, gaming-houses, in
short saw the sights of London. The arrival of Francis Arden at 16
Milman Street was a signal for books and manuscripts to be thrown
aside in favour either of some expedition or an hour or two's
conversation. Borrow, however, soon tired of the pleasures of
London, and devoted himself almost entirely to work. Although he saw
less of Francis Arden in consequence, they continued to be excellent
friends.
After being some four weeks in London, Borrow received a surprise
visit (29th April) from his brother, whom he found waiting for him
one morning when he came down to breakfast. John told him of his
mother's anxiety at receiving only one letter from him since his
departure, of her fits of crying, of the grief of Captain Borrow's
dog at the loss of his master. He also explained the reason for his
being in London. He had been invited to paint the portrait of Robert
Hawkes, an ex-mayor of Norwich, for a fee of a hundred guineas.
Lacking confidence in his own ability, he had declined the honour and
suggested that Benjamin Haydon should be approached. At the request
of a deputation of his fellow citizens, which had waited upon him, he
had undertaken to enter into negotiations with Haydon. He even
undertook to come up to London at his own expense, that he might see
his old master and complete the bargain. Borrow subsequently
accompanied his brother when calling upon Haydon, and was enabled to
give a thumbnail-sketch of the painter of the Heroic at work that has
been pronounced to be photographic in its faithfulness.
John returned to Norwich about a fortnight later accompanied by
Haydon, who was to become the guest of his sitter, {47a} and George
was left to the compilation of Celebrated Trials. Sir Richard
Phillips appears to have been a man as prolific of suggestion as he
was destitute of tact. He regarded his authors as the instruments of
his own genius. Their business it was to carry out his ideas in a
manner entirely congenial to his colossal conceit. His latest author
he exposed "to incredible mortification and ceaseless trouble from
this same rage for interference."
The result of all this was an attack of the "Horrors." Towards the
end of May, Roger Kerrison received from Borrow a note saying that he
believed himself to be dying, and imploring him to "come to me
immediately." The direct outcome of this note was, not the death of
Borrow, but the departure from Milman Street of Roger Kerrison, lest
he should become involved in a tragedy connected with Borrow's oft-
repeated threat of suicide. Kerrison became "very uneasy and
uncomfortable on his account, so that I have found it utterly
impossible to live any longer in the same lodgings with him." {48a}
Looked at dispassionately it seems nothing short of an act of
cowardice on Kerrison's part to leave alone a man such as Borrow, who
might at any moment be assailed by one of those periods of gloom from
which suicide seemed the only outlet. On the other hand, from an
anecdote told by C. G. Leland ("Hans Breitmann"), there seems to be
some excuse for Kerrison's wish to live alone. "I knew at that time
[about 1870]," he writes, {48b} "a Mr Kerrison, who had been as a
young man, probably in the Twenties, on intimate terms with Borrow.
He told me that one night Borrow acted very wildly, whooping and
vociferating so as to cause the police to follow him, and after a
long run led them to the edge of the Thames, 'and there they thought
they had him.' But he plunged boldly into the water and swam in his
clothes to the opposite shore, and so escaped."
A serious misfortune now befell Borrow in the premature death of The
Universal Review, which expired with the sixth number (March 1824--
January 1825). It is not known what was the rate of pay to young and
impecunious reviewers {49a} certainly not large, if it may be judged
by the amount agreed upon for Celebrated Trials. Still, its end
meant that Borrow was now dependent upon what he received for his
compilation, and what he merited by his translation into German of
Proximate Causes.
There appears to have been some difficulty about payment for Borrow's
contributions to the now defunct review, which considerably widened
the breach that the Trials had created. Sir Richard became more
exacting and more than ever critical. {49b} The end could not be far
off. Borrow had come to London determined to be an author, and by no
juggling with facts could his present drudgery be considered as
authorship. Occasionally his mind reverted to the manuscripts in the
green box, his faith in which continued undiminished. He made
further efforts to get his translations published, but everywhere the
answer was the same, in effect, "A drug, sir, a drug!"
At last he determined to approach John Murray (the Second), "Glorious
John, who lived at the western end of the town"; but he called many
times without being successful in seeing him. Another seventeen
years were to elapse before he was to meet and be published by John
Murray.
Yet another dispute arose between Borrow and Sir Richard Phillips.
Neither appeared to have realised the supreme folly of entrusting to
a young Englishman the translation into German of an English work. A
novel would have presented almost insurmountable difficulties; but a
work of philosophy! The whole project was absurd. The diction of
philosophy in all languages is individual, just as it is in other
branches of science, and a very thorough knowledge of, and deep
reading in both languages are necessary to qualify a man to translate
from a foreign tongue into his own. To expect an inexperienced youth
to reverse the order seems to suggest that Sir Richard Phillips must
have been a publisher whose enthusiasm was greater than his judgment.
One day when calling at Tavistock Square, Borrow found Sir Richard in
a fury of rage. He had submitted the first chapter of the
translation of Proximate Causes to some Germans, who found it utterly
unintelligible. This was only to be expected, as Borrow confesses
that, when he found himself unable to comprehend what was the meaning
of the English text, he had translated it LITERALLY INTO GERMAN!
The result of the interview was that Borrow, after what appears to be
a tactless, not to say impertinent, rejoinder, {50a} relapsed into
silence and finally left the house, ordered back to his compilation
by Sir Richard, as soon as he became sufficiently calm to appear
coherent, and Borrow walked away musing on the "difference in clever
men."
The discovery of the inadequacy of the German translation apparently
urged Borrow to hasten on with Celebrated Trials. The Universal
Review was dead, the German version of Proximate Causes {50b} had
passed out of his hands. It was desirable, therefore, that the
remaining undertaking should be completed as soon as possible, that
the two might part. The last of the manuscript was delivered, the
proofs passed for press, and on 19th March the work appeared, the six
volumes, running to between three and four thousand pages, containing
accounts of some four hundred trials, including that of Borrow's old
friend Thurtell for the murder of Mr Weare.
Borrow's name did not appear. He was "the editor," and as such was
referred to in the preface contributed by Sir Richard himself. Among
other things he tells of how, in some cases, "the Editor has
compressed into a score of pages the substance of an entire volume."
Sir Richard was a philosopher as well as a preface-writing publisher,
and it was only natural that he should speculate as to the effect
upon his editor's mind of months spent in reading and editing such
records of vice. "It may be expected," he writes, "that the Editor
should convey to his readers the intellectual impressions which the
execution of his task has produced on his mind. He confesses that
they are mournful." Sir Richard was either a master of irony, or a
man of singular obtuseness.
One effect of this delving into criminal records had been to raise in
Borrow's mind strange doubts about virtue and crime. When a boy, he
had written an essay in which he strove to prove that crime and
virtue were mere terms, and that we were the creatures of necessity
or circumstance. These broodings in turn reawakened the theory that
everything is a lie, and that nothing really exists except in our
imaginations. The world was "a maze of doubt." These indications of
an overtaxed brain increased, and eventually forced Borrow to leave
London. His work was thoroughly uncongenial. He disliked reviewing;
he had failed in his endeavours to render Proximate Causes into
intelligible German; and it had taken him some time to overcome his
dislike of the sordid stories of crime and criminals that he had to
read and edit. He became gloomy and depressed, and prone to compare
the real conditions of authorship with those that his imagination had
conjured up.
The most important result of his labours in connection with
Celebrated Trials was that upon his literary style. There is a
tremendous significance in the following passage. It tells of the
transition of the actual vagabond into the literary vagabond, with
power to express in words what proved so congenial to Borrow's
vagabond temperament:
"Of all my occupations at this period I am free to confess I liked
that of compiling the Newgate Lives and Trials [Celebrated Trials]
the best; that is, after I had surmounted a kind of prejudice which I
originally entertained. The trials were entertaining enough; but the
lives--how full were they of wild and racy adventures, and in what
racy, genuine language were they told. What struck me most with
respect to these lives was the art which the writers, whoever they
were, possessed of telling a plain story. It is no easy thing to
tell a story plainly and distinctly by mouth; but to tell one on
paper is difficult indeed, so many snares lie in the way. People are
afraid to put down what is common on paper, they seek to embellish
their narratives, as they think, by philosophic speculations and
reflections; they are anxious to shine, and people who are anxious to
shine can never tell a plain story. 'So I went with them to a music
booth, where they made me almost drunk with gin, and began to talk
their flash language, which I did not understand,' {52a} says, or is
made to say, Henry Simms, executed at Tyburn some seventy years
before the time of which I am speaking. I have always looked upon
this sentence as a masterpiece of the narrative style, it is so
concise and yet so clear." {52b}
By the time the work was published and Borrow had been paid his fee,
all relations between editor and publisher had ceased, and there was
"a poor author, or rather philologist, upon the streets of London,
possessed of many tongues," which he found "of no use in the world."
{52c} A month after the appearance of Celebrated Trials (18th
April), and a little more than a year after his arrival in London,
Borrow published a translation of Klinger's Faustus. {53a} He
himself gives no particulars as to whether it was commissioned or no.
It may even have been "the Romance in the German style" from the
Green Box. It is known that he received payment for it by a bill at
five or six months, {53b} but there is no mention of the amount. It
would appear that the translation had long been projected, for in The
Monthly Magazine, July 1824, there appeared, in conjunction with the
announcement of Celebrated Trials, the following paragraph: "The
editor of the preceding has ready for the press, a Life of Faustus,
his Death and Descent into Hell, which will also appear the next
winter."
Faustus did not meet with a very cordial reception. The Literary
Gazette (16th July 1825) characterised it as "another work to which
no respectable publisher ought to have allowed his name to be put.
The political allusion and metaphysics, which may have made it
popular among a low class in Germany, do not sufficiently season its
lewd scenes and coarse descriptions for British palates. We have
occasionally publications for the fireside,--these are only fit for
the fire."
Borrow had apparently been in some doubt about certain passages, for
in a note headed "The Translator to the Public," he defends the work
as moral in its general teaching:
"The publication of the present volume may at first sight appear to
require some brief explanation from the Translator, inasmuch as the
character of the incidents may justify such an expectation on the
part of the reader. It is, therefore, necessary to state that,
although scenes of vice and crime are here exhibited, it is merely in
the hope that they may serve as beacons, to guide the ignorant and
unwary from the shoals on which they might otherwise be wrecked. The
work, when considered as a whole, is strictly moral."
It must be confessed that Faustus does not err on the side of
restraint. Many of its scenes might appear "lewd . . . and coarse"
to anyone who for a moment allowed his mind to wander from the
morality of "its general teaching." The attacks upon the lax morals
of the priesthood must have proved particularly congenial to the
translator.
The more Borrow read his translations of Ab Gwilym, the more
convinced he became of their merit and the profit they would bring to
him who published them. The booksellers, however, with singular
unanimity, declined the risk of introducing to the English public
either Welsh or Danish ballads; and their translator became so shabby
in consequence, that he refrained from calling upon his friend Arden,
for whom he had always cherished a very real friendship. He began to
lose heart. His energy left him and with it went hope. He was
forced to review his situation. Authorship had obviously failed, and
he found himself with no reasonable prospect of employment.
There is no episode in Borrow's life that has so exercised the minds
of commentators and critics as his account of the book he terms in
Lavengro, The Life and Adventures of Joseph Sell, the Great
Traveller. Some dismiss the whole story as apocryphal; others see in
it a grain of truth distorted into something of vital importance;
whilst there are a number of earnest Borrovians that accept the whole
story as it is written. Dr Knapp has said that Joseph Sell "was not
a book at all, and the author of it never said that it was." This
was obviously an error, for the bookseller is credited with saying,
"I think I shall venture on sending your book to the press," {55a}
referring to it as a "book" four times in nine lines. Again, in
another place, Borrow describes how he rescued himself "from
peculiarly miserable circumstances by writing a book, an original
book, within a week, even as Johnson is said to have written his
Rasselas and Beckford his Vathek." {55b} This removes all question
of the Life and Adventures of Joseph Sell being included in a
collection of short stories. The title would not be the same, the
date is most probably wrongly given, as in the case of Marshland
Shales; but the general accuracy of the account as written seems to
be highly probable. Many efforts have been made to trace the story;
but so far unsuccessfully. It must be remembered that Borrow loved
to stretch the long arm of coincidence; but he loved more than
anything else a dramatic situation. He was always on the look out
for effective "curtains."
In favour of the story having been actually written, is the knowledge
that Borrow invented little or nothing. Collateral evidence has
shown how little he deviated from actual happenings, although he did
not hesitate to revise dates or colour events. The strongest
evidence, however, lies in the atmosphere of truth that pervades
Chapters LV.-LVII. of Lavengro. They are convincing. At one time or
another during his career, it would appear that Borrow wrote against
time from grim necessity; otherwise he must have been a master of
invention, which everything that is known about him clearly shows
that he was not.
Joseph Sell has disappeared, a most careful search of the Registers
at Stationers' Hall can show no trace of that work, or any book that
seems to suggest it, and the contemporary literary papers render no
assistance.
According to Borrow's own account, one morning on getting up he found
that he had only half a crown in the world. It was this
circumstance, coupled with the timely notice that he saw affixed to a
bookseller's window to the effect that "A Novel or Tale is much
wanted," that determined him to endeavour to emulate Dr Johnson and
William Beckford. He had tired of "the Great City," and his thoughts
turned instinctively to the woods and the fields, where he could be
free to meditate and muse in solitude.
When he returned to Milman Street after seeing the bookseller's
advertisement, he found that his resources had been still further
reduced to eighteen-pence. He was too proud to write home for
assistance, he had broken with Sir Richard Phillips, and he had no
reasonable expectation of obtaining employment of any description;
for his accomplishments found no place in the catalogue of everyday
wants. He was a proper man with his hands, and knew some score or
more languages. No matter how he regarded the situation, the facts
were obvious. Between him and actual starvation there was the
inconsiderable sum of eighteen-pence and the bookseller's
advertisement. The gravity of the situation banished the cloud of
despondency that threatened to settle upon him, and also the doubts
that presented themselves as to whether he possessed the requisite
ability to produce what the bookseller required. The all-important
question was, could he exist sufficiently long on eighteen-pence to
complete a story? Sir Richard Phillips had told him to live on bread
and water. He now did so.
For a week he wrote ceaselessly at the Life and Adventures of Joseph
Sell, the Great Traveller. He wrote with the feverish energy of a
man who sees the shadow of actual starvation cast across his
manuscript. When the tale was finished there remained the work of
revision, and after that, worst of all, fears lest the bookseller
were already suited.
Fortune, however, was kind to him, and he was successful in
extracting for his story the sum of twenty pounds. Borrow had not
mixed among gypsies for nothing. He, a starving and unknown author,
succeeded in extracting from a bookseller twenty pounds for a story,
twice the amount offered by Sir Richard Phillips for a novel on the
lines of The Dairyman's Daughter. It was an achievement.
The first argument against the story, as related by Borrow, is that
he was not without resources at the time. Why should he be so
impoverished a few weeks after receiving payment for Celebrated
Trials? {57a} Above all, why did he not realise upon Simpkin &
Marshall's bill for Faustus? He would have experienced no difficulty
in discounting a bill accepted by such a firm. It seems hardly
conceivable that he should preserve this piece of paper when he had
only eighteen-pence in the world. Everything seems to point to the
fact that in May 1825 Borrow was not in want of money, and if he were
not, why did he almost kill himself by writing the Life and
Adventures of Joseph Sell? Again, at that period he had met with no
adventures such as might be included in the life of a "Great
Traveller," and Borrow was not an inventive writer. Later he
possessed plenty of material; for there can be no question that he
roamed about the world for a considerable portion of those seven
mysterious years of his life that came to be known as the "Veiled
Period." His accuracy as to actual occurrences has been so
emphasised that this particular argument holds considerable
significance.
The strongest evidence against Joseph Sell having been written in
1825, however, lies in the fact that Greenwich Fair was held on 23rd
May, and not 12th May, as given by Dr Knapp. By his error Dr Knapp
makes Borrow leave London a day before the Fair took place that he
describes. Borrow must have left London on the day following
Greenwich Fair (24th May). If he left later, then those things which
tend to confirm his story of the life in the Dingle do not fit in, as
will be seen. He certainly could not have left before Greenwich Fair
was held.
In one of his brother John's letters, written at the end of 1829,
there is a significant passage, "Let me know how you sold your
manuscript." {58a} What manuscript is it that is referred to? There
is no record of George having sold a manuscript in the autumn of
1829. The passage can scarcely have reference to some article or
translation; it seems to suggest something of importance, an event in
George's life that his brother is anxious to know more about. If
this be Joseph Sell, then it explains where Borrow got the money from
to go up to London at the end of 1829, when he entered into relations
with Dr Bowring. It is merely a theory, it must be confessed; but
there is certain evidence that seems to support it. In the first
place, Borrow was a chronicler before all else. He possessed an
amazing memory and a great gift for turning his experiences into
literary material. If he coloured facts, he appears to have done so
unconsciously, to judge from those portions of The Bible in Spain
that were covered by letters to the Bible Society. Not only are the
facts the same, but, with very slight changes, the words in which he
relates them. He never hesitated to change a date if it served his
purpose, much as an artist will change the position of a tree in a
landscape to suit the exigencies of composition. His five volumes of
autobiography bristle with coincidences so amazing that, if they were
actually true, he must have been the most remarkable genius on record
for attracting to himself strange adventures. He met the sailor son
of the old Apple-Woman returning from his enforced exile; Murtagh
tells him of how the postilion frightened the Pope at Rome by his
denunciation, a story Borrow had already heard from the postilion
himself; the Hungarian at Horncastle narrates how an Armenian once
silenced a Moldavian, the same Moldavian whom Borrow had encountered
in London; the postilion meets the man in black again. There are
scores of such coincidences, which must be accepted as dramatic
embellishments.
CHAPTER IV: MAY-SEPTEMBER 1825
Fourteen months in London had shown Borrow how hard was the road of
authorship. He confessed that he was not "formed by nature to be a
pallid indoor student." "The peculiar atmosphere of the big city"
did not agree with him, and this fact, together with the anxiety and
hard work of the past twelve months, caused him to flag, and his
first thought was how to recover his health. He was disillusioned as
to the busy world, and the opportunities it offered to a young man
fired with ambition to make a stir in it. He determined to leave
London, which he did towards the end of May, {60a} first despatching
his trunk "containing a few clothes and books to the old town
[Norwich]." He struck out in a south-westerly direction, musing on
his achievements as an author, and finding that in having preserved
his independence and health, he had "abundant cause to be grateful."
Throughout his life Borrow was hypnotised by independence. Like many
other proud natures, he carried his theory of independence to such an
extreme as to become a slave to it and render himself unsociable,
sometimes churlish. It was this virtue carried to excess that drove
Borrow from London. He must tell men what was in his mind, and his
one patron, Sir Richard Phillips, he had mortally offended in this
manner.
Finding that he was unequal to much fatigue, after a few hours'
walking he hailed a passing coach, which took him as far as Amesbury
in Wiltshire. From here he walked to Stonehenge and on to Salisbury,
"inspecting the curiosities of the place," and endeavouring by sleep
and good food to make up the wastage of the last few months. The
weather was fine and his health and spirits rapidly improved as he
tramped on, his "daily journeys varying from twenty to twenty-five
miles." He encountered the mysterious stranger who "touched" against
the evil eye. F. H. Groome asserts, on the authority of W. B. Donne,
that this was in reality William Beckford. Borrow must have met him
at some other time and place, as he had already left Fonthill in
1825. It is, however, interesting to recall that Borrow himself
"touched" against the evil eye. Mr Watts-Dunton has said:
"There was nothing that Borrow strove against with more energy than
the curious impulse, which he seems to have shared with Dr Johnson,
to touch the objects along his path in order to save himself from the
evil chance. He never conquered the superstition. In walking
through Richmond Park he would step out of his way constantly to
touch a tree, and he was offended if the friend he was with seemed to
observe it." {61a}
The chance meeting with Jack Slingsby (in fear of his life from the
Flaming Tinman, and bound by oath not to continue on the same beat)
gave Borrow the idea of buying out Slingsby, beat, plant, pony and
all. "A tinker is his own master, a scholar is not," {61b} he
remarks, and then proceeds to draw tears and moans from the
dispirited Slingsby and his family by a description of the joys of
tinkering, "the happiest life under heaven . . . pitching your tent
under the pleasant hedge-row, listening to the song of the feathered
tribes, collecting all the leaky kettles in the neighbourhood,
soldering and joining, earning your honest bread by the wholesome
sweat of your brow." {62a}
By the expenditure of five pounds ten shillings, plus the cost of a
smock-frock and some provisions, George Borrow, linguist, editor and
translator, became a travelling tinker. With his dauntless little
pony, Ambrol, he set out, a tinkering Ulysses, indifferent to what
direction he took, allowing the pony to go whither he felt inclined.
At first he experienced some apprehension at passing the night with
only a tent or the stars as a roof. Rain fell to mar the opening day
of the adventure, but the pony, with unerring instinct, led his new
master to one of Slingsby's usual camping grounds.
In the morning Borrow fell to examining what it was beyond the pony
and cart that his five pounds ten shillings had purchased. He found
a tent, a straw mattress and a blanket, "quite clean and nearly new."
There were also a frying-pan, a kettle, a teapot (broken in three
pieces) and some cups and saucers. The stock-in-trade "consisted of
various tools, an iron ladle, a chafing-pan, and small bellows,
sundry pans and kettles, the latter being of tin, with the exception
of one which was of copper, all in a state of considerable
dilapidation." The pans and kettles were to be sold after being
mended, for which purpose there was "a block of tin, sheet-tin, and
solder." But most precious of all his possessions was "a small anvil
and bellows of the kind which are used in forges, and two hammers
such as smiths use, one great, and the other small." {62b} Borrow
had learned the blacksmith's art when in Ireland, and the anvil,
bellows and smith's hammers were to prove extremely useful.
A few days after pitching his tent, Borrow received from his old
enemy Mrs Herne, Mr Petulengro's mother-in-law, a poisoned cake,
which came very near to ending his career. He then encountered the
Welsh preacher ("the worthiest creature I ever knew") and his wife,
who were largely instrumental in saving him from Mrs Herne's poison.
Having remained with his new friends for nine days, he accompanied
them as far as the Welsh border, where he confessed himself the
translator of Ab Gwilym, giving as an excuse for not accompanying
them further that it was "neither fit nor proper that I cross into
Wales at this time, and in this manner. When I go into Wales, I
should wish to go in a new suit of superfine black, with hat and
beaver, mounted on a powerful steed, black and glossy, like that
which bore Greduv to the fight of Catraeth. I should wish,
moreover," he continued, "to see the Welshmen assembled on the border
ready to welcome me with pipe and fiddle, and much whooping and
shouting, and to attend me to Wrexham, or even as far as
Machynllaith, where I should wish to be invited to a dinner at which
all the bards should be present, and to be seated at the right hand
of the president, who, when the cloth was removed, should arise, and
amidst cries of silence, exclaim--'Brethren and Welshmen, allow me to
propose the health of my most respectable friend the translator of
the odes of the great Ab Gwilym, the pride and glory of Wales.'"
{63a}
He returned with Mr Petulengro, who directed him to Mumber Lane
(Mumper's Dingle), near Willenhall, in Staffordshire, "the little
dingle by the side of the great north road." Here Borrow encamped
and shod little Ambrol, who kicked him over as a reminder of his
clumsiness.
He had refused an invitation from Mr Petulengro to become a Romany
chal and take a Romany bride, the granddaughter of his would-be
murderess, who "occasionally talked of" him. He yearned for solitude
and the country's quiet. He told Mr Petulengro that he desired only
some peaceful spot where he might hold uninterrupted communion with
his own thoughts, and practise, if so inclined, either tinkering or
the blacksmith's art, and he had been directed to Mumper's Dingle,
which was to become the setting of the most romantic episode in his
life.
In the dingle Borrow experienced one of his worst attacks of the
"Horrors"--the "Screaming Horrors." He raged like a madman, a prey
to some indefinable, intangible fear; clinging to his "little horse
as if for safety and protection." {64a} He had not recovered from
the prostrating effects of that night of tragedy when he was called
upon to fight Anselo Herne, "the Flaming Tinman," who somehow or
other seemed to be part of the bargain he had made with Jack
Slingsby, and encounter the queen of road-girls, Isopel Berners. The
description of the fight has been proclaimed the finest in our
language, and by some the finest in the world's literature.
Isopel Berners is one of the great heroines of English Literature.
As drawn by Borrow, with her strong arm, lion-like courage and tender
tearfulness, she is unique. However true or false the account of her
relations with Borrow may be, she is drawn by him as a living woman.
He was incapable of conceiving her from his imagination. It may go
unquestioned that he actually met an Isopel Berners, {64b} but
whether or no his parting from her was as heart-rendingly tragic as
he has depicted it, is open to very grave question.
With this queen of the roads he seems to have been less reticent and
more himself than with any other of his vagabond acquaintance, not
excepting even Mr Petulengro. To the handsome, tall girl with "the
flaxen hair, which hung down over her shoulders unconfined," and the
"determined but open expression," he showed a more amiable side of
his character; yet he seems to have treated her with no little
cruelty. He told her about himself, how he "had tamed savage mares,
wrestled with Satan, and had dealings with ferocious publishers,"
bringing tears to her eyes, and when she grew too curious, he
administered an antidote in the form of a few Armenian numerals. If
his Autobiography is to be credited, Isopel loved him, and he was
aware of it; but the knowledge did not hinder him from torturing the
poor girl by insisting that she should decline the verb "to love" in
Armenian.
Borrow's attitude towards Isopel was curiously complex; he seemed to
find pleasure in playing upon her emotions. At times he appeared as
deliberately brutal to her, as to the gypsy girl Ursula when he
talked with her beneath the hedge. He forced from Isopel a
passionate rebuke that he sought only to vex and irritate "a poor
ignorant girl . . . who can scarcely read or write." He asked her to
marry him, but not until he had convinced her that he was mad. How
much she had become part of his life in the dingle he did not seem to
realise until after she had left him. Isopel Berners was a woman
whose character was almost masculine in its strength; but she was
prepared to subdue her spirit to his, wished to do so even. With her
strength, however, there was wisdom, and she left Borrow and the
dingle, sending him a letter of farewell that was certainly not the
composition of "a poor girl" who could "scarcely read or write." The
story itself is in all probability true; but the letter rings false.
Isopel may have sent Borrow a letter of farewell, but not the one
that appears in The Romany Rye.
Among Borrow's papers Dr Knapp discovered a fragment of manuscript in
which Mr Petulengro is shown deliberating upon the expediency of
emulating King Pharaoh in the number of his wives. Mrs Petulengro
desires "a little pleasant company," and urges her husband to take a
second spouse. He proceeds:-
"Now I am thinking that this here Bess of yours would be just the
kind of person both for my wife and myself. My wife wants something
gorgiko, something genteel. Now Bess is of blood gorgious; if you
doubt it, look at her face, all full of pawno ratter, white blood,
brother; and as for gentility, nobody can make exceptions to Bess's
gentility, seeing she was born in the workhouse of Melford the
Short."
Mr Petulengro sees in Bess another advantage. If "the Flaming
Tinman" {66a} were to descend upon them, as he once did, with the
offer to fight the best of them for nothing, and Tawno Chikno were
absent, who was to fight him? Mr Petulengro could not do so for less
than five pounds; but with Bess as a second wife the problem would be
solved. She would fight "the Flaming Tinman."
This proves nothing, one way or the other, and can scarcely be said
to "dispel any allusions," as Dr Knapp suggests, or confirm the story
of Isopel. Why did Borrow omit it from Lavengro? Not from caprice
surely. It has been stated that those who know the gypsies can vouch
for the fact that no such suggestion could have been made by a gypsy
woman.
It would appear that Isopel Berners existed, but the account of her
given by Borrow in Lavengro and The Romany Rye is in all probability
coloured, just as her stature was heightened by him. If she were
taller than he, she must have appeared a giantess. Borrow was an
impressionist, and he has probably succeeded far better in giving a
faithful picture of Isopel Berners than if he had been
photographically accurate in his measurements.
According to Borrow's own account, he left Willenhall mounted upon a
fine horse, purchased with money lent to him by Mr Petulengro, a
small valise strapped to the saddle, and "some desire to meet with
one of those adventures which upon the roads of England are generally
as plentiful as blackberries." From this point, however, The Romany
Rye becomes dangerous as autobiography. {66b}
For one thing, it was unlike Borrow to remain in debt, and it is
incredible that he should have ridden away upon a horse purchased
with another man's money, without any set purpose in his mind.
Therefore the story of his employment at the Swan Inn, Stafford,
where he found his postilion friend, and the subsequent adventures
must be reluctantly sacrificed. They do not ring true, nor do they
fit in with the rest of the story. That he experienced such
adventures is highly probable; but it is equally probable that he
took some liberty with the dates.
Up to the point where he purchases the horse, Borrow's story is
convincing; but from there onwards it seems to go to pieces, that is
as autobiography. The arrival of Ardry (Arden) at the inn, {67a}
PASSING THROUGH STAFFORD ON HIS WAY TO WARWICK to be present at a dog
and lion fight that had already taken place (26th July), is in itself
enough to shake our confidence in the whole episode of the inn. In
The Gypsies of Spain Mr Petulengro is made to say:
"I suppose you have not forgot how, fifteen years ago, when you made
horseshoes in the little dingle by the side of the great north road,
I lent you fifty cottors [guineas] to purchase the wonderful trotting
cob of the innkeeper with the green Newmarket coat, which three days
after you sold for two hundred. Well, brother, if you had wanted the
two hundred instead of the fifty, I could have lent them to you, and
would have done so, for I knew you would not be long pazorrhus
[indebted] to me." {67b}
It seems more in accordance with Borrow's character to repay the loan
within three days than to continue in Mr Petulengro's debt for weeks,
at one time making no actual effort to realise upon the horse. The
question as to whether Borrow received a hundred and fifty (as he
himself states) or two hundred pounds is immaterial. It is quite
likely that he sold the horse before he left the dingle, and that the
adventures he narrates may be true in all else save the continued
possession of his steed, that is, with the exception of the Francis
Ardry episode, the encounter with the man in black, and the arrival
at Horncastle during the fair. If Borrow left London on 24th May,
and he could not have left earlier, as has been shown, he must have
visited the Fair (Tamworth) with Mr Petulengro on 26th July, and set
out from Willenhall about 2nd August.
It has been pointed out by that distinguished scholar and gentleman-
gypsy, Mr John Sampson, {68a} that as the Horse Fair at Horncastle
was held 12th-21st August, if Borrow took the horse there it could
not have been in the manner described in The Romany Rye, where he is
shown as spending some considerable time at the inn, if we may judge
by the handsome cheque (10 pounds) offered to him by the landlord as
a bonus on account of his services. Then there was the accident and
the consequent lying-up at the house of the man who knew Chinese, but
could not tell what o'clock it was. To confirm Borrow's itinerary
all this must have been crowded into less than three weeks, fully a
third of which Borrow spent in recovering from his fall. This would
mean that for less than a fortnight's work, the innkeeper offered him
ten pounds as a gratuity, in addition to the bargain he had made,
which included the horse's keep.
Mr Sampson has supported his itinerary with several very important
pieces of evidence. Borrow states in Lavengro that "a young moon
gave a feeble light" as he mounted the coach that was to take him to
Amesbury. The moon was in its first quarter on 24th May. There
actually was a great thunderstorm in the Willenhall district about
the time that Borrow describes (18th July). It is Mr Sampson also
who has identified the fair to which Borrow went with the gypsies as
that held at Tamworth on 26th July.
Whatever else Borrow may have been doing immediately after leaving
the dingle, he appears to have been much occupied in speculating as
to the future. Was he not "sadly misspending his time?" He was
forced to the conclusion that he had done nothing else throughout his
life but misspend his time. He was ambitious. He chafed at his
narrow life. "Oh! what a vast deal may be done with intellect,
courage, riches, accompanied by the desire of doing something great
and good!" {69a} he exclaims, and his thoughts turned instinctively
to the career of his old school-fellow, Rajah Brooke of Sarawak.
{69b} He was now, by his own confession, "a moody man, bearing on my
face, as I well knew, the marks of my strivings and my strugglings,
of what I had learnt and unlearnt." {69c} He recognised the
possibilities that lay in every man, only awaiting the hour when they
should be called forth. He believed implicitly in the power of the
will. {69d} He possessed ambition and a fine workable theory of how
success was to be obtained; but he lacked initiative. He expected
fortune to wait for him on the high-road, just as he knew adventures
awaited him. He would not go "across the country," to use a phrase
of the time common to postilions. He was too independent, perhaps
too sensitive of being patronised, to seek employment. That he cared
"for nothing in this world but old words and strange stories," was an
error into which his friend Mr Petulengro might well fall. The
mightiness of the man's pride could be covered only by a cloak of
assumed indifference. He must be independent of the world, not only
in material things, but in those intangible qualities of the spirit.
It was this that lost him Isopel Berners, whose love he awakened by a
strong right arm and quenched with an Armenian noun. Again, his
independence stood in the way of his happiness. A man is a king, he
seemed to think, and the attribute of kings is their splendid
isolation, their godlike solitude. If his Ego were lonely and crying
out for sympathy, Borrow thought it a moment for solitude, in which
to discipline his insurgent spirit. The "Horrors" were the result of
this self-repression. When they became unbearable, his spirit broke
down, the yearning for sympathy and affection overmastered him, and
he stumbled to his little horse in the desolate dingle, and found
comfort in the faithful creature's whinny of sympathy and its
affectionate licking of his hand. The strong man clung to his dumb
brute friend as a protection against the unknown horror--the
screaming horror that had gripped him.
One quality Borrow possessed in common with many other men of strange
and taciturn personality. He could always make friends when he
chose. Ostlers, scholars, farmers, gypsies; it mattered not one jot
to him what, or who they were. He could earn their respect and
obtain their good-will, if he wished to do so. He demanded of men
that they should have done things, or be capable of doing things.
They must know everything there was to be known about some one thing;
and the ostler, than whom none could groom a horse better, was worthy
of being ranked with the best man in the land. He demanded of every
man that he should justify his existence, and was logical in his
attitude, save in the insignificant particular that he applied the
same rule to himself only in theory.
He was shrewd and a good judge of character, provided it were
Protestant character, and could hold his own with a Jew or a Gypsy.
He was fully justified in his boast of being able to take "precious
good care of" himself, and "drive a precious hard bargain"; yet these
qualities were not to find a market until he was thirty years of age.
Sometime during the autumn (1825) Borrow returned to Norwich, where
he busied himself with literary affairs, among other things writing
to the publishers of Faustus about the bill that was shortly to fall
due. The fact of the book having been destroyed at both the Norwich
libraries, gave him the idea that he might make some profit by
selling copies of the suppressed volume. Hence his offer to Simpkin
& Marshall to take copies in lieu of money.
CHAPTER V: SEPTEMBER 1825-DECEMBER 1832
From the autumn of 1825 until the winter of 1832, when he obtained an
introduction to the British & Foreign Bible Society, only fragmentary
details of Borrow's life exist. He decided to keep sacred to himself
the "Veiled Period," as it came to be called. In all probability it
was a time of great hardship and mortification, and he wished it to
be thought that the whole period was devoted to "a grand philological
expedition," or expeditions. There is no doubt that some portion of
the mysterious epoch was so spent, but not all. Many of the
adventures ascribed to characters in Lavengro and The Romany Rye
were, most probably, Borrow's own experiences during that period of
mystery and misfortune. Time after time he was implored to "lift up
a corner of the curtain"; but he remained obdurate, and the seven
years are in his life what the New Orleans days were in that of Walt
Whitman.
Soon after his return to Norwich, Borrow seems to have turned his
attention to the manuscripts in the green box. In the days of happy
augury, before he had quarrelled with Sir Richard Phillips, there had
appeared in The Monthly Magazine the two following paragraphs:-
"We have heard and seen much of the legends and popular superstitions
of the North, but, in truth, all the exhibitions of these subjects
which have hitherto appeared in England have been translations from
the German. Mr Olaus Borrow, who is familiar with the Northern
Languages, proposes, however, to present these curious reliques of
romantic antiquity directly from the Danish and Swedish, and two
elegant volumes of them now printing will appear in September. They
are highly interesting in themselves, but more so as the basis of
most of the popular superstitions of England, when they were
introduced during the incursions and dominion of the Danes and
Norwegians." (1st September 1824.)
"We have to acknowledge the favour of a beautiful collection of
Danish songs and ballads, of which a specimen will be seen among the
poetical articles of the present month. One, or more, of these very
interesting translations will appear in each succeeding number."
(1st December 1824.)
It seems to have been Borrow's plan to run his ballads serially
through The Monthly Magazine and then to publish them in book-form.
His initial contribution to The Monthly Magazine had appeared in
October 1823. The first of the articles, entitled "Danish Traditions
and Superstitions," appeared August 1824, and continued, with the
omission of one or two months, until December 1825, there being in
all nine articles; but there was only one instalment of "Danish Songs
and Ballads." {73a}
Borrow was determined that these ballads, at least, should be
published, and he set to work to prepare them for the press. Allan
Cunningham, with whom Borrow was acquainted, contributed, at his
request, a metrical dedication. The volume appeared on 10th May, in
an edition of five hundred copies at ten shillings and sixpence each.
It appears that some two hundred copies were subscribed for, thus
ensuring the cost of production. The balance, or a large proportion
of it, was consigned to John Taylor, the London publisher, who
printed a new title-page and sold them at seven shillings each,
probably the trade price for a half-guinea book.
Cunningham wrote to Borrow advising him to send out freely copies for
review, and with each a note saying that it was the translator's
ultimate intention to publish an English version of the whole Kiaempe
Viser with notes; also to "scatter a few judiciously among literary
men." It is doubtful if this sage counsel were acted upon; for there
is no record of any review or announcement of the work. This in
itself was not altogether a misfortune; for Borrow did not prove
himself an inspired translator of verse. Apart from the two hundred
copies sold to subscribers, the book was still-born.
After the publication of Romantic Ballads, Borrow appears to have
returned to London, not to his old lodging at Milman Street, possibly
on account of the associations, but to 26 Bryanston Street, Portman
Square, from which address he wrote to Benjamin Haydon the following
note:- {74a}
DEAR SIR, -
I should feel extremely obliged if you would allow me to sit to you
as soon as possible. I am going to the South of France in little
better than a fortnight, and I would sooner lose a thousand pounds
than not have the honour of appearing in the picture.
Yours sincerely,
GEORGE BORROW.
In his account of how he first became acquainted with Haydon, Borrow
shows himself as anything but desirous of appearing in a picture.
When John tells of the artist's wish to include him as one of the
characters in a painting upon which he is engaged, Borrow replies:
"I have no wish to appear on canvas." It is probable that in some
way or other Haydon offended his sitter, who, regretting his
acquiescence, antedated the episode and depicted himself as refusing
the invitation. Such a liberty with fact and date would be quite in
accordance with Borrow's autobiographical methods.
Borrow wrote in Lavengro, "I have been a wanderer the greater part of
my life; indeed I remember only two periods, and these by no means
lengthy, when I was, strictly speaking, stationary." {75a} One of
the "two periods" was obviously the eight years spent at Norwich,
1816-24, the other is probably the years spent at Oulton. Thus the
"Veiled Period" may be assumed to have been one of wandering. The
seven years are gloomy and mysterious, but not utterly dark. There
is a hint here, a suggestion there--a letter or a paragraph, that
gives in a vague way some idea of what Borrow was doing, and where.
It seems comparatively safe to assume that after the publication of
Romantic Ballads he plunged into a life of roving and vagabondage,
which, in all probability, was brought to an abrupt termination by
either the loss or the exhaustion of his money. Anything beyond this
is pure conjecture. {75b}
After he became associated with the British & Foreign Bible Society,
his movements are easily accounted for; but all we have to guide us
as to what countries he had seen before 1833 is an occasional hint.
He casually admits having been in Italy, {75c} at Bayonne, {75d}
Paris, {75e} Madrid, {75f} the south of France. {75g} "I have
visited most of the principal capitals of the world," he writes in
1843; and again in the same year, "I have heard the ballad of Alonzo
Guzman chanted in Danish, by a hind in the wilds of Jutland." {76a}
"I have lived in different parts of the world, much amongst the
Hebrew race, and I am well acquainted with their words and
phraseology," {76b} he writes; and on another occasion: "I have seen
gypsies of various lands, Russian, Hungarian, and Turkish; and I have
also seen the legitimate children of most countries of the world."
{76c} An even more significant admission is that made when Colonel
Elers Napier, whom Borrow met in Seville in 1839, enquired where he
had obtained his knowledge of Moultanee. "Some years ago, in
Moultan," was the reply; then, as if regretting that he had confessed
so much, showed by his manner that he intended to divulge nothing
more. {76d}
"Once, during my own wanderings in Italy," Borrow writes, "I rested
at nightfall by the side of a kiln, the air being piercingly cold; it
was about four leagues from Genoa." {76e} Again, "Once in the south
of France, when I was weary, hungry, and penniless, I observed one of
these last patterans {76f} [a cross marked in the dust], and
following the direction pointed out, arrived at the resting-place of
'certain Bohemians,' by whom I was received with kindness and
hospitality, on the faith of no other word of recommendation than
patteran." {76g} In a letter of introduction to the Rev. E. Whitely,
of Oporto, the Rev. Andrew Brandram, of the Bible Society, wrote in
1835: "With Portugal he [Borrow] is already acquainted, and speaks
the language." This statement is significant, for only during the
"Veiled Period" could Borrow have visited Portugal.
It may be argued that Borrow was merely posing as a great traveller,
but the foregoing remarks are too casual, too much in the nature of
asides, to be the utterances of a poseur. A man seeking to impress
himself upon the world as a great traveller would probably have been
a little more definite.
The only really reliable information as to Borrow's movements after
his arrival in London is contained in the note to Haydon. In all
probability he went to Paris, where possibly he met Vidocq, the
master-rogue turned detective. {77a} It has been suggested by Dr
Knapp that he went to Paris, and thence on foot to Bayonne and
Madrid, after which he tramped to Pamplona, where he gets into
trouble, is imprisoned, and is released on condition that he leave
the country; he proceeds towards Marseilles and Genoa, where he takes
ship and is landed safely in London. The data, however, upon which
this itinerary is constructed are too frail to be convincing. There
is every probability that he roamed about the Continent and met with
adventures--he was a man to whom adventures gravitated quite
naturally--but the fact of his saying that he had been imprisoned on
three occasions, and there being only two instances on record at the
time, cannot in itself be considered as conclusive evidence of his
having been arrested at Pamplona. {77b}
In the spring of 1827 Borrow was unquestionably at Norwich, for he
saw the famous trotting stallion Marshland Shales on the Castle Hill
(12th April), and did for that grand horse "what I would neither do
for earl or baron, doffed my hat." {78a} Borrow apparently remained
with his mother for some months, to judge from certain entries (29th
September to 19th November) in his hand that appear in her account
books.
In December 1829 he was back again in London at 77 Great Russell
Street, W.C. He was as usual eager to obtain some sort of work. He
wrote to "the Committee of the Honourable and Praiseworthy
Association, known by the name of the Highland Society . . . a body
animate with patriotism, which, guided by philosophy, produces the
noblest results, and many of whose members stand amongst the very
eminent in the various departments of knowledge."
The project itself was that of translating into English "the best and
most approved poetry of the Ancient and Modern Scoto-Gaelic Bards,
with such notes on the usages and superstitions therein alluded to,
as will enable the English reader to form a clear and correct idea of
the originals." In the course of a rather ornate letter, Borrow
offers himself as the translator and compiler of such a work as he
suggests, avowing his willingness to accept whatsoever remuneration
might be thought adequate compensation for his expenditure of time.
Furthermore, he undertakes to complete the work within a period of
two years.
On 7th December he wrote to Dr Bowring, recently returned from
Denmark:-
"Lest I should intrude upon you when you are busy, I write to enquire
when you will be unoccupied. I wish to show you my translation of
The Death of Balder, Ewald's most celebrated production, which, if
you approve of, you will perhaps render me some assistance in
bringing forth, for I don't know many publishers. I think this will
be a proper time to introduce it to the British public, as your
account of Danish literature will doubtless cause a sensation." {79a}
On 29th December he wrote again:-
"When I had last the pleasure of being at yours, you mentioned that
we might at some future period unite our strength in composing a kind
of Danish Anthology. Suppose we bring forward at once the first
volume of the Danish Anthology, which should contain the heroic
supernatural songs of the K[iaempe] V[iser]."
It was suggested that there should be four volumes in all, and the
first, with an introduction that Borrow expressed himself as not
ashamed of, was ready and "might appear instanter, with no further
trouble to yourself than writing, if you should think fit, a page or
two of introductory matter." Dr Bowring replied by return of post
that he thought that no more than two volumes could be ventured on,
and Borrow acquiesced, writing: "The sooner the work is advertised
the better, FOR I AM TERRIBLY AFRAID OF BEING FORESTALLED IN THE
KIAEMPE VISER BY SOME OF THOSE SCOTCH BLACKGUARDS, who affect to
translate from all languages, of which they are fully as ignorant as
Lockhart is of Spanish."
Borrow was full of enthusiasm for the project, and repeated that the
first volume was ready, adding: "If we unite our strength in the
second, I think we can produce something worthy of fame, for we shall
have plenty of matter to employ talent upon." A later letter, which
was written from 7 Museum Street (8th January), told how he had "been
obliged to decamp from Russell St. for the cogent reason of an
execution having been sent into the house, and I thought myself happy
in escaping with my things."
He drew up a prospectus, endeavouring "to assume a Danish style,"
which he submitted to his collaborator, begging him to "alter . . .
whatever false logic has crept into it, find a remedy for its
incoherencies, and render it fit for its intended purpose. I have
had for the two last days a rising headache which has almost
prevented me doing anything."
It would appear that Dr Bowring did not altogether approve of the
"Danish style," for on 14th January Borrow wrote, "I approve of the
prospectus in every respect; it is business-like, and there is
nothing flashy in it. I do not wish to suggest one alteration . . .
When you see the foreign Editor," he continues, "I should feel much
obliged if you would speak to him about my reviewing Tegner, and
enquire whether a GOOD article on Welsh poetry would be received. I
have the advantage of not being a Welshman. I would speak the truth,
and would give translations of some of the best Welsh poetry; and I
really believe that my translations would not be the worst that have
been made from the Welsh tongue."
The prospectus, which appeared in several publications ran as
follows:-
"Dr Bowring and Mr George Borrow are about to publish, dedicated to
the King of Denmark, by His Majesy's permission, THE SONGS OF
SCANDINAVIA, in 2 vols. 8vo, containing a Selection of the most
interesting of the Historical and Romantic Ballads of North-Western
Europe, with Specimens of the Danish and Norwegian Poets down to the
present day.
Price to Subscribers, 1 pound, 1s.--to Non-Subscribers 1 pound, 5s.
The First Volume will be devoted to Ancient Popular Poetry; the
Second will give the choicest productions of the Modern School,
beginning with Tullin." {81a}
The Songs of Scandinavia now became to Borrow what the Celebrated
Trials had been four years previously, a source of constant toil. On
one occasion he writes to Dr Bowring telling him that he has just
translated an ode "as I breakfasted." What Borrow lived on at this
period it is impossible to say. It may be assumed that Mrs Borrow
did not keep him, for, apart from the slender proportions of the
income of the mother, the unconquerable independence of the son must
be considered; and Borrow loved his mother too tenderly to allow her
to deprive herself of luxuries even to keep him. He borrowed money
from her at various times; but he subsequently faithfully repaid her.
Even John was puzzled. "You never tell me what you are doing," he
writes to his brother at the end of 1832; "you can't be living on
nothing."
Borrow appears to have kept Dr Bowring well occupied with suggestions
as to how that good-natured man might assist him. Although he is to
see him on the morrow, he writes on the evening of 21st May regarding
another idea that has just struck him:
"As at present no doubt seems to be entertained of Prince Leopold's
accepting the sovereignty of Greece, would you have any objection to
write to him concerning me? I should be very happy to go to Greece
in his service. I do not wish to go in a civil or domestic capacity,
and I have, moreover, no doubt that all such situations have been
long since filled up; I wish to go in a military one, for which I am
qualified by birth and early habits. You might inform the Prince
that I have been for years on the Commander-in-Chiefs list for a
commission, but that I have not had sufficient interest to procure an
appointment. One of my reasons for wishing to reside in Greece is,
that the mines of Eastern literature would be accessible to me. I
should soon become an adept in Turkish, and would weave and transmit
to you such an anthology as would gladden your very heart. As for
the Songs of Scandinavia, all the ballads would be ready before
departure, and as I should have books, I would in a few months send
you translations of the modern Lyric Poetry. I hope this letter will
not displease you. I do not write it from FLIGHTINESS, but from
thoughtfulness. I am uneasy to find myself at four and twenty
drifting on the sea of the world, and likely to continue so."
On 22nd May Dr Bowring introduced Borrow to Dr Grundtvig, the Danish
poet, who required some transcriptions done. On 7th June, Borrow
wrote to Dr Bowring:
"I have looked over Mr Gruntvig's (sic) manuscript. It is a very
long affair, and the language is Norman Saxon. 40 pounds would not
be an extravagant price for a transcript, and so they told him at the
Museum. However, as I am doing nothing particular at present, and as
I might learn something from transcribing it, I would do it for 20
pounds. He will call on you to-morrow morning, and then, if you
please, you may recommend me. The character closely resembles the
ancient Irish, so I think you can answer for my competency."
At this time there were a hundred schemes seething through Borrow's
eager brain. Hearing that "an order has been issued for the making a
transcript of the celebrated Anglo-Saxon Codex of Exeter, for the use
of the British Museum," he applied to some unknown correspondent for
his interest and help to obtain the appointment as transcriber. The
work, however, was carried out by a Museum official.
Another project appears to have been to obtain a post at the British
Museum. On 9th March 1830 he had written to Dr Bowring:
"I have thought over the Museum matter, which we were talking about
last night, and it appears to me that it would be the very thing for
me, provided that it could be accomplished. I should feel obliged if
you would deliberate upon the best mode of proceeding, so that when I
see you again I may have the benefit of your advice."
In reply Dr Bowring commended the scheme, and promised to assist "by
every sort of counsel and exertion. But it would injure you," he
proceeds, "if I were to take the initiative. [The Gibraltar house of
Bowring & Murdock had recently failed.] Quietly make yourself master
of that department of the Museum. We must then think of how best to
get at the Council. If by any management they can be induced to ask
my opinion, I will give you a character which shall take you to the
top of Hecla itself. You have claims, strong ones, and I should
rejoice to see you NICHED in the British Museum."
Again failure! Disappointment seemed to be dogging Borrow's
footsteps at this period. For years past he had been seeking some
sort of occupation, into which he could throw all that energy and
determination of character that he possessed. He was earnest and
able, and he knew that he only required an opportunity of showing to
the world what manner of man he was. He seemed doomed to meet
everywhere with discouragement; for no one wanted him, just as no one
wanted his translations of the glorious Ab Gwilym. He appeared
before the world as a failure, which probably troubled him very
little; but there was another aspect of the case that was in his
eyes, "the most heartbreaking of everything, the strange, the
disadvantageous light in which I am aware that I must frequently have
appeared to those whom I most love and honour." {83a}
On 14th September he wrote to Dr Bowring:
"I am going to Norwich for some short time, as I am very unwell and
hope that cold bathing in October and November may prove of service
to me. My complaints are, I believe, the offspring of ennui and
unsettled prospects. I have thoughts of attempting to get into the
French service, as I should like prodigiously to serve under Clausel
in the next Bedouin campaign. I shall leave London next Sunday and
will call some evening to take my leave; I cannot come in the
morning, as early rising kills me."
A year later he writes again to Dr Bowring, who once more has been
exerting himself on his friend's behalf:
"WILLOW LANE, NORWICH,
11th September 1831.
MY DEAR SIR, -
I return you my most sincere thanks for your kind letter of the 2nd
inst., and though you have not been successful in your application to
the Belgian authorities in my behalf, I know full well that you did
your utmost, and am only sorry that at my instigation you attempted
an impossibility.
The Belgians seem either not to know or not to care for the opinion
of the great Cyrus who gives this advice to his captains. 'Take no
heed from what countries ye fill up your ranks, but seek recruits as
ye do horses, not those particularly who are of your own country, but
those of merit.' The Belgians will only have such recruits as are
born in Belgium, and when we consider the heroic manner in which the
native Belgian army defended the person of their new sovereign in the
last conflict with the Dutch, can we blame them for their
determination? It is rather singular, however, that resolved as they
are to be served only by themselves they should have sent for 5000
Frenchmen to clear their country of a handful of Hollanders, who have
generally been considered the most unwarlike people in Europe, but
who, if they had fair play given them, would long ere this time have
replanted the Orange flag on the towers of Brussels, and made the
Belgians what they deserve to be, hewers of wood and drawers of
water.
And now, my dear Sir, allow me to reply to a very important part of
your letter; you ask me whether I wish to purchase a commission in
the British service, because in that case you would speak to the
Secretary at War about me. I must inform you therefore that my name
has been for several years upon the list for the purchase of a
commission, and I have never yet had sufficient interest to procure
an appointment. If I can do nothing better I shall be very glad to
purchase; but I will pause two or three months before I call upon you
to fulfil your kind promise. It is believed that the Militia will be
embodied in order to be sent to that unhappy country Ireland, and
provided I can obtain a commission in one of them, and they are kept
in service, it would be better than spending 500 pounds about one in
the line. I am acquainted with the Colonels of the two Norfolk
regiments, and I daresay that neither of them would have any
objection to receive me. If they are not embodied I will most
certainly apply to you, and you may say when you recommend me that
being well grounded in Arabic, and having some talent for languages,
I might be an acquisition to a corps in one of our Eastern Colonies.
I flatter myself that I could do a great deal in the East provided I
could once get there, either in a civil or military capacity; there
is much talk at present about translating European books into the two
great languages, the Arabic and Persian; now I believe that with my
enthusiasm for these tongues I could, if resident in the East, become
in a year or two better acquainted with them than any European has
been yet, and more capable of executing such a task. Bear this in
mind, and if before you hear from me again you should have any
opportunity to recommend me as a proper person to fill any civil
situation in those countries or to attend any expedition thither, I
pray you to lay hold of it, and no conduct of mine shall ever give
you reason to repent it.
I remain,
My Dear Sir,
Your most obliged and obedient Servant,
GEORGE BORROW.
P.S.--Present my best remembrances to Mrs B. and to Edgar, and tell
them that they will both be starved. There is now a report in the
street that twelve corn-stacks are blazing within twenty miles of
this place. I have lately been wandering about Norfolk, and I am
sorry to say that the minds of the peasantry are in a horrible state
of excitement; I have repeatedly heard men and women in the harvest-
field swear that not a grain of the corn they were cutting should be
eaten, and that they would as lieve be hanged as live. I am afraid
all this will end in a famine and a rustic war.
It was pride that prompted Borrow to ask Dr Bowring to stay his hand
for the moment about a commission. There was no reasonable
possibility of his being able to raise 500 pounds. Even if his
mother had possessed it, which she did not, he would not have drained
her resources of so large an amount. His subsequent attitude towards
the Belgians was characteristic of him. To his acutely sensitive
perceptions, failure to obtain an appointment he sought was a rebuff,
and his whole nature rose up against what, at the moment, appeared to
be an intolerable slight.
Nothing came of the project of collaboration between Bowring and
Borrow beyond an article on Danish and Norwegian literature that
appeared in The Foreign Quarterly Review (June 1830), in which Borrow
supplied translations of the sixteen poems illustrating Bowring's
text. In all probability the response to the prospectus was deemed
inadequate, and Bowring did not wish to face a certain financial
loss.
From Borrow's own letters there is no question that Dr Bowring was
acting towards him in a most friendly manner, and really endeavouring
to assist him to obtain some sort of employment. It may be, as has
been said, and as seems extremely probable, that Bowring used his
"facility in acquiring and translating tongues deliberately as a
ladder to an administrative post abroad," {86a} but if Borrow "put a
wrong construction upon his sympathy" and was led into "a veritable
cul-de-sac of literature," {86b} it was no fault of Bowring's.
Borrow's relations with Dr Bowring continued to be most cordial for
many years, as his letters show. "Pray excuse me for troubling you
with these lines," he writes years later; "I write to you, as usual,
for assistance in my projects, convinced that you will withhold none
which it may be in your power to afford, more especially when by so
doing you will perhaps be promoting the happiness of our fellow-
creatures." This is very significant as indicating the nature of the
relations between the two men.
Borrow was to experience yet another disappointment. A Welsh
bookseller, living in the neighbourhood of Smithfield, commissioned
him to translate into English Elis Wyn's The Sleeping Bard, a book
printed originally in 1703. The bookseller foresaw for the volume a
large sale, not only in England but in Wales; but "on the eve of
committing it to the press, however, the Cambrian-Briton felt his
small heart give way within him. 'Were I to print it,' said he, 'I
should be ruined; the terrible descriptions of vice and torment would
frighten the genteel part of the English public out of its wits, and
I should to a certainty be prosecuted by Sir James Scarlett . . . Myn
Diawl! I had no idea, till I had read him in English, that Elis Wyn
had been such a terrible fellow.'" {87a}
With this Borrow had to be content and retire from the presence of
the little bookseller, who told him he was "much obliged . . . for
the trouble you have given yourself on my account," {87b} and his
bundle of manuscript, containing nearly three thousand lines, the
work probably of some months, was to be put aside for thirty years
before eventually appearing in a limited edition.
It cannot be determined with exactness when Borrow relinquished the
unequal struggle against adverse circumstances in London. He had met
with sufficient discouragement to dishearten him from further effort.
Perhaps his greatest misfortune was his disinclination to make
friends with anybody save vagabonds. He could attract and earn the
friendship of an apple-woman, thimble-riggers, tramps, thieves,
gypsies, in short with any vagrant he chose to speak to; but his
hatred of gentility was a great and grave obstacle in the way of his
material advancement. His brother John seemed to recognise this; for
in 1831 he wrote, "I am convinced that YOUR WANT OF SUCCESS IN LIFE
is more owing to your being unlike other people than to any other
cause."
It would appear that, finding nothing to do in London, Borrow once
more became a wanderer. He was in London in March; but on 27th,
28th, and 29th July 1830 he was unquestionably in Paris. Writing
about the Revolution of La Granja (August 1836) and of the energy,
courage and activity of the war correspondents, he says:
"I saw them [the war correspondents] during the three days at Paris,
mingled with canaille and gamins behind the barriers, whilst the
mitraille was flying in all directions, and the desperate cuirassiers
were dashing their fierce horses against these seemingly feeble
bulwarks. There stood they, dotting down their observations in their
pocket-books as unconcernedly as if reporting the proceedings of a
reform meeting in Covent Garden or Finsbury Square." {88a}
This can have reference only to the "Three Glorious Days" of
Revolution, 27th to 29th July 1830, during which Charles X. lost, and
Louis-Philippe gained, a throne. He returned to Norwich sometime
during the autumn of 1830. {88b} In November he was entering upon
his epistolary duel with the Army Pay Office in connection with
John's half-pay as a lieutenant in the West Norfolk Militia.
In 1826 John had gone to Mexico, then looked upon as a land of
promise for young Englishmen, who might expect to find fortunes in
its silver mines. Allday, brother of Roger Kerrison, was there, and
John Borrow determined to join him. Obtaining a year's leave of
absence from his colonel, together with permission to apply for an
extension, he entered the service of the Real del Monte Company,
receiving a salary of three hundred pounds a year. He arranged that
his mother should have his half-pay, and it was in connection with
this that George entered upon a correspondence with the Army Pay
Office that was to extend over a period of fifteen months.
Originally John had arranged for the amounts to be remitted to
Mexico, and he sent them back again to his mother. This involved
heavy losses in connection with the bills of exchange, and wishing to
avoid this tax, John sent to his brother an official copy of a
Mexican Power of Attorney, which George strove to persuade the Army
Pay Office was the original.
Tact was unfortunately not one of George Borrow's acquirements at
this period, and in this correspondence he adopted an attitude that
must have seriously prejudiced his case. "I am a solicitor myself,
Sir," he states, and proceeds to threaten to bring the matter before
Parliament. He writes to the Solicitor of the Treasury "as a member
of the same honourable profession to which I was myself bred up," and
demands whether he has not law, etc., on his side. The outcome of
the correspondence was that the disembodied allowance was refused on
the plea "that Lieutenant Borrow having been absent without Leave
from the Training of the West Norfolk Militia has, under the
provisions of the 12th Section of the Militia Pay and Clothing Act,
forfeited his Allowance." In consequence, payment was made only for
the amount due from 25th June 1829 to 24th December 1830. The whole
tone of Borrow's letters was unfortunate for the cause he pleaded.
He wrote to the Secretary of State for War as he might have written
to the little Welsh bookseller with "the small heart." He was
indignant at what he conceived to be an injustice, and was unable to
dissemble his anger.
George had thought of joining his brother, but had not received any
very marked encouragement to do so. John despised Mexican methods.
On one occasion he writes apropos of George's suggestion of the army,
"If you can raise the pewter, come out here rather than that, and
ROB." One sage thing at least John is to be credited with, when he
wrote to his brother, "Do not enter the army; it is a bad spec." It
would have been for George Borrow.
Among the papers left at Borrow's death was a fragment of a political
article in dispraise of the Radicals. The editorial "We" suggests
that Borrow might possibly have been engaged in political journalism.
The statement made by him that he "frequently spoke up for
Wellington" {90a} may or may not have had reference to contributions
to the press. The fragment itself proves nothing. Many would-be
journalists write "leaders" that never see the case-room.
It is useless to speculate further regarding the period that Borrow
himself elected to veil from the eyes, not only of his
contemporaries, but those of another generation. Men who have
overcome adverse conditions and achieved fame are not as a rule
averse from publishing, or at least allowing to be known, the
difficulties that they had to contend with. Borrow was in no sense
of the word an ordinary man. He unquestionably suffered acutely
during the years of failure, when it seemed likely that his life was
to be wasted, barren of anything else save the acquirement of a score
or more languages; keys that could open literary storehouses that
nobody wanted to explore, to the very existence of which, in fact,
the public was frigidly indifferent.
"Poor George . . . I wish he was making money . . . He works hard
and remains poor," is the comment of his brother John, written in the
autumn of 1830. To no small degree Borrow was responsible for his
own failure, or perhaps it would be more just to say that he had been
denied many of the attributes that make for success. His
independence was aggressive, and it offended people. Even with the
Welsh Preacher and his wife he refused to unbend.
"'What a disposition!'" Winifred had exclaimed, holding up her hands;
"'and this is pride, genuine pride--that feeling which the world
agrees to call so noble. Oh, how mean a thing is pride! never before
did I see all the meanness of what is called pride!'" {91a}
This pride, magnificent as the loneliness of kings, and about as
unproductive of a sympathetic view of life, always constituted a
barrier in the way of Borrow's success. There were innumerable other
obstacles: his choice of friends, his fierce denunciatory hatred of
gentility, together with humbug, which he always seemed to confuse
with it, the attacks of the "Horrors," his grave bearing, which no
laugh ever disturbed, and, above all, his uncompromising hostility to
the things that the world chose to consider excellent. The world in
return could make nothing of a man who was a mass of moods and
sensibilities, strange tastes and pursuits. It is not remarkable
that he should fail to make the stir that he had hoped to make.
With the unerring instinct of a hypersensitive nature, he knew his
merit, his honesty, his capacity--knew that he possessed one thing
that eventually commands success, which "through life has ever been
of incalculable utility to me, and has not unfrequently supplied the
place of friends, money, and many other things of almost equal
importance--iron perseverance, without which all the advantages of
time and circumstance are of very little avail in any undertaking."
{91b} It was this dogged determination that was to carry him through
the most critical period of his life, enable him to earn the approval
of those in whose interests he worked, and eventually achieve fame
and an unassailable place in English literature.
CHAPTER VI: JANUARY-JULY 1833
It is not a little curious that no one should have thought of putting
Borrow's undoubted gifts as a linguist to some practical use. He
himself had frequently cast his eyes in the direction of a political
appointment abroad. It remained, however, for the Rev. Francis
Cunningham, {92a} vicar of Lowestoft, in Suffolk, to see in this
young man against whom the curse of Babel was inoperative, a sword
that, in the hands of the British and Foreign Bible Society, might be
wielded with considerable effect against the heathen.
Borrow appears to have become acquainted with the Rev. Francis
Cunningham through the Skeppers of Oulton Hall, near Lowestoft, of
whom it is necessary to give some account. Edmund Skepper had
married Anne Breame of Beetley, who, on the death of her father, came
into 9000 pounds. She and her husband purchased the Oulton Hall
estate, upon which Anne Skepper seems to have been given a five per
cent. mortgage. There were two children of the marriage, Breame
(born 1794) and Mary (born 1796). The boy inherited the estate, and
the girl the mortgage, worth about 450 pounds per annum. Mary
married Henry Clarke, a lieutenant in the Navy (26th July 1817), who
within eight months died of consumption. Two months later Mrs Clarke
gave birth to a daughter, who was christened Henrietta Mary. Mrs
Clarke became acquainted with the Cunninghams while they were at
Pakefield, and there is every reason to believe that she was
instrumental in introducing Borrow to Cunningham. It is most
probable that they met during Borrow's visit at Oulton Hall in
November 1832.
The Rev. Francis Cunningham appears to have been impressed by
Borrow's talent for languages, and fully alive to his value to an
institution such as the Bible Society, of which he, Cunningham, was
an active member. He accordingly addressed {93a} to the secretary,
the Rev. Andrew Brandram, the following letter:
LOWESTOFT VICARAGE,
27th Dec. 1832.
MY DEAR FRIEND, -
A young farmer in this neighbourhood has introduced me to-day to a
person of whom I have long heard, who appears to me to promise so
much that I am induced to offer him to you as a successor of Platt
and Greenfield. {93b} He is a person without University education,
but who has read the Bible in thirteen languages. He is independent
in circumstances, of no very defined denomination of Christians, but
I think of certain Christian principle. I shall make more enquiry
about him and see him again. Next week I propose to meet him in
London, and I could wish that you should see him, and, if you please,
take him under your charge for a few days. He is of the middle order
in Society, and a very produceable person.
I intend to be in town on Tuesday morning to go to the Socy. P. C. K.
On Wednesday is Dr Wilson's meeting at Islington. He may be in town
on Monday evening, and will attend to any appointment.
Will you write me word by return of post, and believe me ever
Most truly and affectionately yours,
F. CUNNINGHAM.
The recommendation was well-timed, for the Bible Society at that
particular moment required such a man as Borrow for a Manchu-Tartar
project it had in view. In 1821 the Bible Society had commissioned
Stepan Vasilievitch Lipovzoff, {94a} of St Petersburg, to translate
the New Testament into Manchu, the court and diplomatic language of
China. A year later, an edition of 550 copies of the First Gospel
was printed from type specially cast for the undertaking. A hundred
copies were despatched to headquarters in London, and the remainder,
together with the type, placed with the Society's bankers at St
Petersburg, {94b} until the time should arrive for the distribution
of the books.
Three years after (1824), the overflowing Neva flooded the cellars in
which the books were stored, causing their irretrievable ruin, and
doing serious damage to the type. This misfortune appeared
temporarily to discourage the authorities at home, although Mr
Lipovzoff was permitted to proceed with the work of translation,
which he completed in two years from the date of the inundation.
In 1832 the Rev. Wm. Swann, of the London Missionary Society,
discovered in the famous library of Baron Schilling de Canstadt at St
Petersburg the manuscript of a Manchu translation of "the principal
part of the Old Testament," and two books of the New. The discovery
was considered to be so important that Mr Swann decided to delay his
departure for his post in Siberia and make a transcription, which he
did. The Manchu translation was the work of Father Puerot,
"originally a Jesuit emissary at Pekin [who] passed the latter years
of his life in the service of the Russian Mission in the capacity of
physician." {95a}
The immediate outcome of Mr Cunningham's letter was an interview
between Borrow and the Bible Society's officials. With
characteristic energy and determination, Borrow trudged up to London,
covering the 112 miles on foot in 27.5 hours. His expenses by the
way amounted to fivepence-halfpenny for the purchase of a roll, two
apples, a pint of ale and a glass of milk. On reaching London he
proceeded direct to the Bible Society's offices in Earl Street, in
spite of the early hour, and there awaited the arrival of the Rev.
Andrew Brandram (Secretary), and the Rev. Joseph Jowett (Literary
Superintendent).
The story of Borrow's arrival at Earl Street was subsequently told,
by one of the secretaries at a provincial meeting in connection with
the Bible Society. The Rev. Wentworth Webster writes:
"I was little more than a boy when I first heard George Borrow spoken
of at the annual dinner given by a connection of my family to the
deputation of the British and Foreign Bible Society in a country town
near London . . . I can distinctly recall one of the secretaries
telling of his first meeting with Borrow, whom he found waiting at
the offices of the Society one morning;--how puzzled he was by his
appearance; how, after he had read his letter of introduction, he
wished to while away the time until a brother secretary should
arrive, and did not want to say anything to commit himself to such a
strange applicant; so he began by politely hoping that Borrow had
slept well. 'I am not aware that I fell asleep on the road,' was the
reply; I have walked from Norwich to London.'" {96a}
It would appear that this conference took place on Friday, 4th
January; for on that day there is an entry in the records of the
Society of the loan to George Borrow of several books from the
Society's library. On this and subsequent occasions, Borrow was
examined as to his capabilities, the result appearing to be quite
satisfactory. To judge from the books lent to Borrow, one of the
subjects would seem to have been Arabic.
Borrow appeared before the Committee on 14th January, with the result
that they seemed to be "quite satisfied with me and my philological
capabilities," which they judged of from the report given by the
Secretary and his colleague. A more material sign of approval was
found in the undertaking to defray "the expenses of my journey to and
from London, and also of my residence in that city, in the most
handsome manner." {96b} That is to say, the Committee voted him the
sum of ten pounds.
Borrow had been formally asked if he were prepared to learn Manchu
sufficiently well to edit, or translate, into that language such
portions of the Scriptures as the Society might decide to issue,
provided means of acquiring the language were put within his reach,
and employment should follow as soon as he showed himself proficient.
To this Borrow had willingly agreed. At this period, the idea
appears to have been to execute the work in London.
Shortly after appearing before the Committee Borrow returned to
Norwich, this time by coach, with several books in the Manchu-Tartar
dialect, including the Gospel of St Matthew and Amyot's Manchu-French
Dictionary. His instructions were to learn the language and come up
for examination in six months' time. Possibly the time limit was
suggested by Borrow himself, for he had said that he believed he
could master any tongue in a few months.
After two or three weeks of incessant study of a language that Amyot
says "one may acquire in five or six years," Borrow, who, it should
be remembered, possessed no grammar of the tongue, wrote to Mr
Jowett:
"It is, then, your opinion that, from the lack of anything in the
form of Grammar, I have scarcely made any progress towards the
attainment of Manchu: {97a} perhaps you will not be perfectly
miserable at being informed that you were never more mistaken in your
life. I can already, with the assistance of Amyot, translate Manchu
with no great difficulty, and am perfectly qualified to write a
critique on the version of St Matthew's Gospel, which I brought with
me into the country . . . I will now conclude by beseeching you to
send me, as soon as possible, WHATEVER CAN SERVE TO ENLIGHTEN ME IN
RESPECT TO MANCHU GRAMMAR, for, had I a Grammar, I should in a
month's time be able to send a Manchu translation of Jonah."
The racy style of Borrow's letters must have been something of a
revelation to the Bible Society's officers, who seem to have shown
great tact and consideration in dealing with their self-confident
correspondent There is something magnificent in the letters that
Borrow wrote about this period; their directness and virility, their
courage and determination suggest, not a man who up to the thirtieth
year of his age has been a conspicuous failure, as the world gauges
failure; but one who had grown confident through many victories and
is merely proceeding from one success to another.
Whilst in London, Borrow had discussed with Mr Brandram "the Gypsies
and the profound darkness as to religion and morality that envolved
them." {98a} The Secretary told him of the Southampton Committee for
the Amelioration of the Condition of the Gypsies that had recently
been formed by the Rev. James Crabbe for the express purpose of
enlightening and spreading the Gospel among the Romanys.
Furthermore, Mr Brandram, on hearing of Borrow's interest in, and
knowledge of, the gypsies, had requested him immediately on his
return to Norwich to draw up a vocabulary of Mr Petulengro's
language, during such time as he might have free from his other
studies. Borrow showed himself, as usual, prolific of suggestions,
all of which involved him in additional labour. He enquired through
Mr Jowett if Mr Brandram would write about him to the Southampton
Committee. He wished to translate into the gypsy tongue the Gospel
of St John, "which I could easily do," he tells Mr Jowett, "with the
assistance of one or two of the old people, but then they must be
paid, for the gypsies are more mercenary than the Jews."
He also informed Mr Jowett that he had a brother in Mexico,
subsequently assuring him that he had no doubt of John's willingness
to assist the Society in "flinging the rays of scriptural light o'er
that most benighted and miserable region." He sent to his brother,
at Mr Jowett's request, first a sheet, and afterwards a complete
copy, of the Gospel of St Luke translated into Nahuatl, the
prevailing dialect of the Mexican Indians, by Mariano Paz y Sanchez.
{99a}
In addition to learning Manchu, Borrow is credited with correcting
and passing for press the Nahuatl version of St. Luke. {99b} The
Bible Society's records, however, point to the fact that this work
was carried through by John Hattersley, who later was to come up with
Borrow for examination in Manchu. In the light of this, the
following passage from one of John's letters is puzzling in the
extreme:- "I have just received your letter of the 16th of February,
together with your translation of St Luke. I am glad you have got
the job, but I must say that the Bible Society are just throwing away
their time."
He goes on to explain how many dialects there are in Mexico. "The
job" can only refer to the Mexican translation, as, at that period,
Borrow was merely studying Manchu. He had received no appointment
from the Society. It may have happened that Borrow expressed a wish
to look through the proofs and that a set was sent to him for this
purpose; but there seems no doubt that the actual official
responsibility for the work rested with Hattersley. A very important
point in support of this view is that there is no record of Borrow
being paid anything in connection with this Mexican translation,
beyond the amount of fifteen shillings and fivepence, which he had
expended in postage on the advance sheet and complete copy sent to
John. To judge from the subsequent financial arrangements between
the Society and its agent, it is very improbable that he was given
work to do without payment.
After seven weeks' study Borrow wrote again to Mr Jowett:
"I am advancing at full gallop, and . . . able to translate with
pleasure and facility the specimens of the best authors who have
written in the language contained in the compilation of the Klaproth.
But I confess that the want of a Grammar has been, particularly in
the beginning of my course, a great clog to my speed, and I have
little doubt that had I been furnished with one I should have
attained my present knowledge of Manchu in half the time. I was
determined, however, not to be discouraged, and, not having a hatchet
at hand to cut down the tree with, to attack it with my knife; and I
would advise every one to make the most of the tools which happen to
be in his possession until he can procure better ones, and it is not
improbable that by the time the good tools arrive he will find he has
not much need of them, having almost accomplished his work." {100a}
There is a hint of the difficulties he was experiencing in his
confession that tools would still be of service to him, in particular
"this same tripartite Grammar which Mr Brandram is hunting for, my
ideas respecting Manchu construction being still very vague and
wandering." {100b} There is also a request for "the original
grammatical work of Amyot, printed in the Memoires." {100c}
Borrow had been studying Manchu for seven weeks when, feeling that
his glowing report of the progress he was making might be regarded as
"a piece of exaggeration and vain boasting," he enclosed a specimen
translation from Manchu into English. This he accompanied with an
assurance that, if required, he could at that moment edit any book
printed in the Manchu dialect. About this period Mr Jowett and his
colleagues passed from one sensation to another. The calm confidence
of this astonishing man was more than justified by his performance.
His attitude towards life was strange to Earl Street.
Nineteen weeks from the date of commencing his study of Manchu,
Borrow wrote again to Mr Jowett with unmistakable triumph: "I have
mastered Manchu, and I should feel obliged by your informing the
Committee of the fact, and also my excellent friend Mr Brandram." He
proceeds to indicate some of the many difficulties with which he has
had to contend, the absolute difference of Manchu from all the other
languages that he has studied, with the single exception of Turkish;
the number of its idiomatic phrases, which must of necessity be
learnt off by heart; the little assistance he has had in the nature
of books. Finally he acknowledges "the assistance of God," and asks
"to be regularly employed, for though I am not in want, my affairs
are not in a very flourishing condition."
The response to this letter was an invitation to proceed to London to
undergo an examination. His competitor was John Hattersley, upon
whom, in the event of Borrow's failure, would in all probability have
devolved the duty of assisting Mr Lipovzoff. A Manchu hymn, a paean
to the great Futsa, was the test. Each candidate prepared a
translation, which was handed to the examiners, who in turn were to
report to the Sub-Committee. Borrow returned to Norwich to await the
result. This was most probably towards the end of June. {101a}
Mr Jowett wrote encouragingly to Borrow of his prospects of obtaining
the coveted appointment. In acknowledgment of this letter, Borrow
dashed off a reply, magnificent in its confidence and manly
sincerity. It was a defiance to the fate that had so long dogged his
footsteps.
"What you have written has given me great pleasure," he wrote, "as it
holds out hope that I may be employed usefully to the Deity, to man,
and myself. I shall be very happy to visit St Petersburg and to
become the coadjutor of Lipovzoff, {102a} and to avail myself of his
acquirements in what you very happily designate a most singular
language, towards obtaining a still greater proficiency in it. I
flatter myself that I am for one or two reasons tolerably well
adapted for the contemplated expedition, for besides a competent
knowledge of French and German, I possess some acquaintance with
Russian, being able to read without much difficulty any printed
Russian book, and I have little doubt that after a few months
intercourse with the natives, I should be able to speak it fluently.
It would ill become me to bargain like a Jew or a Gypsy as to terms;
all I wish to say on that point is, that I have nothing of my own,
having been too long dependent on an excellent mother, who is not
herself in very easy circumstances."
Whilst still waiting for the confirmation by the General Committee of
the Sub-Committee's resolution, which was favourable to Borrow, Mr
Jowett wrote to him (5th July), telling him how good were his
prospects; but warning him not to be too confident of success. The
Sub-Committee had recommended that Borrow's services should be
engaged that he might go to St Petersburg and assist Mr Lipovzoff in
editing St Luke and the Acts and any other portions of the New
Testament that it was thought desirable to publish in Manchu. Should
the Russian Government refuse to permit the work to be proceeded
with, Borrow was to occupy himself in assisting the Rev. Wm. Swan to
transcribe and collate the manuscript of the Old Testament in Manchu
that had recently come to light. At the same time, he was to seize
every opportunity that presented itself of perfecting himself in
Manchu. For this he was to receive a salary of two hundred pounds a
year to cover all expenses, save those of the journey to and from St
Petersburg, for which the Society was to be responsible. Borrow was
advised to think carefully over the proposal, and, if it should prove
attractive to him, to hold himself in readiness to start as soon as
the General Committee should approve of the recommendation that was
to be placed before it. In conclusion, Mr Jowett proceeded to
administer a gentle rebuke to the confident pride with which the
candidate indited his letters. Only a quotation can show the tact
with which the admonition was conveyed.
"Excuse me," wrote the Literary Superintendent, "if as a clergyman,
and your senior in years though not in talent, I venture, with the
kindest of motives, to throw out a hint which may not be without its
use. I am sure you will not be offended if I suggest that there is
occasionally a tone of confidence in speaking of yourself, which has
alarmed some of the excellent members of our Committee. It may have
been this feeling, more than once displayed before, which prepared
one or two of them to stumble at an expression in your letter of
yesterday, in which, till pointed out, I confess I was not struck
with anything objectionable, but at which, nevertheless, a humble
Christian might not unreasonably take umbrage. It is where you speak
of the prospect of becoming 'useful to the Deity, to man, and to
yourself.' Doubtless you meant the prospect of glorifying God."
Borrow had yet to learn the idiom of Earl Street, which he showed
himself most anxious to acquire. He clearly recognised that the
Bible Society required different treatment from the Army Pay Office,
or the Solicitor of the Treasury. It was accustomed to humility in
those it employed, and a trust in a higher power, and Borrow's self-
confident letters alarmed the members of the Committee. How
thoroughly Borrow appreciated what was required is shown in a letter
that he wrote to his mother from Russia, when anticipating the return
of his brother. "Should John return home," he warns her, "by no
means let him go near the Bible Society, for he would not do for
them."
Borrow's reply to the Literary Superintendent's kindly worded
admonition was entirely satisfactory and "in harmony with the rule
laid down by Christ himself." It was something of a triumph, too,
for Mr Jowett to rebuke a man of such sensitiveness as Borrow,
without goading him to an impatient retort.
The meeting of the General Committee that was to decide upon Borrow's
future was held on 22nd July, and on the following day Mr Jowett
informed him that the recommendation of the Sub-Committee had been
adopted and confirmed, at the same time requesting him to be at Earl
Street on the morning of Friday, 26th July, that he might set out for
St Petersburg the following Tuesday. On 25th July Borrow took the
night coach to London. On the 29th he appeared before the Editorial
Sub-Committee and heard read the resolution of his appointment, and
drafts of letters recommending him to the Rev. Wm. Swan and Dr I. J.
Schmidt, a correspondent of the Society's in St Petersburg and a
member of the Russian Board of Censors. Finally, there was impressed
upon him "the necessity of confining himself closely to the one
object of his mission, carefully abstaining from mingling himself
with political or ecclesiastical affairs during his residence in
Russia. Mr Borrow assured them of his full determination religiously
to comply with this admonition, and to use every prudent method for
enlarging his acquaintance with the Manchu language." {104a}
The salary was to date from the day he embarked, and on account of
expenses to St Petersburg he drew the sum of 37 pounds. The actual
amount he expended was 27 pounds, 7s. 6d., according to the account
he submitted, which was dated 2nd October 1834. It is to be feared
that Borrow was not very punctual in rendering his accounts, as Mr
Brandram wrote to him (18th October 1837): --"I know you are no
accountant, but do not forget that there are some who are. My memory
was jogged upon this subject the other day, and I was expected to say
to you that a letter of figures would be acceptable."
It is not unnatural that those who remembered Borrow as one of
William Taylor's "harum-scarum" young men, who at one time intended
to "abuse religion and get prosecuted," should find in his
appointment as an agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society a
subject for derisive mirth. Harriet Martineau's voice was heard well
above the rest. "When this polyglott gentleman appeared before the
public as a devout agent of the Bible Society in foreign parts," she
wrote, "there was one burst of laughter from all who remembered the
old Norwich days." {105a} Like hundreds of other men, Borrow had, in
youth, been led to somewhat hasty and ill-considered conclusions; but
this in itself does not seem to be sufficiently strong reason why he
should not change his views. Many young men pass through an
aggressively irreligious phase without suffering much harm. Harriet
Martineau was rather too precipitate in assuming that what a man
believes, or disbelieves, at twenty, he holds to at thirty; such a
view negatives the reformer. Perhaps the chief cause of the change
in Borrow's views was that he had touched the depths of failure.
Here was an opening that promised much. He was a diplomatist when it
suited his purpose, and if the old poison were not quite gone out of
his system, he would hide his wounds, or allow the secretaries to
bandage them with mild reproof.
Very different from the attitude of Harriet Martineau was that of
John Venning, an English merchant resident at Norwich and recently
returned from St Petersburg, where his charity and probity had placed
him in high favour with the Emperor and the Goverment officials. Mr
Venning gave Borrow letters of introduction to a number of
influential personages at St Petersburg, including Prince Alexander
Galitzin and Baron Schilling de Canstadt. Dr Bowring obtained a
letter from Lord Palmerston to someone whose name is not known.
There were letters of introduction from other hands, so that when he
was ready to sail Borrow found himself "loaded with letters of
recommendation to some of the first people in Russia. Mr Venning's
packet has arrived with letters to several of the Princes, so that I
shall be protected if I am seized as a spy; for the Emperor is
particularly cautious as to the foreigners whom he admits. It costs
2 pounds, 7s. 6d. merely for permission to go to Russia, which alone
is enough to deter most people." {106a}
Before leaving England, Borrow paid into his mother's account at her
bank the sum of seventeen pounds, an amount that she had advanced to
him either during his unproductive years, or on account of his
expenses in connection with the expedition to St Petersburg.
CHAPTER VII: AUGUST 1833-JANUARY 1834
On 19th/31st July 1833 Borrow set out on a journey that was to some
extent to realise his ambitions. He was to be trusted and encouraged
and, what was most important of all, praised for what he
accomplished; for Borrow's was a nature that responded best to the
praise and entire confidence of those for whom he worked.
Travelling second class for reasons of economy, he landed at Hamburg
at seven in the morning of the fourth day, after having experienced
"a disagreeable passage of three days, in which I suffered much from
sea-sickness." {107a} Exhausted by these days of suffering and want
of sleep, the heat of the sun brought on "a transient fit of
delirium," {107b} in other words, an attack of the "Horrors." Two
fellow-passengers (Jews), with whom he had become acquainted,
conveyed him to a comfortable hotel, where he was visited by a
physician, who administered forty drops of laudanum, caused his head
to be swathed in wet towels, ordered him to bed, and charged a fee of
seven shillings. The result was that by the evening he had quite
recovered.
One of Borrow's first duties was to write a lengthy letter to Mr
Jowett, telling him of his movements, describing the city, the
service at a church he attended, the lax morality of the Hamburgers
in permitting rope-dancers in the park, and the opening of dancing-
saloons, "most infamous places," on the Lord's day. "England, with
all her faults," he proceeds, "has still some regard to decency, and
will not tolerate such a shameless display of vice on so sacred a
season, when a decent cheerfulness is the freest form in which the
mind or countenance ought to invest themselves." In conclusion, he
announced his intention of leaving for Lubeck on the sixth, {108a}
and he would be on the Baltic two days later en route for St
Petersburg. "My next letter, provided it pleases the Almighty to
vouchsafe me a happy arrival, will be from the Russian capital." By
"a fervent request that you will not forget me in your prayers," he
demonstrated that Mr Jowett's hint had not been forgotten.
The distance between Hamburg and Lubeck is only about thirty miles,
yet it occupied Borrow thirteen hours, so abominable was the road,
which "was paved at intervals with huge masses of unhewn rock, and
over this pavement the carriage was very prudently driven at a
snail's pace; for, had anything approaching speed been attempted, the
entire demolition of the wheels in a few minutes must have been the
necessary result. No sooner had we quitted this terrible pavement
than we sank to our axle-trees in sand, mud, and water; for, to
render the journey perfectly delectable, the rain fell in torrents
and ceaselessly." {108b} The state of the road Borrow attributed to
the ill-nature of the King of Denmark, for immediately on leaving his
dominions it improved into an excellent carriageway.
On 28th July/9th August Borrow took steamer from Travemunde, and
three days later landed at St Petersburg. His first duty was to call
upon Mr Swan, whom he found "one of the most amiable and interesting
characters" he had ever met. The arrival of a coadjutor caused Mr
Swan considerable relief, as he had suffered in health in consequence
of his uninterrupted labours in transcribing the Manchu manuscript.
Borrow was enthusiastic in his admiration of the capital of "our dear
and glorious Russia." St Petersburg he considered "the finest city
in the world" {109a} other European capitals were unworthy of
comparison. The enormous palaces, the long, straight streets, the
grandeur of the public buildings, the noble Neva that flows
majestically through "this Queen of the cities," the three miles long
Nevsky Prospect, paved with wood; all aroused in him enthusiasm and
admiration. "In a word," he wrote to his mother, "I can do little
else but look and wonder." All that he had read and heard of the
capital of All the Russias had failed to prepare him for this scene
of splendour. The meeting and harmonious mixing of East and West
early attracted his attention. The Oriental cultivation of a twelve-
inch beard among the middle and lower classes, placed them in marked
contrast with the moustached or clean-shaven patricians and
foreigners. In short, Russia gripped hold of and warmed Borrow's
imagination. Here were new types, curious blendings of nationalities
unthought of and strange to him, a mine of wealth to a man whose
studies were never books, except when they helped him the better to
understand men.
Another thing that attracted him to Russia was the great kindness
with which he was received, both by the English Colony and the
natives: to the one he appealed by virtue of a common ancestry; to
the other, on account of his knowledge of the Russian tongue, not to
speak of his mission, which acted as a strong recommendation to their
favour. On his part Borrow reciprocated the esteem. If he were an
implacable enemy, he was also a good friend, and he thoroughly
appreciated the manner in which he was welcomed by his countrymen,
especially the invitation he received from one of them to make his
house his home until he found a suitable dwelling. To his mother he
wrote:
"The Russians are the best-natured, kindest people in the world, and
though they do not know as much as the English [he was not referring
to the Colony], they have not their fiendish, spiteful dispositions,
and if you go amongst them and speak their language, however badly,
they would go through fire and water to do you a kindness." Later,
when in Portugal, he heartily wished himself "back in Russia . . .
where I had left cherished friends and warm affections."
High as was his opinion of the Russians, he was at a loss to
understand how they had earned their reputation as "the best general
linguists in the world." He found Russian absolutely necessary to
anyone who wished to make himself understood. French and German as
equivalents were of less value in St Petersburg than in England.
At first Borrow took up his residence "for nearly a fortnight in a
hotel, as the difficulty of procuring lodgings in this place is very
great, and when you have procured them you have to furnish them
yourself at a considerable expense . . . eventually I took up my
abode with Mr Egerton Hubbard, a friend of Mr Venning's [at 221
Galernoy Ulitza], where I am for the present very comfortably
situated." {110a} He stayed with Mr Hubbard for three months; but
was eventually forced to leave on account of constant interruptions,
probably by his fellow-boarders, in consequence of which he could
neither perform his task of transcription nor devote himself to
study. He therefore took a small lodging at a cost of nine shillings
a week, including fires, where he could enjoy quiet and solitude.
His meals he got at a Russian eating-house, dinner costing fivepence,
"consequently," he writes to his mother, "I am not at much expense,
being able to live for about sixty pounds a year and pay a Russian
teacher, who has five shillings for one lesson a week."
One of Borrow's earliest thoughts on arriving at St Petersburg had
been to present his letters of introduction. Within two days of
landing he called upon Prince Alexander Galitzin, {111a} accompanied
by his fellow-lodger, young Venning. One of the most important, and
at the same time useful, friendships that he made was with Baron
Schilling de Canstadt, the philologist and savant, who, later, with
his accustomed generosity, was to place his unique library at
Borrow's disposition. The Baron was one of the greatest bibliophiles
of his age, and possessed a collection of Eastern manuscripts and
other priceless treasures that was world-famous. He spared neither
expense nor trouble in procuring additions to his collection, which
after his death was acquired by the Imperial Academy of Science at St
Petersburg. In this literary treasure-house Borrow found facilities
for study such as he nowhere else could hope to obtain.
Another friendship that Borrow made was with John P. Hasfeldt, a man
of about his own age attached to the Danish Legation, who also gave
lessons in languages. Borrow seems to have been greatly attracted to
Hasfeldt, who wrote to him with such cordiality. It was Hasfeldt who
gave to Borrow as a parting gift the silver shekel that he invariably
carried about with him, and which caused him to be hailed as blessed
by the Gibraltar Jews.
In his letter Hasfeldt shows himself a delightful correspondent. His
generous camaraderie seemed to warm Borrow to response, as indeed
well it might. Who could resist the breezy good humour of the
following from a letter addressed to Borrow by Hasfeldt years later?
-
"Do you still eat Pike soup? Do you remember the time when you lived
on that dish for more than six weeks, and came near exterminating the
whole breed? And the pudding that accompanied it, that always lay as
hard as a stone on the stomach? This you surely have not forgotten.
Yes, your kitchen was delicately manipulated by Machmoud, your Tartar
servant, who only needed to give you horse-meat to have merited a
diploma. Do you still sing when you are in a good humour? Doubtless
you are not troubled with many friends to visit you, for you are not
of the sort who are easily understood, nor do you care to have
everyone understand you; you prefer to have people call you grey and
let you gae."
Other friends Borrow made, including Nikolai Ivanovitch Gretch,
{112a} the grammarian, and Friedrich von Adelung, {112b}} who
assisted him with the loan of books and MSS. in Oriental tongues.
The story of Borrow's labours in connection with the printing of the
Manchu version of the New Testament, forms a remarkable study of
unswerving courage and will-power triumphing over apparently
insurmountable obstacles. The mere presence of difficulties seemed
to increase his eagerness and determination to overcome them.
Disappointments he had in plenty; but his indomitable courage and
untiring energy, backed up by the earnest support he received from
Earl Street, enabled him to emerge from his first serious undertaking
with the knowledge that he had succeeded where failure would not have
been discreditable.
He threw himself into his work with characteristic eagerness. At the
end of the first two months he had transcribed the Second Book of
Chronicles and the Gospel of St Matthew. He formed a very high
opinion of the work of the translator, and took the opportunity of
paying a tribute to the followers of Ignatius Loyola (Father Puerot
was a Jesuit). "When," he writes, "did a Jesuit any thing which he
undertook, whether laudable or the reverse, not far better than any
other person?" yet they laboured in vain, for "they thought not of
His glory, but of the glory of their order." {113a}
Borrow discovered that Mr Lipovzoff knew nothing of the Bible
Society's scheme for printing the New Testament in Manchu; but he
found, what was of even greater importance to him, that the old man
knew no European language but Russian. Thus the frequent
conversations and explanations all tended to improve Borrow's
knowledge of the language of the people among whom he was living.
Mr Lipovzoff struck Borrow as being "rather a singular man," as he
took occasion to inform Mr Jowett, apparently utterly indifferent as
to the fate of his translation, excellent though it was. As a matter
of fact, Mr Lipovzoff was occupied with his own concerns, and, as an
official in the Russian Foreign Office, most likely saw the
inexpediency of a too eager enthusiasm for the Bible Society's
Manchu-Tartar programme. He was probably bewildered by the fierce
energy of its honest and compelling agent, who had descended upon St
Petersburg to do the Society's bidding with an impetuosity and
determination foreign to Russian official life. Borrow was on fire
with zeal and impatient of the apathy of those around him.
He soon began to show signs of that singleness of purpose and
resourcefulness that, later, was to arouse so much enthusiasm among
the members of the Bible Society at home. The transcribing and
collating Puerot's version of the Scriptures occupied the remainder
of the year. On the completion of this work, it had been arranged
that Mr Swan should return to his mission-station in Siberia. The
next step was to obtain official sanction to print the Lipovzoff
version of the New Testament. Dr Schmidt, to whom Borrow turned for
advice and information, was apparently very busily occupied with his
own affairs, which included the compilation of a Mongolian Grammar
and Dictionary. The Doctor was optimistic, and promised to make
enquiries about the steps to be taken to obtain the necessary
permission to print; but Borrow heard nothing further from him.
"Thus circumstanced, and being very uneasy in my mind," he writes, "I
determined to take a bold step, and directly and without further
feeling my way, to petition the Government in my own name for
permission to print the Manchu Scriptures. Having communicated this
determination to our beloved, sincere, and most truly Christian
friend Mr Swan (who has lately departed to his station in Siberia,
shielded I trust by the arm of his Master), it met with his perfect
approbation and cordial encouragement. I therefore drew up a
petition, and presented it with my own hand to His Excellence Mr
Bludoff, Minister of the Interior." {114a}
The minister made reply that he doubted his jurisdiction in the
matter; but that he would consider. Fearful lest the matter should
miscarry or be shelved, Borrow called on the evening of the same day
upon the British Minister, the Hon. J. D. Bligh, "a person of superb
talents, kind disposition, and of much piety," {114b} whose
friendship Borrow had "assiduously cultivated," and who had shown him
"many condescending marks of kindness." {114c} But Mr Bligh was out.
Nothing daunted, Borrow wrote a note entreating his interest with the
Russian officials. On calling for an answer in the morning, he was
received by Mr Bligh, when "he was kind enough to say that if I
desired it he would apply officially to the Minister, and exert all
his influence in his official character in order to obtain the
accomplishment of my views, but at the same time suggested that it
would, perhaps, be as well at a private interview to beg it as a
personal favour." {115a}
There was hesitation, perhaps suspicion, in official quarters. It is
easy to realise that the Government was not eager to assist the agent
of an institution closely allied to the Russian Bible Society, which
it had recently been successful in suppressing. It might with
impunity suppress a Society; but in George Borrow it soon became
evident that the officials had to deal with a man of purpose and
determination who used a British Minister as a two-edged sword.
Borrow was invited to call at the Asiatic Department: he did so, and
learned that if permission were granted, Mr Lipovzoff (who was a
clerk in the Department) was to be censor (over his own translation!)
and Borrow editor. There was still the "If." Borrow waited a
fortnight, then called on Mr Bligh. By great good chance Mr Bludoff
was dining that evening with the British Minister. The same night
Borrow received a message requesting him to call on Mr Bludoff the
next day. On presenting himself he was given a letter to the
Director of Worship, which he delivered without delay, and was told
to call again on the first day of the following week.
"On calling there I FOUND THAT PERMISSION HAD BEEN GRANTED TO PRINT
THE MANCHU SCRIPTURE." {115b} Baron Schilling had rendered some
assistance in getting the permission, and Borrow was requested to
inform him of "the deep sense of obligation" of the Bible Society, to
which was added a present of some books.
Borrow clearly viewed this as only a preliminary success; he had in
mind the eventual printing of the whole Bible. He was beginning to
feel conscious of his own powers. Mr Swan had gone, and upon
Borrow's shoulders rested the whole enterprise. A mild wave of
enthusiasm passed over the Head Office at Earl Street on receipt of
the news that permission to print had been obtained.
"You cannot conceive," Borrow wrote to Mr Jowett, "the cold,
heartless apathy in respect to the affair, on which I have been
despatched hither as an ASSISTANT, which I have found in people to
whom I looked not unreasonably for encouragement and advice." {116a}
Well might he underline the word "assistant." In this same letter,
with a spasmodic flicker of the old self-confidence, he adds, "In
regard to what we have yet to do, let it be borne in mind, that we
are by no means dependent upon Mr Lipovzoff, though certainly to
secure the services, which he is capable of performing, would be
highly desirable, and though he cannot act outwardly in the character
of Editor (he having been appointed censor), he may privately be of
great utility to us." Borrow seems to have formed no very high
opinion of Mr Lipovzoff's capacity for affairs, although he
recognised his skill as a translator.
At first Borrow seems to have found the severity of the winter very
trying. "The cold when you go out into it," he writes to his mother
(1st/13th Feb. 1834), "cuts your face like a razor, and were you not
to cover it with furs the flesh would be bitten off. The rooms in
the morning are heated with a stove as hot as ovens, and you would
not be able to exist in one for a minute; but I have become used to
them and like them much, though at first they made me dreadfully sick
and brought on bilious headaches."
There was still at the Sarepta House, the premises of the Bible
Society's bankers in St Petersburg, the box of Manchu type, which had
not been examined since the river floods. In addition to this, the
only other Manchu characters in St Petersburg belonged to Baron
Schilling, who possessed a small fount of the type, which he used
"for the convenience of printing trifles in that tongue," as Borrow
phrased it. This was to be put at Borrow's disposal if necessary;
but first the type at the Sarepta House had to be examined. Borrow's
plan was, provided the type were not entirely ruined, to engage the
services of a printer who was accustomed to setting Mongolian
characters, which are very similar to those of Manchu, who would, he
thought, be competent to undertake the work. He suggested following
the style of the St Matthew's Gospel already printed, giving to each
Gospel and the Acts a volume and printing the Epistles and the
Apocalypse in three more, making eight volumes in all.
These he proposed putting "in a small thin wooden case, covered with
blue stuff, precisely after the manner of Chinese books, in order
that they may not give offence to the eyes of the people for whom
they are intended by a foreign and unusual appearance, for the mere
idea that they are barbarian books would certainly prevent them being
read, and probably cause their destruction if ever they found their
way into the Chinese Empire." {117a} Borrow left nothing to chance;
he thought out every detail with great care before venturing to put
his plans into execution.
Although busily occupied in an endeavour to stimulate Russian
government officials to energy and decision, Borrow was not
neglecting what had been so strongly urged upon him, the perfecting
of himself in the Manchu dialect. In reply to an enquiry from Mr
Jowett as to what manner of progress he was making, he wrote
"For some time past I have taken lessons from a person who was
twelve years in Pekin, and who speaks Manchu and Chinese with
fluency. I pay him about six shillings English for each lesson,
which I grudge not, for the perfect acquirement of Manchu is one of
my most ardent wishes." {118a}
This person Borrow subsequently recommended to the Society "to assist
me in making a translation into Manchu of the Psalms and Isaiah," but
the pundit proved "of no utility at all, but only the cause of
error."
Borrow was soon able to transcribe the Manchu characters with greater
facility and speed than he could English. In addition to being able
to translate from and into Manchu, he could compose hymns in the
language, and even prepared a Manchu rendering of the second Homily
of the Church of England, "On the Misery of Man." He had, however,
made the discovery that Manchu was far less easy to him than it had
at first appeared, and that Amyot was to some extent justified in his
view of the difficulties it presented. "It is one of those deceitful
tongues," he confesses in a letter to Mr Jowett, "the seeming
simplicity of whose structure induces you to suppose, after applying
to it for a month or two, that little more remains to be learned, but
which, should you continue to study a year, as I have studied this,
show themselves to you in their veritable colours, amazing you with
their copiousness, puzzling with their idioms."{118b} Its
difficulties, however, did not discourage him; for he had a great
admiration for the language which "for majesty and grandeur of sound,
and also for general copiousness is unequalled by any existing
tongue." {118c}
However great his exertions or discouragements, Borrow never forgot
his mother, to whom he was a model son. On 1st/13th February he sent
her a draft for twenty pounds, being the second since his arrival six
months previously. Thus out of his first half-year's salary of a
hundred pounds, he sent to his mother forty pounds (in addition to
the seventeen pounds he had paid into her account before sailing),
and with it a promise that "next quarter I shall try and send you
thirty," lest in the recent storms of which he had heard, some of her
property should have suffered damage and be in need of repair. The
larger remittance, however, he was unable to make on account of the
illness that had necessitated the drinking of a bottle of port wine
each day (by doctor's orders); but he was punctual in remitting the
twenty pounds. The attack which required so drastic a remedy
originated in a chill caught as the ice was breaking up. "I went
mad," he tells his mother, "and when the fever subsided, I was seized
with the 'Horrors,' which never left me day or night for a week."
{119a} During this illness everyone seems to have been extremely
kind and attentive, the Emperor's apothecary, even, sending word that
Borrow was to order of him anything, medical or otherwise, that he
found himself in need of.
CHAPTER VIII: FEBRUARY-OCTOBER 1834
Borrow had at last found work that was thoroughly congenial to him.
It was not in his nature to exist outside his occupations, and his
whole personality became bound up in the mission upon which he was
engaged. Not content with preparing the way for printing the New
Testament in Manchu, he set himself the problem of how it was to be
distributed when printed. He foresaw serious obstacles to its
introduction into China, on account of the suspicion with which was
regarded any and everything European. With a modest disclaimer that
his suggestion arose "from a plenitude of self-conceit and a
disposition to offer advice upon all matters, however far they may be
above my understanding," he proceeds to deal with the difficulties of
distribution with great clearness.
To send the printed books to Canton, to be distributed by English
missionaries, he thought would be productive of very little good, nor
would it achieve the object of the Society, to distribute copies at
seaports along the coasts, because it was unlikely that there would
be many Tartars or people there who understood Manchu. There was a
further obstacle in the suspicion in which the Chinese held all
things English. On the other hand, he tells Mr Jowett,
"there is a most admirable opening for the work on the Russian side
of the Chinese Empire. About five thousand miles from St Petersburg,
on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary, and only nine hundred miles
distant from Pekin, the seat of the Tartar Monarchy, stands the town
of Kiakhta, {121a} which properly belongs to Russia, but the
inhabitants of which are a medley of Tartary, Chinese, and Russ
(sic). As far as this town a Russian or foreigner is permitted to
advance, but his further progress is forbidden, and if he make the
attempt he is liable to be taken up as a spy or deserter, and sent
back under guard. This town is the emporium of Chinese and Russian
trade. Chinese caravans are continually arriving and returning,
bringing and carrying away articles of merchandise. There are
likewise a Chinese and a Tartar Mandarin, also a school where Chinese
and Tartar are taught, and where Chinese and Tartar children along
with Russian are educated." {121b}
The advantages of such a town as a base of operations were obvious.
Borrow was convinced that he could dispose "of any quantity of
Testaments to the Chinese merchants who arrive thither from Pekin and
other places, and who would be glad to purchase them on speculation."
{121c}
Russia and China were friendly to each other, so much so, that there
was at Pekin a Russian mission, the only one of its kind. These good
relations rendered Borrow confident that books from Russia,
especially books which had not an outlandish appearance, would be
purchased without scruple. "In a word, were an agent for the Bible
Society to reside at this town [Kiakhta] for a year or so, it is my
humble opinion, and the opinion of much wiser people, that if he were
active, zealous and likewise courageous, the blessings resulting from
his labours would be incalculable." {121d}
He might even make excursions into Tartary, and become friendly with
the inhabitants, and eventually perhaps, "with a little management
and dexterity," he might "penetrate even to Pekin, and return in
safety, after having examined the state of the land. I can only say
that if it were my fortune to have the opportunity, I would make the
attempt, and should consider myself only to blame if I did not
succeed." Borrow was to revert to this suggestion on many occasions,
in fact it seems to have been in his mind during the whole period of
his association with the Bible Society.
Acting upon instructions from Earl Street, Borrow proceeded to find
out the approximate cost of printing the Manchu New Testament. He
early discovered that in Russia "the wisdom of the serpent is quite
as necessary as the innocence of the dove," as he took occasion to
inform Mr Jowett. The Russians rendered him estimates of cost as if
of the opinion that "Englishmen are made of gold, and that it is only
necessary to ask the most extravagant price for any article in order
to obtain it."
In St Petersburg Borrow was taken for a German, a nation for which he
cherished a cordial dislike. This mistake as to nationality,
however, did not hinder the Russian tradesmen from asking exorbitant
prices for their services or their goods. At first Borrow "was quite
terrified at the enormous sums which some of the printers . . .
required for the work." At length he applied to the University
Press, which asked 30 roubles 60 copecks (24s. 8d.) per sheet of two
pages for composition and printing. A young firm of German printers,
Schultz & Beneze, was, however, willing to undertake the same work at
the rate of 12.5 roubles (10s.) per two sheets.
In contracting for the paper Borrow showed himself quite equal to the
commercial finesse of the Russian. He scoured the neighbourhood
round St Petersburg in a calash at a cost of about four pounds.
Russian methods of conducting business are amazing to the English
mind. At Peterhof, a town about twenty miles out of St Petersburg,
he found fifty reams of a paper such as he required. "Concerning the
price of this paper," he writes, "I could obtain no positive
information, for the Director and first and second clerks were
invariably absent, and the place abandoned to ignorant understrappers
(according to the custom of Russia). And notwithstanding I found out
the Director in St Petersburg, he himself could not tell me the
price." {123a}
Eventually 75 roubles (3 pounds) a ream was quoted for the stock, and
100 roubles (4 pounds) a ream for any further quantity required.
Thus the paper for a thousand copies would run to 40,000 roubles
(1600 pounds), or 32s. a copy. Borrow found that the law of commerce
prevalent in the East was that adopted in St Petersburg. A price is
named merely as a basis of negotiation, and the customer beats it
down to a figure that suits him, or he goes elsewhere. Borrow was a
master of such methods. The sum he eventually paid for the paper was
25 roubles (1 pound) a ream! Of all these negotiations he kept Mr
Jowett well informed. By June he had received from Earl Street the
official sanction to proceed, together with a handsome remittance.
For some time past Borrow had been anxious on account of his brother
John. On 9th/21st November, he had written to his mother telling her
to write to John urging him to come home at once, as he had seen in
the Russian newspapers how the town of Guanajuato had been taken and
sacked by the rebels, and also that cholera was ravaging Mexico.
Later {123b} he tells her of that nice house at Lakenham, {123c}
which he means to buy, and how John can keep a boat and amuse himself
on the river, and adds, "I dare say I shall continue for a long time
with the Bible Society, as they see that I am useful to them and can
be depended upon."
On the day following that on which Borrow wrote asking his mother to
urge his brother to return home, viz., 10th/22nd November, John died.
He was taken ill suddenly in the morning and passed away the same
afternoon.
In February 1832 John Borrow had, much against the advice of his
friends, left the United Mexican Company, which he had become
associated with the previous year. He was of a restless disposition,
never content with what he was doing. Thinking he could better
himself, and having saved a few hundred dollars, he resigned his
post. He appears soon to have discovered his mistake. First he
indulged in an unfortunate speculation, by which he was a
considerable loser, then cholera broke out. Without a thought of
himself he turned nurse and doctor, witnessing terrible scenes of
misery and death and ministering to the poor with an energy and
humanity that earned for him the admiration of the whole township.
Finally, finding himself in serious financial difficulties, he
entered the service of the Colombian Mining Company, and was to be
sent to Colombia "for the purpose of introducing the Mexican system
of beneficiating there." It only remained for the agreement to be
signed, when he was taken ill.
In the letter in which she tells George of their loss, Mrs Borrow
expresses fear that he does "not live regular. When you find
yourself low," she continues, "take a little wine, but not too much
at one time; it will do you the more good; I find that by myself."
Her solicitude for George's health is easily understandable. He is
now her "only hope," as she pathetically tells him. "Do not grieve,
my dear George," she proceeds tenderly, "I trust we shall all meet in
heaven. Put a crape on your hat for some time."
George wrote immediately to acknowledge his mother's letter
containing the news of John's death, which had given him "the
severest stroke I ever experienced. It [the letter] quite stunned
me, and since reading its contents I have done little else but moan
and lament . . . O that our darling John had taken the advice which I
gave him nearly three years since, to abandon that horrid country and
return to England! . . . Would that I had died for him! for I loved
him dearly, dearly." Borrow's affection for his bright and
attractive brother is everywhere manifest in his writings. He never
showed the least jealousy when his father held up his first-born as a
model to the strange and incomprehensible younger son. His love for
and admiration of John were genuine and deep-rooted. In the same
letter he goes on to assure his mother that he was never better in
his life, and that experience teaches him how to cure his disorders.
"The 'Horrors,' for example. Whenever they come I must drink strong
Port wine, and then they are stopped instantly. But do not think
that I drink habitually, for you ought to know that I abhor drink.
The 'Horrors' are brought on by weakness."
He goes on to reassure his mother as to the care he takes of himself,
telling her that he has three meals a day, although, as a rule,
dinner is a poor one, "for the Russians, in the first place, are very
indifferent cooks, and the meat is very bad, as in fact are almost
all the provisions." The fish is without taste, Russian salmon
having less savour than English skate; the fowls are dry because no
endeavour is made to fatten them, and the "mutton stinks worst than
carrion, for they never cut the wool."
With great thought and tenderness he tells her that he wishes her "to
keep a maid, for I do not like that you should live alone. Do not
take one of the wretched girls of Norwich," he advises her, but
rather the daughter of one of her tenants. "What am I working for
here and saving money, unless it is for your comfort? for I assure
you that to make you comfortable is my greatest happiness, almost my
only one." Urging her to keep up her spirits and read much of the
things that interest her, he concludes with a warning to her not to
pay any debts contracted by John. {126a} The letter concludes with
the postscript: "I have got the crape."
In July 1834 Borrow again changed his quarters, taking an unfurnished
floor, {126b} at the same time hiring a Tartar servant named Mahmoud,
{126c} "the best servant I ever had." {126d} The wages he paid this
prince of body-servants was thirty shillings a month, out of which
Mahmoud supplied himself "with food and everything." Borrow's reason
for making this change in his lodgings was that he wanted more room
than he had, and furnished apartments were very expensive. The
actual furnishing was not a very costly matter to a man of Borrow's
simple wants; for the expenditure of seven pounds he provided himself
with all he required.
After the letter of 27th June/9th July the Bible Society received no
further news of what was taking place in St Petersburg. Week after
week passed without anything being heard of its Russian agent's
movements or activities. On 25th September/7th October Mr Jowett
wrote an extremely moderate letter beseeching Borrow to remember "the
very lively interest" taken by the General Committee in the printing
of the Manchu version of the New Testament; that people were asking,
"What is Mr Borrow doing?" that the Committee stands between its
agents and an eager public, desirous of knowing the trials and
tribulations, the hopes and fears of those actively engaged in
printing or disseminating the Scriptures. "You can have no
difficulty," he continues, "in furnishing me with such monthly
information as may satisfy the Committee that they are not expending
a large sum of money in vain." There was also a request for
information as to how "some critical difficulty has been surmounted
by the translator, or editor, or both united, not to mention the
advance already made in actual printing." On 1st/13th Oct. Borrow
had written a brief letter giving an account of his disbursements
during the journey to St Petersburg FIFTEEN MONTHS PREVIOUSLY; but he
made no mention of what was taking place with regard to the printing.
The letter in which Borrow replied to Mr Jowett is probably the most
remarkable he ever wrote. It presents him in a light that must have
astonished those who had been so eager to ridicule his appointment as
an agent of the Bible Society. The letter runs:-
ST PETERSBURG,
8th [20th] October 1834.
I have just received your most kind epistle, the perusal of which has
given me both pain and pleasure--pain that from unavoidable
circumstances I have been unable to gratify eager expectation, and
pleasure that any individual should have been considerate enough to
foresee my situation and to make allowance for it. The nature of my
occupations during the last two months and a half has been such as
would have entirely unfitted me for correspondence, had I been aware
that it was necessary, which, on my sacred word, I was not. Now, and
only now, when by the blessing of God I have surmounted all my
troubles and difficulties, I will tell, and were I not a Christian I
should be proud to tell, what I have been engaged upon and
accomplished during the last ten weeks. I have been working in the
printing-office, as a common compositor, between ten and thirteen
hours every day during that period; the result of this is that St
Matthew's Gospel, printed from such a copy as I believe nothing was
ever printed from before, has been brought out in the Manchu
language; two rude Esthonian peasants, who previously could barely
compose with decency in a plain language which they spoke and were
accustomed to, have received such instruction that with ease they can
each compose at the rate of a sheet a day in the Manchu, perhaps the
most difficult language for composition in the whole world.
Considerable progress has also been made in St Mark's Gospel, and I
will venture to promise, provided always the Almighty smiles upon the
undertaking, that the entire work of which I have the superintendence
will be published within eight months from the present time. Now,
therefore, with the premise that I most unwillingly speak of myself
and what I have done and suffered for some time past, all of which I
wished to keep locked up in my own breast, I will give a regular and
circumstantial account of my proceedings from the day when I received
your letter, by which I was authorised by the Committee to bespeak
paper, engage with a printer, and cause our type to be set in order.
My first care was to endeavour to make suitable arrangements for the
obtaining of Chinese paper. Now those who reside in England, the
most civilised and blessed of countries, where everything is to be
obtained at a fair price, have not the slightest idea of the anxiety
and difficulty which, in a country like this, harass the foreigner
who has to disburse money not his own, if he wish that his employers
be not shamefully and outrageously imposed upon. In my last epistle
to you I stated that I had been asked 100 roubles per ream for such
paper as we wanted. I likewise informed you that I believed that it
was possible to procure it for 35 roubles, notwithstanding our
Society had formerly paid 40 roubles for worse paper than the samples
I was in possession of. Now I have always been of opinion that in
the expending of money collected for sacred purposes, it behoves the
agent to be extraordinarily circumspect and sparing. I therefore was
determined, whatever trouble it might cost me, to procure for the
Society unexceptionable paper at a yet more reasonable rate than 35
roubles. I was aware that an acquaintance of mine, a young Dane, was
particularly intimate with one of the first printers of this city,
who is accustomed to purchase vast quantities of paper every month
for his various publications. I gave this young gentleman a specimen
of the paper I required, and desired him (he was under obligations to
me) to inquire of his friend, AS IF FROM CURIOSITY, the least
possible sum per ream at which THE PRINTER HIMSELF (who from his
immense demand for paper should necessarily obtain it cheaper than
any one else) could expect to purchase the article in question. The
answer I received within a day or two was 25 roubles. Upon hearing
this I prevailed upon my acquaintance to endeavour to persuade his
friend to bespeak the paper at 25 roubles, and to allow me,
notwithstanding I was a perfect stranger, to have it at that price.
All this was brought about. I was introduced to the printer, Mr
Pluchard, by the Dane, Mr Hasfeldt, and between the former gentleman
and myself a contract was made to the effect that by the end of
October he should supply me with 450 reams of Chinese paper at 25
roubles per ream, the first delivery to be made on the 1st of August;
for as my order given at an advanced period of the year, when all the
paper manufactories were at full work towards the executing of orders
already received, it was but natural that I should verify the old
apophthegm, 'Last come, last served.' As no orders are attended to
in Russia unless money be advanced upon them, I deposited in the
hands of Mr Pluchard the sum of 2000 roubles, receiving his receipt
for that amount.
Having arranged this most important matter to my satisfaction, I
turned my attention to the printing process. I accepted the offer of
Messrs Schultz & Beneze to compose and print the Manchu Testament at
the rate of 25 roubles per sheet [of four pages], and caused our
fount of type to be conveyed to their office. I wish to say here a
few words respecting the state in which these types came into my
possession. I found them in a kind of warehouse, or rather cellar.
They had been originally confined in two cases; but these having
burst, the type lay on the floor trampled amidst mud and filth. They
were, moreover, not improved by having been immersed within the
waters of the inundation of '27 [1824]. I caused them all to be
collected and sent to their destination, where they were purified and
arranged--a work of no small time and difficulty, at which I was
obliged to assist. Not finding with the type what is called
'Durchschuss' by the printers here, consisting of leaden wedges of
about six ounces weight each, which form the spaces between the
lines, I ordered 120 pounds weight of those at a rouble a pound,
being barely enough for three sheets. {129a} I had now to teach the
compositors the Manchu alphabet, and to distinguish one character
from another. This occupied a few days, at the end of which I gave
them the commencement of St Matthew's Gospel to copy. They no sooner
saw the work they were called upon to perform than there were loud
murmurs of dissatisfaction, and . . . 'It is quite impossible to do
the like,' was the cry--and no wonder. The original printed Gospel
had been so interlined and scribbled upon by the author, in a hand so
obscure and irregular, that, accustomed as I was to the perusal of
the written Manchu, it was not without the greatest difficulty that I
could decipher the new matter myself. Moreover, the corrections had
been so carelessly made that they themselves required far more
correction than the original matter. I was therefore obliged to be
continually in the printing-office, and to do three parts of the work
myself. For some time I found it necessary to select every character
with my own fingers, and to deliver it to the compositor, and by so
doing I learnt myself to compose. We continued in this way till all
our characters were exhausted, for no paper had arrived. For two
weeks and more we were obliged to pause, the want of paper being
insurmountable. At the end of this period came six reams; but partly
from the manufacturers not being accustomed to make this species of
paper, and partly from the excessive heat of the weather, which
caused it to dry too fast, only one ream and a half could be used,
and this was not enough for one sheet; the rest I refused to take,
and sent back. The next week came fifteen reams. This paper, from
the same causes, was as bad as the last. I selected four reams, and
sent the rest back. But this paper enabled us to make a beginning,
which we did not fail to do, though we received no more for upwards
of a fortnight, which caused another pause. At the end of that time,
owing to my pressing remonstrances and entreaties, a regular supply
of about twelve reams per week of most excellent paper commenced.
This continued until we had composed the last five sheets of St
Matthew, when some paper arrived, which in my absence was received by
Mr Beneze, who, without examining it, as was his duty, delivered it
to the printers to use in the printing of the said sheets, who
accordingly printed upon part of it. But the next day, when my
occupation permitted me to see what they were about, I observed that
the last paper was of a quality very different from that which had
been previously sent. I accordingly instantly stopped the press,
and, notwithstanding eight reams had been printed upon, I sent all
the strange paper back, and caused Mr Beneze to recompose three
sheets, which had been broken up, at his own expense. But this
caused the delay of another week.
This last circumstance made me determine not to depend in future for
paper on one manufactory alone. I therefore stated to Mr P[luchard]
that, as his people were unable to furnish me with the article fast
enough, I should apply to others for 250 reams, and begged him to
supply me with the rest as fast as possible. He made no objection.
Thereupon I prevailed upon my most excellent friend, Baron Schilling,
to speak to his acquaintance, State-Councillor Alquin, who is
possessed of a paper-factory, on the subject. M. Alquin, as a
personal favour to Baron Schilling (whom, I confess, I was ashamed to
trouble upon such an affair, and should never have done so had not
zeal for the cause induced me), consented to furnish me with the
required paper on the same terms as Mr P. At present there is not
the slightest risk of the progress of our work being retarded--at
present, indeed, the path is quite easy; but the trouble, anxiety,
and misery which have till lately harassed me, alone in a situation
of great responsibility, have almost reduced me to a skeleton.
My dearest Sir, do me the favour to ask our excellent Committee,
Would it have answered any useful purpose if, instead of continuing
to struggle with difficulties and using my utmost to overcome them, I
had written in the following strain--and what else could I have
written if I had written at all?--'I was sent out to St Petersburg to
assist Mr Lipovzoff in the editing of the Manchu Testament. That
gentleman, who holds three important Situations under the Russian
Government, and who is far advanced in years, has neither time,
inclination, nor eyesight for the task, and I am apprehensive that my
strength and powers unassisted are incompetent to it' (praised be the
Lord, they were not!), 'therefore I should be glad to return home.
Moreover, the compositors say they are unaccustomed to compose in an
unknown tongue from such scribbled and illegible copy, and they will
scarcely assist me to compose. Moreover, the working printers say
(several went away in disgust) that the paper on which they have to
print is too thin to be wetted, and that to print on dry requires a
twofold exertion of strength, and that they will not do such work for
double wages, for it ruptures them.' Would that have been a welcome
communication to the Committee? Would that have been a communication
suited to the public? I was resolved 'to do or die,' and, instead of
distressing and perplexing the Committee with complaints, to write
nothing until I could write something perfectly satisfactory, as I
now can; {132a} and to bring about that result I have spared neither
myself nor my own money. I have toiled in a close printing-office
the whole day, during ninety degrees of heat, for the purpose of
setting an example, and have bribed people to work when nothing but
bribes would induce them so to do.
I am obliged to say all this in self-justification. No member of the
Bible Society would ever have heard a syllable respecting what I have
undergone but for the question, 'What has Mr Borrow been about?' I
hope and trust that question is now answered to the satisfaction of
those who do Mr Borrow the honour to employ him. In respect to the
expense attending the editing of such a work as the New Testament in
Manchu, I beg leave to observe that I have obtained the paper, the
principal source of expense, at fifteen roubles per ream less than
the Society formerly paid for it--that is to say, at nearly half the
price.
As St Matthew's Gospel has been ready for some weeks, it is high time
that it should be bound; for if that process be delayed, the paper
will be dirtied and the work injured. I am sorry to inform you that
book-binding in Russia is incredibly dear, {132b} and that the
expenses attending the binding of the Testament would amount, were
the usual course pursued, to two-thirds of the entire expenses of the
work. Various book-binders to whom I have applied have demanded one
rouble and a half for the binding of every section of the work, so
that the sum required for the binding of one Testament alone would be
twelve roubles. Doctor Schmidt assured me that one rouble and forty
copecks, or, according to the English currency, fourteenpence
halfpenny, were formerly paid for the binding of every individual
copy of St Matthew's Gospel.
I pray you, my dear Sir, to cause the books to be referred to, for I
wish to know if that statement be correct. In the meantime
arrangements have to be made, and the Society will have to pay for
each volume of the Testament the comparatively small sum of forty-
five copecks, or fourpence halfpenny, whereas the usual price here
for the most paltry covering of the most paltry pamphlet is
fivepence. Should it be demanded how I have been able to effect
this, my reply is that I have had little hand in the matter. A
nobleman who honours me with particular friendship, and who is one of
the most illustrious ornaments of Russia and of Europe, has, at my
request, prevailed on his own book-binder, over whom he has much
influence, to do the work on these terms. That nobleman is Baron
Schilling.
Commend me to our most respected Committee. Assure them that in
whatever I have done or left undone, I have been influenced by a
desire to promote the glory of the Trinity and to give my employers
ultimate and permanent satisfaction. If I have erred, it has been
from a defect of judgment, and I ask pardon of God and them. In the
course of a week I shall write again, and give a further account of
my proceedings, for I have not communicated one-tenth of what I have
to impart; but I can write no more now. It is two hours past
midnight; the post goes away to-morrow, and against that morrow I
have to examine and correct three sheets of St Mark's Gospel, which
lie beneath the paper on which I am writing. With my best regards to
Mr Brandram,
I remain, dear Sir,
Most truly yours,
G. BORROW.
Rev. JOSEPH JOWETT.
Closely following upon this letter, and without waiting for a reply,
Borrow wrote again to Mr Jowett, 13th/25th October, enclosing a
certificate from Mr Lipovzoff, which read:-
"Testifio:- Dominum Burro ab initio usque ad hoc tempus summa cum
diligentia et studio in re Mantshurica laborasse, Lipovzoff."
He also reported progress as regards the printing, and promised
(D.V.) that the entire undertaking should be completed by the first
of May; but the letter was principally concerned with the projected
expedition to Kiakhta, to distribute the books he was so busily
occupied in printing. He repeated his former arguments, urging the
Committee to send an agent to Kiakhta. "I am a person of few words,"
he assured Mr Jowett, "and will therefore state without
circumlocution that I am willing to become that agent. I speak Russ,
Manchu, and the Tartar or broken Turkish of the Russian Steppes, and
have also some knowledge of Chinese, which I might easily improve."
As regards the danger to himself of such a hazardous undertaking, the
conversion of the Tartar would never be achieved without danger to
someone. He had become acquainted with many of the Tartars resident
in St Petersburg, whose language he had learned through conversing
with his servant (a native of Bucharia [Bokhara]), and he had become
"much attached to them; for their conscientiousness, honesty, and
fidelity are beyond all praise."
To this further offer Mr Jowett replied:-
"Be not disheartened, even though the Committee postpone for the
present the consideration of your enterprising, not to say intrepid,
proposal. Thus much, however, I may venture to say: that the offer
is more likely to be accepted now, than when you first made it. If,
when the time approaches for executing such a plan, you give us
reason to believe that a more mature consideration of it in all its
bearings still leaves you in hope of a successful result, and in
heart for making the attempt, my own opinion is that the offer will
ultimately be accepted, and that very cordially."
CHAPTER IX: NOVEMBER 1834-SEPTEMBER 1835
Borrow was an unconventional editor. He foresaw the interminable
delays likely to arise from allowing workmen to incorporate his
corrections in the type. To obviate these, he first corrected the
proof, then, proceeding to the printing office, he made with his own
hands the necessary alterations in the type. This involved only two
proofs, the second to be submitted to Mr Lipovzoff, instead of some
half a dozen that otherwise would have been necessary. During these
days Borrow was ubiquitous. Even the binder required his assistance,
"for everything goes wrong without a strict surveillance."
Borrow had passed through THE crisis in his career. Stricken with
fever, which was followed by an attack of the "Horrors" (only to be
driven away by port wine), he had scarcely found time in which to eat
or sleep. He had emerged triumphantly from the ordeal, and if he had
"almost killed Beneze and his lads"{135a} with work, he had not
spared himself. If he had to report, as he did, that "my two
compositors, whom I had instructed in all the mysteries of Manchu
composition, are in the hospital, down with the brain fever," {135b}
he himself had grown thin from the incessant toil.
The simple manliness and restrained dignity of his justification had
produced a marked effect upon the authorities at home. If the rebuke
administered by Mr Jowett had been mild, his acknowledgment of the
reply that it had called forth was most cordial and friendly. After
assuring Borrow of the Committee's high satisfaction at the way in
which its interests had been looked after, he proceeds sincerely to
deprecate anything in his previous letter which may have caused
Borrow pain, and continues:
"Yet I scarcely know how to be sorry for what has been the occasion
of drawing from you (what you might otherwise have kept locked up in
your own breast) the very interesting story of your labours,
vexations, disappointments, vigilance, address, perseverance, and
successes. How you were able in your solitude to keep up your
spirits in the face of so many impediments, apparently
insurmountable, I know not . . . Do not fear that WE should in any
way interrupt your proceedings. We know our interest too well to
interfere with an agent who has shown so much address in planning,
and so much diligence in effecting, the execution of our wishes."
These encouraging words were followed by a request that he would keep
a careful account of all extraordinary expenses, that they might be
duly met by the Society:-
"I allude, you perceive, to such things," the letter goes on to
explain, "as your journies huc et illuc in quest of a better market,
and to the occasional bribes to disheartened workmen. In all matters
of this kind the Society is clearly your debtor." Borrow replied
with a flash of his old independent spirit: "I return my most
grateful thanks for this most considerate intimation, which,
nevertheless, I cannot avail myself of, as, according to one of the
articles of my agreement, my salary of 200 pounds was to cover all
extra expenses. Petersburg is doubtless the dearest capital in
Europe, and expenses meet an individual, especially one situated as I
have been, at every turn and corner; but an agreement is not to be
broken on that account." {136a}
That the Committee, even before this proof of his ability, had been
well pleased with their engagement of Borrow is shown by the
acknowledgment made in the Society's Thirtieth Annual Report: "Mr
Borrow has not disappointed the expectation entertained."
There were other words of encouragement to cheer him in his labours.
His mother wrote in September of that year, telling him how, at a
Bible Society's gathering at Norwich, which had lasted the whole of a
week, his name "was sounded through the Hall by Mr Gurney and Mr
Cunningham"; telling how he had left his home and his friends to do
God's work in a foreign land, calling upon their fellow-citizens to
offer up prayers beseeching the Almighty to vouchsafe to him health
and strength that the great work he had undertaken might be
completed. "All this is very pleasing to me," added the proud old
lady. "God bless you!"
From Mrs Clarke of Oulton Hall, with whom he kept up a
correspondence, he heard how his name had been mentioned at many of
the Society's meetings during the year, and how the Rev. Francis
Cunningham had referred to him as "one of the most extraordinary and
interesting individuals of the present day." Even at that date,
viz., before the receipt of the remarkable account of his labours,
the members and officials of the Bible Society seem to have come to
the conclusion that he had achieved far more than they had any reason
to expect of him. Their subsequent approval is shown by the manner
in which they caused his two letters of 8th/20th and 13th/25th
October to be circulated among the influential members of the
Society, until at last they had reached the Rev. F. Cunningham and
Mrs Clarke.
About the middle of January (old style) 1835, Borrow placed in the
hands of Baron Schilling a copy of each of the four Gospels in
Manchu, to be conveyed to the Bible Society by one of the couriers
attached to the Foreign Department at St Petersburg; but they did not
reach Earl Street until several weeks later. There were however,
still the remaining four volumes to complete, and many more
difficulties to overcome.
One vexation that presented itself was a difference of opinion
between Borrow and Lipovzoff, who "thought proper, when the Father
Almighty is addressed, to erase the personal and possessive pronouns
thou or thine, as often as they occur, and in their stead to make use
of the noun as the case may require. For example, 'O Father! thou
art merciful' he would render, 'O Father! the Father is merciful.'"
Borrow protested, but Lipovzoff, who was "a gentleman, whom the
slightest contradiction never fails to incense to a most incredible
degree," told him that he talked nonsense, and refused to concede
anything. {138a} Lipovzoff, who had on his side the Chinese scholars
and unlimited powers as official censor (from whose decree there was
no appeal) over his own work, carried his point. He urged that
"amongst the Chinese and Tartars, none but the dregs of society were
ever addressed in the second person; and that it would be most
uncouth and indecent to speak of the Almighty as if He were a servant
or a slave." This difficulty of the verbal ornament of the East was
one that the Bible Society had frequently met with in the past. It
was rightly considered as ill-fitting a translation of the words of
Christ. Simplicity of diction was to be preserved at all costs,
whatever might be the rule with secular books. Mr Jowett had warned
Borrow to "beware of confounding the two distinct ideas of
translation and interpretation!" {138b} and also informed him that
"the passion for honorific-abilitudinity is a vice of Asiatic
languages, which a Scripture translator, above all others, ought to
beware of countenancing." {139a}
Well might Borrow write to Mr Jowett, "How I have been enabled to
maintain terms of friendship and familiarity with Mr Lipovzoff, and
yet fulfil the part which those who employ me expect me to fulfil, I
am much at a loss to conjecture; and yet such is really the case."
{139b} On the whole, however, the two men worked harmoniously
together, the censor-translator being usually amenable to editorial
reason and suggestion; and Borrow was able to assure Mr Jowett that
with the exception of this one instance "the word of God has been
rendered into Manchu as nearly and closely as the idiom of a very
singular language would permit."
Borrow's mind continued to dwell upon the project of penetrating into
China and distributing the Scriptures himself. He wrote again,
repeating "the assurance that I am ready to attempt anything which
the Society may wish me to execute, and, at a moment's warning, will
direct my course towards Canton, Pekin, or the court of the Grand
Lama." {139c} The project had, however, to be abandoned. The
Russian Government, desirous of maintaining friendly relations with
China, declined to risk her displeasure for a missionary project in
which Russia had neither interest nor reasonable expectation of gain.
In agreeing to issue a passport such as Borrow desired, it stipulated
that he should carry with him "not one single Manchu Bible thither."
{139d} In spite of this discouragement, Borrow wrote to Mr Jowett
with regard to the Chinese programme, "I AGAIN REPEAT THAT I AM AT
COMMAND." {139e}
This determination on Borrow's part to become a missionary filled his
mother with alarm. She had only one son now, and the very thought of
his going into wild and unknown regions seemed to her tantamount to
his going to his death. Mrs Clarke also expressed strong disapproval
of the project. "I must tell you," she wrote, "that your letter
chilled me when I read your intention of going as a Missionary or
Agent, with the Manchu Scriptures in your hand, to the Tartars, the
land of incalculable dangers."
By the middle of May 1835 Borrow saw the end of his labours in sight.
On 3rd/15th May he wrote asking for instructions relative to the
despatch of the bulk of the volumes, and also as to the disposal of
the type. "As for myself," he continues, "I suppose I must return to
England, as my task will be speedily completed. I hope the Society
are convinced that I have served them faithfully, and that I have
spared no labour to bring out the work, which they did me the honor
of confiding to me, correctly and within as short a time as possible.
At my return, if the Society think that I can still prove of utility
to them, I shall be most happy to devote myself still to their
service. 1 am a person full of faults and weaknesses, as I am every
day reminded by bitter experience, but I am certain that my zeal and
fidelity towards those who put confidence in me are not to be
shaken." {140a}
On 15th/27th June he reported the printing completed and six out of
the eight volumes bound, and that as soon as the remaining two
volumes were ready, he intended to take his departure from St
Petersburg; but a new difficulty arose. The East had laid a heavy
hand upon St Petersburg. "To-morrow, please God!" met the energetic
Westerner at every turn. The bookbinder delayed six weeks because he
could not procure some paper he required. But the real obstacle to
the despatch of the books was the non-arrival of the Government
sanction to their shipment. Nothing was permitted to move either in
or out of the sacred city of the Tsars without official permission.
Probably those responsible for the administration of affairs had
never in their experience been called upon to deal with a man such as
Borrow. To apply to him the customary rules of procedure was to
bring upon "the House of Interior Affairs" a series of visits and
demands that must have left it limp with astonishment.
On 16th/28th July Borrow wrote to the Bible Society, "I herewith send
you a bill of lading for six of the eight parts of the New Testament,
which I have at last obtained permission to send away, after having
paid sixteen visits to the House of Interior Affairs." {141a} He
expresses a hope that in another fortnight he will have despatched
the remaining two volumes and have "bidden adieu to Russia"; but it
was dangerous to anticipate the official course of events in Russia.
Even to the last Borrow was tormented by red tape. Early in August
the last two volumes were ready for shipment to England; but he could
not obtain the necessary permission. He was told that he ought never
to have printed the work, in spite of the license that had been
granted, and that grave doubts existed in the official mind as to
whether or no he really were an agent of the Bible Society. At
length Borrow lost patience and told the officials that during the
week following the books would be despatched, with or without
permission, and he warned them to have a care how they acted. These
strong measures seem to have produced the desired result.
Despite his many occupations on behalf of the Bible Society, Borrow
found time in which to translate into Russian the first three
Homilies of the Church of England, and into Manchu the Second. His
desire was that the Homily Society should cause these translations to
be printed, and in a letter to the Rev. Francis Cunningham he strove
to enlist his interest in the project, offering the translations
without fee to the Society if they chose to make use of them. {141b}
As "a zealous, though most unworthy, member of the Anglican Church,"
he found that his "cheeks glowed with shame at seeing dissenters,
English and American, busily employed in circulating Tracts in the
Russian tongue, whilst the members of the Church were following their
secular concerns, almost regardless of things spiritual in respect to
the Russian population." {142a}
Borrow also translated into English "one of the sacred books of
Boudh, or Fo," from Baron Schilling de Canstadt's library. The
principal occupation of his leisure hours, however, was a collection
of translations, which he had printed by Schultz & Beneze, and
published (3rd/ 15th June 1835) under the title of Targum, or
Metrical Translations from Thirty Languages and Dialects. {142b} In
a prefatory note, the collection is referred to as "selections from a
huge and undigested mass of translation, accumulated during several
years devoted to philological pursuits." Three months later he
published another collection entitled The Talisman, From the Russian
of Alexander Pushkin. With Other Pieces. {143a} There were seven
poems in all, two after Pushkin, one from the Malo-Russian, one from
Mickiewicz, and three "ancient Russian Songs." Again the printers
were Schultz & Beneze. Each of these editions appears to have been
limited to one hundred copies. {143b}
Writing in the Athenaeum, {143c} J. P. H[asfeldt] says:- "The work is
a pearl in literature, and, like pearls, derives value from its
scarcity, for the whole edition was limited to about a hundred
copies." W. B. Donne admired the translations immensely, considering
"the language and rhythm as vastly superior to Macaulay's Lays of
Ancient Rome." {143d}
Whilst the last two volumes of the Manchu New Testament were waiting
for paper (probably for end-papers), Borrow determined to pay a
hurried visit to Moscow, "by far the most remarkable city it has ever
been my fortune to see." One of his principal objects in visiting
the ancient capital of Russia was to see the gypsies, who flourished
there as they flourished nowhere else in Europe. They numbered
several thousands, and many of them inhabited large and handsome
houses, drove in their carriages, and were "distinguishable from the
genteel class of the Russians only . . . by superior personal
advantages and mental accomplishments." {143e} For this unusual
state of prosperity the women were responsible, "having from time
immemorial cultivated their vocal powers to such an extent that,
although in the heart of a country in which the vocal art has arrived
at greater perfection than in any other part of the world, the
principal Gypsy choirs in Moscow are allowed by the general voice of
the public to be unrivalled and to bear away the palm from all
competitors. It is a fact notorious in Russia that the celebrated
Catalani was so filled with admiration for the powers of voice
displayed by one of the Gypsy songsters, who, after the former had
sung before a splendid audience at Moscow, stepped forward and with
an astonishing burst of melody ravished every ear, that she
[Catalani] tore from her own shoulders a shawl of immense value which
had been presented to her by the Pope, and embracing the Gypsy,
compelled her to accept it, saying that it had been originally
intended for the matchless singer, which she now discovered was not
herself." {144a}
These Russian gypsy singers lived luxurious lives and frequently
married Russian gentry or even the nobility. It was only the
successes, however, who achieved such distinction, and there were "a
great number of low, vulgar, and profligate females who sing in
taverns, or at the various gardens in the neighbourhood, and whose
husbands and male connections subsist by horse-jobbing and such kinds
of low traffic." {144b}
One fine evening Borrow hired a calash and drove out to Marina Rotze,
"a kind of sylvan garden," about one and a half miles out of Moscow,
where this particular class of Romanys resorted. "Upon my arriving
there," he writes, "the Gypsies swarmed out of their tents and from
the little tracteer or tavern, and surrounded me. Standing on the
seat of the calash, I addressed them in a loud voice in the dialect
of the English Gypsies, with which I have some slight acquaintance.
A scream of wonder instantly arose, and welcomes and greetings were
poured forth in torrents of musical Romany, amongst which, however,
the most pronounced cry was: ah kak mi toute karmuma {145a}--'Oh how
we love you'; for at first they supposed me to be one of their
brothers, who, they said, were wandering about in Turkey, China, and
other parts, and that I had come over the great pawnee, or water, to
visit them." {145b}
On several other occasions during his stay at Moscow, Borrow went out
to Marina Rotze, to hold converse with the gypsies. He "spoke to
them upon their sinful manner of living," about Christianity and the
advent of Christ, to which the gypsies listened with attention, but
apparently not much profit. The promise that they would soon be able
to obtain the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth in their own tongue
interested them far more on account of the pleasurable strangeness of
the idea, than from any anticipation that they might derive spiritual
comfort from such writings.
Returning to St Petersburg from Moscow, after four-days' absence,
Borrow completed his work, settled up his affairs, bade his friends
good-bye, and on 28th August/9th September left for Cronstadt to take
the packet for Lubeck. The authorities seem to have raised no
objection to his departure. His passport bore the date 28th August
O/S (the actual day he left) and described him as "of stature, tall--
hair, grey--face, oval--forehead, medium--eyebrows, blonde--eyes,
brown--nose and mouth, medium--chin, round."
Borrow's work at St Petersburg gave entire satisfaction to the Bible
Society. The Official Report for the year 1835 informed the members
that -
"The printing of the Manchu New Testament in St Petersburg is now
drawing to a conclusion. Mr G. Borrow, who has had to superintend
the work, has in every way afforded satisfaction to the Committee.
They have reason to believe that his acquirements in the language are
of the most respectable order; while the devoted diligence with which
he has laboured, and the skill he has shown in surmounting
difficulties, and conducting his negotiations for the advantage of
the Society, justly entitle him to this public acknowledgment of his
services." {146a}
Of the actual work itself John Hasfeldt justly wrote:
"I can only say, that it is a beautiful edition of an oriental work--
that it is printed with great care on a fine imitation of Chinese
paper, made on purpose. At the outset, Mr Borrow spent weeks and
months in the printing office to make the compositors acquainted with
the intricate Manchu types; and that, as for the contents, I am
assured by well-informed persons, that this translation is remarkable
for the correctness and fidelity with which it has been executed."
{146b}
The total cost to the Society of his labours in connection with the
transcription of Puerot's MS., and printing and binding one thousand
copies of Lipovzoff's New Testament had reached the very considerable
sum of 2600 pounds. What the amount would have been if Borrow had
not proved a prince of bargainers, it is impossible to imagine. The
entire edition was sent to Earl Street, and eventually distributed in
China as occasion offered. An edition of the Gospels in this version
has recently been reprinted, and is still in use among certain tribes
in Mongolia.
Borrow arrived in London somewhere about 20th September (new style),
after an absence of a little more than two years. He went to St
Petersburg "prejudiced against the country, the government, and the
people; the first is much more agreeable than is generally supposed;
the second is seemingly the best adapted for so vast an empire; and
the third, even the lowest classes, are in general kind, hospitable,
and benevolent." {147a}
On 23rd September Borrow was still in London writing his report to
the General Committee upon his recent labours. In all probability he
left immediately afterwards for Norwich, there to await events.
CHAPTER X: OCTOBER 1835-JANUARY 1836
Borrow had strong hopes that the Bible Society would continue to
employ him. Mr Brandram had written (5th June 1835) that the
Committee "will not very willingly suffer themselves to be deprived
of your services. From Russia Borrow had written to his mother:
{148a}
"They [the Bible Society] place great confidence in me, and I am
firmly resolved to do all in my power to prove that they have not
misplaced that confidence. I dare say that when I return home they
will always be happy to employ me to edit their Bibles, and there is
no employment in the whole world which I should prefer and for which
I am better fitted. I shall, moreover, endeavour to get ordained."
On another occasion he wrote, also to his mother:
"I hope that the Bible Society will employ me upon something new, for
I have of late led an active life, and dread the thought of having
nothing to do except studying as formerly, and I am by no means
certain that I could sit down to study now. I can do anything if it
is to turn to any account; but it is very hard to dig holes in the
sand and fill them up again, as I used to do. However, I hope God
will find me something on which I can employ myself with credit and
profit. I should like very much to get into the Church, though I
suppose that that, like all other professions, is overstocked."
Mrs Borrow reminded him that he had a good home ready to receive him,
and a mother grown lonely with long waiting. She told him, among
other things, that she had spent none of the money that he had so
generously and unsparingly sent her.
Borrow certainly had every reason to expect further employment. He
had proved himself not only a thoroughly qualified editor; but had
discovered business qualities that must have astonished and delighted
the General Committee. Above all he had brought to a most successful
conclusion a venture that, but for his ability and address, would in
all probability have failed utterly. The application for permission
to proceed with the distribution had, it is true, been unsuccessful;
but there was, as Mr Brandram wrote, the "seed laid up in the
granary; but 'it is not yet written' that the sowers are to go forth
to sow."
After remaining for a short time with his mother at Norwich, Borrow
appears to have paid a visit to his friends the Skeppers of Oulton.
Old Mrs Skepper, Mrs Clarke's mother, had just died, and it is a
proof of Borrow's intimacy with the family that he should be invited
to stay with them whilst they were still in mourning. Although there
is no record of the date when he arrived at Oulton, he is known to
have been there on 9th October, when he addressed a Bible Society
meeting, about which he wrote the following delectable postscript to
a letter he addressed to Mr Brandram: {149a}
"There has been a Bible meeting at Oulton, in Suffolk, to which I was
invited. The speaking produced such an effect, that some of the most
vicious characters in the neighbourhood have become weekly
subscribers to the Branch Society. So says the Chronicle of Norfolk
in its report." The actual paragraph read:
"It will doubtless afford satisfaction to the Christian public to
learn that many poor individuals in this neighbourhood, who previous
to attending this meeting were averse to the cause or indifferent to
it, had their feelings so aroused by what was communicated to them,
that they have since voluntarily subscribed to the Bible Society,
actuated by the hope of becoming humbly instrumental in extending the
dominion of the true light, and of circumscribing the domains of
darkness and of Satan."
On returning to the quiet of the old Cathedral city, Borrow had an
opportunity of resting and meditating upon the events of the last two
years; but he soon became restless and tired of inaction. {150a} "I
am weary of doing nothing, and am sighing for employment," {150b} he
wrote. He had impatiently awaited some word from Earl Street, where,
seemingly, he had discussed various plans for the future, including a
journey to Portugal and Spain, as well as the printing in Armenian of
an edition of the New Testament. Hearing nothing from Mr Jowett, he
wrote begging to be excused for reminding him that he was ready to
undertake any task that might be allotted to him.
On the day following, he received a letter from Mr Brandram telling
of how a resolution had been passed that he should go to Portugal.
Then the writer's heart misgave him. In his mind's eye he saw Borrow
set down at Oporto. What would he do? Fearful that the door was not
sufficiently open to justify the step, he had suggested the
suspension of the resolution. Borrow was asked what he himself
thought. What did he think of China, and could he foresee any
prospect for the distribution of the Scriptures there? "Favour us
with your thoughts," Mr Brandram wrote. "Experimental agency in a
Society like ours is a formidable undertaking." Borrow replied the
same day, {150c}
"As you ask me to favour you with my thoughts, I certainly will; for
I have thought much upon the matters in question, and the result I
will communicate to you in a very few words. I decidedly approve
(and so do all the religious friends whom I have communicated it to)
of the plan of a journey to Portugal, and am sorry that it has been
suspended, though I am convinced that your own benevolent and
excellent heart was the cause, unwilling to fling me into an
undertaking which you supposed might be attended with peril and
difficulty. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that I am
perfectly willing to undertake the expedition, nay, to extend it into
Spain, to visit the town and country, to discourse with the people,
especially those connected with institutions for infantine education,
and to learn what ways and opportunities present themselves for
conveying the Gospel into those benighted countries. I will moreover
undertake, with the blessing of God, to draw up a small volume of
what I shall have seen and heard there, which cannot fail to be
interesting, and if patronised by the Society will probably help to
cover the expenses of the expedition. On my return I can commence
the Armenian Testament, and whilst I am editing that, I may be
acquiring much vulgar Chinese from some unemployed Lascar or stray
Cantonman whom I may pick up upon the wharves, and then . . . to
China. I have no more to say, for were I to pen twenty pages, and I
have time enough for so doing, I could communicate nothing which
would make my views more clear."
The earnestness of this letter seems effectually to have dissipated
Mr Brandram's scruples, for events moved forward with astonishing
rapidity. Four days after the receipt of Borrow's letter, a
resolution was adopted by the Committee to the following effect:-
"That Mr Borrow be requested to proceed forthwith to Lisbon and
Oporto for the purpose of visiting the Society's correspondents
there, and of making further enquiries respecting the means and
channels which may offer for promoting the circulation of the Holy
Scriptures in Portugal." {151a}
Mr Brandram gave Borrow two letters of introduction, one to John
Wilby, a merchant at Lisbon, and the other to the British Chaplain,
the Rev. E. Whiteley. Having explained to Mr Whiteley how Borrow had
recently been eventually going to employed in St Petersburg in
editing the Manchu New Testament, he wrote:-
"We have some prospect of his China; but having proved by experience
that he possesses an order of talent remarkably suited to the
purposes of our Society, we have felt unwilling to interrupt our
connection with him with the termination of his engagement at St
Petersburg. In the interval we have thought that he might
advantageously visit Portugal, and strengthen your hands and those of
other friends, and see whether he could not extend the promising
opening at present existing. He has no specific instructions, though
he is enjoined to confer very fully with yourself and Mr Wilby of
Lisbon.
"I have mentioned his recent occupation at St Petersburg, and you may
perhaps think that there is little affinity between it and his
present visit to Portugal. But Mr Borrow possesses no little tact in
addressing himself to anything. With Portugal he is already
acquainted, and speaks the language. He proposes visiting several of
the principal cities and towns . . .
"Our correspondence about Spain is at this moment singularly
interesting, and if it continues so, and the way seems to open, Mr
Borrow will cross the frontier and go and enquire what can be done
there. We believe him to be one who is endowed with no small portion
of address and a spirit of enterprise. I recommend him to your kind
attentions, and I anticipate your thanks for so doing, after you
shall have become acquainted with him. Do not, however, be too hasty
in forming your judgment."
This letter outlines very clearly what was in the minds of the
Committee in sending Borrow to Portugal. He was to spy out the land
and advise the home authorities in what direction he would be most
likely to prove useful. He was in particular to direct his attention
to schools, and was "authorised to be liberal in GIVING New
Testaments." Furthermore, he was to be permitted to draw upon the
Society's agents to the extent of one hundred pounds.
The most significant part of this letter is the passage relating to
China. It leaves no doubt that Borrow's reiterated requests to be
employed in distributing the Manchu New Testament had appealed most
strongly to the General Committee. Mr Brandram was evidently in
doubt as to how Borrow would strike his correspondent as an agent of
the Bible Society, hence his warning against a hasty judgment.
Apparently this letter was never presented, as it was found among
Borrow's papers, and Mr Whiteley had to form his opinion entirely
unaided.
On 6th November Borrow sailed from the Thames for Lisbon in the
steamship London Merchant. The voyage was fair for the time of year,
and was marked only by the tragic occurrence of a sailor falling from
the cross-trees into the sea and being drowned. The man had dreamed
his fate a few minutes previously, and had told Borrow of the
circumstances on coming up from below. {153a}
Borrow had scarcely been in Lisbon an hour before he heartily wished
himself "back in Russia . . . where I had left cherished friends and
warm affections." The Customs-house officers irritated him, first
with their dilatoriness, then by the minuteness with which they
examined every article of which he was possessed. Again, there was
the difficulty of obtaining a suitable lodging, which when eventually
found proved to be "dark, dirty and exceedingly expensive without
attendance." Mr Wilby was in the country and not expected to return
for a week. It would also appear that the British Chaplain was
likewise away. Thus Borrow found himself with no one to advise him
as to the first step he should take. This in itself was no very
great drawback; but he felt very much a stranger in a city that
struck him as detestable.
Determined to commence operations according to the dictates of his
own judgment, he first engaged a Portuguese servant that he might
have ample opportunities of perfecting himself in the language. He
was fortunate in his selection, for Antonio turned out an excellent
fellow, who "always served me with the greatest fidelity, and . . .
exhibited an assiduity and a wish to please which afforded me the
utmost satisfaction." {154a}
When Borrow arrived in Portugal, it was to find it gasping and dazed
by eight years of civil war (1826-1834). In 1807, when Junot invaded
the country, the Royal House of Braganza had sailed for Brazil. In
1816 Dom Joao succeeded to the thrones of Brazil and Portugal, and
six years later he arrived in Portugal, leaving behind him as Viceroy
his son Dom Pedro, who promptly declared himself Emperor of Brazil.
Dom Joao died in 1826, leaving, in addition to the self-styled
Emperor of Brazil, another son, Miguel. Dom Pedro relinquished his
claim to the throne of Portugal in favour of his seven years old
daughter, Maria da Gloria, whose right was contested by her uncle Dom
Miguel. In 1834 Dom Miguel resigned his imaginary rights to the
throne by the Convention of Evora, and departed from the country that
for eight years had been at war with itself, and for seven with a
foreign invader.
Borrow proceeded to acquaint himself with the state of affairs in
Lisbon and the surrounding country, that he might transmit a full
account to the Bible Society. He visited every part of the city,
losing no opportunity of entering into conversation with anyone with
whom he came in contact. The people he found indifferent to
religion, the lower orders in particular. They laughed in his face
when he enquired if ever they confessed themselves, and a muleteer on
being asked if he reverenced the cross, "instantly flew into a rage,
stamped violently, and, spitting on the ground, said it was a piece
of stone, and that he should have no more objection to spit upon it
than the stones on which he trod." {154b}
Many of the people could read, as they proved when asked to do so
from the Portuguese New Testament; but of all those whom he addressed
none appeared to have read the Scriptures, or to know anything of
what they contain.
After spending four or five days at Lisbon, Borrow, accompanied by
Antonio, proceeded to Cintra. {155a} Here he pursued the same
method, also visiting the schools and enquiring into the nature of
the religious instruction. During his stay of four days, he
"traversed the country in all directions, riding into the fields,
where I saw the peasants at work, and entering into discourse with
them, and notwithstanding many of my questions must have appeared to
them very singular, I never experienced any incivility, though they
frequently answered me with smiles and laughter." {155b}
From Cintra he proceeded on horseback to Mafra, a large village some
three leagues distant. Everywhere he subjected the inhabitants to a
searching cross-examination, laying bare their minds upon religious
matters, experiencing surprise at the "free and unembarrassed manner
in which the Portuguese peasantry sustain a conversation, and the
purity of the language in which they express their thoughts," {155c}
although few could read or write.
On the return journey from Mafra to Cintra he nearly lost his life,
owing to the girth of his saddle breaking during his horse's
exertions in climbing a hill. Borrow was cast violently to the
ground; but fortunately on the right side, otherwise he would in all
probability have been bruised to death by tumbling down the steep
hill-side. As it was, he was dazed, and felt the effects of his
mishap for several days.
On his return to Lisbon, Borrow found that Mr Wilby was back, and he
had many opportunities of taking counsel with him as to the best
means to be adopted to further the Society's ends. He learned that
four hundred copies of the Bible and the New Testament had arrived,
and it was decided to begin operations at once. Mr Wilby recommended
the booksellers as the best medium of distribution; but Borrow urged
strongly that at least half of the available copies "should be
entrusted to colporteurs," who were to receive a commission upon
every copy sold. To this Mr Wilby agreed, provided the operations of
the colporteurs were restricted to Lisbon, as there was considerable
danger in the country, where the priests were very powerful and might
urge the people to mishandle, or even assassinate, the bearers of the
Word.
By nature Borrow was not addicted to half measures. His whole record
as an agent of the Bible Society was of a series of determined
onslaughts upon the obstacles animate and inanimate, that beset his
path. Sometimes he took away the breath of his adversaries by the
very vigour of his attack, and, like the old Northern leaders, whose
deeds he wished to give to an uneager world in translated verse, he
faced great dangers and achieved great ends. Recognising that the
darkest region is most in need of light, he enquired of Mr Wilby in
what province of Portugal were to be found the most ignorant and
benighted people, and on being told the Alemtejo (the other side of
the Tagus), he immediately announced his intention of making a
journey through it, in order to discover how dense spiritual gloom
could really be in an ostensibly Christian country.
The Alemtejo was an unprepossessing country, consisting for the most
part of "heaths, broken by knolls and gloomy dingles, swamps and
forests of stunted pine," with but few hills and mountains. The
place was infested with banditti, and robberies, accompanied by
horrible murders, were of constant occurrence. On 6th December,
accompanied by his servant Antonio, Borrow set out for Evora, the
principal town, formerly a seat of the dreaded Inquisition, which
lies about sixty miles east of Lisbon. After many adventures, which
he himself has narrated, including a dangerous crossing of the Tagus,
and a meeting with Dom Geronimo Joze d'Azveto, secretary to the
government of Evora, Borrow arrived at his destination, having spent
two nights on the road. During the journey he had been constantly
mindful of his mission; beside the embers of a bandit's fire he left
a New Testament, and the huts that mark the spot where Dom Pedro and
Dom Miguel met, he sweetened with some of the precious little
tracts."
He had brought with him to Evora twenty Testaments and two Bibles,
half of which he left with an enlightened shopkeeper, to whom he had
a letter of introduction. The other half he subsequently bestowed
upon Dom Geronimo, who proved to be a man of great earnestness,
deeply conscious of his countrymen's ignorance of true Christianity.
Each day during his stay at Evora, Borrow spent two hours beside the
fountain where the cattle were watered, entering into conversation
with all who approached, the result being that before he left the
town, he had spoken to "about two hundred . . of the children of
Portugal upon matters connected with their eternal welfare."
Sometimes his hearers would ask for proofs of his statements that
they were not Christians, being ignorant of Christ and his teaching,
and that the Pope was Satan's prime minister. He invariably replied
by calling attention to their own ignorance of the Scripture, for if
the priests were in reality Christ's ministers, why had they kept
from their flocks the words of their Master?
When not engaged at the fountain, Borrow rode about the neighbourhood
distributing tracts. Fearful lest the people might refuse them if
offered by his own hand, he dropped them in their favourite walks, in
the hope that they would be picked up out of curiosity. He caused
the daughter of the landlady of the inn at which he stopped to burn a
copy of Volney's Ruins of Empire, because the author was an "emissary
of Satan," the girl standing by telling her beads until the book were
entirely consumed.
Borrow had been greatly handicapped through the lack of letters of
introduction to influential people in Portugal. He wrote, therefore,
to Dr Bowring, now M.P. for Kilmarnock, telling him of his wanderings
among the rustics and banditti of Portugal, with whom he had become
very popular; but, he continues:
"As it is much more easy to introduce oneself to the cottage than the
hall (though I am not utterly unknown in the latter), I want you to
give or procure me letters to the most liberal and influential minds
in Portugal. I likewise want a letter from the Foreign Office to
Lord [Howard] de Walden. In a word, I want to make what interest I
can towards obtaining the admission of the Gospel of Jesus into the
public schools of Portugal, which are about to be established. I beg
leave to state that this is MY PLAN and no other person's, as I was
merely sent over to Portugal to observe the disposition of the
people, therefore I do not wish to be named as an Agent of the B.S.,
but as a person who has plans for the mental improvement of the
Portuguese; should I receive THESE LETTERS within the space of six
weeks it will be time enough, for before setting up my machine in
Portugal, I wish to lay the foundations of something similar in
Spain."
P.S.--"I start for Spain to-morrow, and I want letters something
similar (there is impudence for you) for Madrid, WHICH I SHOULD LIKE
TO HAVE AS SOON AS POSSIBLE. I do not much care at present for an
introduction to the Ambassador at Madrid, as I shall not commence
operations seriously in Spain until I have disposed of Portugal. I
will not apologise for writing to you in this manner, for you know
me, but I will tell you one thing, which is, that the letter which
you procured for me, on my going to St Petersburg, from Lord
Palmerston, assisted me wonderfully; I called twice at your domicile
on my return; the first time you were in Scotland--the second in
France, and I assure you I cried with vexation. Remember me to Mrs
Bowring, and God bless you." {159a}
In this letter Borrow gives another illustration of his shrewdness.
He saw clearly the disadvantage of appealing for assistance as an
agent of the Bible Society, a Protestant institution which was
anathema in a Roman Catholic country, whereas if he posed merely as
"a gentleman who has plans for the mental improvement of the
Portuguese," he could enlist the sympathetic interest of any and
every broad-minded Portuguese mindful of his country's intellectual
gloom. In response to this request Dr Bowring, writing from
Brussels, sent two letters of introduction, one each for Lisbon and
Madrid.
After remaining at Evora for a week (8th to 17th December) Borrow
returned to Lisbon, thoroughly satisfied with the results of his
journey. The next fortnight he spent in a further examination of
Lisbon, and becoming acquainted with the Jews of the city, by whom he
was welcomed as a powerful rabbi. He favoured the mistake, with the
result that in a few days he "knew all that related to them and their
traffic in Lisbon." {159b}
Borrow's methods seem to have impressed Earl Street most favourably.
In a letter of acknowledgment Mr Brandram wrote:-
"We have been much interested by your two communications. {159c}
They are both very painful in their details, and you develop a truly
awful state of things. You are probing the wound, and I hope
preparing the way for our pouring in by and by the healing balsam of
the Scripture. We shall be anxious to hear from you again. We often
think of you in your wanderings. We like your way of communicating
with the people, meeting them in their own walks."
Thoroughly convinced as to the irreligious state of Portugal, Borrow
determined to set out for Spain, in order that he might examine into
the condition of the people, and report to the Bible Society their
state of preparedness to receive the Scriptures. On the afternoon of
1st January 1836 he set out, bound for Badajos, a hundred miles south
of Lisbon. From Badajos he intended to take the diligence on to
Madrid, which he decided to make his headquarters.
Having taken leave of his servant Antonio (who had accompanied him as
far as Aldea Gallega) almost with tears, Borrow mounted a hired mule,
and with no other companion than an idiot lad, who, when spoken to,
made reply only with an uncouth laugh, he plunged once more into the
dangerous and desolate Alemtejo on a four days' journey "over the
most savage and ill-noted track in the whole kingdom." At first he
was overwhelmed with a sense of loneliness, and experienced a great
desire for someone with whom to talk. There was no one to be seen--
he was hemmed in by desolation and despair.
At Montemor Novo Borrow appears in a new light when he kisses his
hand repeatedly to the tittering nuns who, with "dusky faces and
black waving hair," {160a} strove to obtain a glance of the stranger
who, a few minutes previously, had dared to tell one of their number
that he had come "to endeavour to introduce the gospel of Christ into
a country where it is not known." {160b}
One adventure befel him that might have ended in tragedy. Soon after
leaving Arrayolos he overtook a string of carts conveying ammunition
into Spain. One of the Portuguese soldiers of the guard began to
curse foreigners in general and Borrow, whom he mistook for a
Frenchmen, in particular, because "the devil helps foreigners and
hates the Portuguese." When about forty yards ahead of the advance
guard, with which the discontented soldier marched, Borrow had the
imprudence to laugh, with the result that the next moment two well-
aimed bullets sang past his ears. Taking the hint, Borrow put spurs
to his mule, and, followed by the terrified guide, soon outdistanced
these official banditti. With great naivete he remarks, "Oh, may I
live to see the day when soldiery will no longer be tolerated in any
civilised, or at least Christian country!" {161a}
For two and a half days the idiot guide had met Borrow's most
dexterous cross-examination with a determined silence; but on
reaching a hill overlooking Estremoz he suddenly found tongue, and,
in an epic of inspiration, told of the wonderful hunting that was to
be obtained on the Serre Dorso, the Alemtejo's finest mountain. "He
likewise described with great minuteness a wonderful dog, which was
kept in the neighbourhood for the purpose of catching the wolves and
wild boars, and for which the proprietor had refused twenty
moidores." {161b} From this it would appear that the idiocy of the
guide was an armour to be assumed at will by one who preferred the
sweetness of his own thoughts to the cross-questionings of his
master's clients.
At Elvas, which he reached on 5th January, Borrow showed very
strongly one rather paradoxical side of his character. Never
backward in his dispraise of Englishmen and things English, in
particular those responsible for the administration of the nation's
affairs, past and present, he demonstrated very clearly, in his
expressions of indignation at the Portuguese attitude towards
England, that he reserved this right of criticism strictly to
himself. At the inn where he stayed, he thoroughly discomfited a
Portuguese officer who dared to criticise the English Government for
its attitude in connection with the Spanish civil war. When refused
entrance to the fort, where he had gone in order to satisfy his
curiosity, Borrow exclaims, "This is one of the beneficial results of
protecting a nation, and squandering blood and treasure in its
defence." {162a}
Borrow was essentially an Englishman and proud of his blood, prouder
perhaps of that which came to him from Norfolk, {162b} and although
permitting himself and his fellow-countrymen considerable license in
the matter of caustic criticism of public men and things, there the
matter must end. Let a foreigner, a Portuguese, dare to say a word
against his, Borrow's, country, and he became subjected to either a
biting cross-examination, or was denounced in eloquent and telling
periods. "I could not command myself," he writes in extenuation of
his unchristian conduct in discomfiting the officer at Elvas, "when I
heard my own glorious land traduced in this unmerited manner. By
whom? A Portuguese? A native of a country which has been twice
liberated from horrid and detestable thraldom by the hands of
Englishmen." {162c}
On 6th January 1836, {162d} having sent back the "idiot" guide with
the two mules, Borrow "spurred down the hill of Elvas to the plain,
eager to arrive in old, chivalrous, romantic Spain," and having
forded the stream that separates the two countries, he crossed the
bridge over the Guadiana and entered the North Gate of Badajos,
immortalised by Wellington and the British Army. He had reached
Spain "in the humble hope of being able to cleanse some of the foul
stains of Popery from the minds of its children." {162e}
CHAPTER XI: JANUARY-OCTOBER 1836
When Borrow entered Spain she was in the throes of civil war. In
1814 British blood and British money had restored to the throne
Ferdinand VII., who, immediately he found himself secure, and
forgetting his pledges to govern constitutionally, dissolved the
Cortes and became an absolute monarch. All the old abuses were
revived, including the re-establishment of the Inquisition. For six
years the people suffered their King's tyranny, then they revolted,
with the result that Ferdinand, bending to the wind, accepted a re-
imposition of the Constitution. In 1823 a French Army occupied
Madrid in support of Ferdinand, who promptly reverted to absolutism.
In 1829 Ferdinand married for the fourth time, and, on the birth of a
daughter, declared that the Salic law had no effect in Spain, and the
young princess was recognised as heir-apparent to the throne. This
drew from his brother, Don Carlos, who immediately left the country,
a protest against his exclusion from the succession. When his
daughter was four years of age, Ferdinand died, and the child was
proclaimed Queen as Isabel II.
A bitter war broke out between the respective adherents of the Queen
and her uncle Don Carlos. Prisoners and wounded were massacred
without discrimination, and an uncivilised and barbarous warfare
waged when Borrow crossed the Portuguese frontier "to undertake the
adventure of Spain."
Spain had always appealed most strongly to Borrow's imagination.
"In the day-dreams of my boyhood," he writes, "Spain always bore a
considerable share, and I took a particular interest in her, without
any presentiment that I should, at a future time, be called upon to
take a part, however humble, in her strange dramas; which interest,
at a very early period, led me to acquire her noble language, and to
make myself acquainted with the literature (scarcely worthy of the
language), her history and traditions; so that when I entered Spain
for the first time I felt more at home than I should otherwise have
done." {164a}
Whilst standing at the door of the Inn of the Three Nations on the
day following his arrival at Badajos, meditating upon the deplorable
state of the country he had just entered, Borrow recognised in the
face of one of two men who were about to pass him the unmistakable
lineaments of Egypt. Uttering "a certain word," he received the
reply he expected and forthwith engaged in conversation with the two
men, who both proved to be gypsies. These men spread the news abroad
that staying at the Inn of the Three Nations was a man who spoke
Romany. "In less than half an hour the street before the inn was
filled with the men, women, and children of Egypt." Borrow went out
amongst them, and confesses that "so much vileness, dirt, and misery
I had never seen among a similar number of human beings; but worst of
all was the evil expression of their countenances." {164b} He soon
discovered that their faces were an accurate index to their hearts,
which were capable of every species of villainy. The gypsies
clustered round him, fingering his hands, face and clothes, as if he
were a holy man.
Gypsies had always held for Borrow a strange attraction, {164c} and
he determined to prolong his stay at Badajos in order that he might
have an opportunity of becoming "better acquainted with their
condition and manners, and above all to speak to them of Christ and
His Word; for I was convinced, that should I travel to the end of the
universe, I should meet with no people more in need of a little
Christian exhortation." {165a}
Intimate though his acquaintance with the gypsies of other countries
had been, Borrow was aghast at the depravity of those of Spain. The
men were drunkards, brigands, and murderers; the women unchaste, and
inveterate thieves. Their language was terrifying in its foulness.
They seemed to have no religion save a misty glimmering of
metempsychosis, which had come down to them through the centuries,
and having been very wicked in this world they asked, with some show
of reason, why they should live again. They were incorrigible
heathens, keenly interested in the demonstration that their language
was capable of being written and read, but untouched by the parables
of Lazarus or the Prodigal Son, which Borrow read and expounded to
them. "Brother," exclaimed one woman, "you tell us strange things,
though perhaps you do not lie; a month since I would sooner have
believed these tales, than that this day I should see one who could
read Romany." {165b}
Neither by exhortation nor by translating into Romany a portion of
the Gospel of St Luke could Borrow make any impression upon the minds
of the gypsies, therefore when one of them, Antonio by name,
announced that "the affairs of Egypt" called for his presence "on the
frontiers of Costumbra," and that he and Borrow might as well journey
thus far together, he decided to avail himself of the opportunity.
It was arranged that Borrow's luggage should be sent on ahead, for,
as Antonio said, "How the Busne [the Spaniards] on the road would
laugh if they saw two Cales [Gypsies] with luggage behind them."
{166a} Thus it came about that an agent of the British and Foreign
Bible Society, mounted upon a most uncouth horse "of a spectral
white, short in the body, but with remarkably long legs" and high in
the withers, set out from Badajos on 16th January 1836, escorted by a
smuggler astride a mule; for the affairs of Egypt on this occasion
were the evasion of the Customs dues.
Towards evening on the first day the curiously assorted pair arrived
at Merida, and proceeded to a large and ruinous house, a portion of
which was occupied by some connections of the gypsy Antonio's. In
the large hall of the old mansion they camped, and here, acting on
the gypsy's advice, Borrow remained for three days. Antonio himself
was absent from early morning until late at night, occupied with his
own affairs. {166b}
The fourth night was spent in the forest by the campfire of some more
of Antonio's friends. On one occasion, but for the fortunate
possession of a passport, the affairs of Egypt would have involved
Borrow in some difficulties with the authorities. At another time,
for safety's sake, he had to part from Antonio and proceed on his way
alone, picking up the contrabandista further on the road.
When some distance beyond Jaraicejo, it was discovered that the
affairs of Egypt had ended disastrously in the discomfiture and
capture of Antonio's friends by the authorities. The news was
brought by the gypsy's daughter. Antonio must return at once, and as
the steed Borrow was riding, which belonged to Antonio, would be
required by him, Borrow purchased the daughter's donkey, and having
said good-bye to the smuggler, he continued his journey alone.
By way of Almaraz and Oropesa Borrow eventually reached Talavera
(24th Jan.). On the advice of a Toledo Jew, with whom he had become
acquainted during the last stage of his journey, he decided to take
the diligence from Talavera to Madrid, the more willingly because the
Jew amiably offered to purchase the donkey. On the evening of 25th
Jan. Borrow accordingly took his place on the diligence, and reached
the capital the next morning.
On arriving at Madrid, Borrow first went to a Posada; but a few days
later he removed to lodgings in the Calle de la Zarza (the Street of
the Brambles),--"A dark and dirty street, which, however, was close
to the Puerta del Sol, the most central point of Madrid, into which
four or five of the principal streets debouche, and which is, at all
times of the year, the great place of assemblage for the idlers of
the capital, poor or rich." {167a}
The capital did not at first impress Borrow very favourably. {167b}
"Madrid is a small town," he wrote to his mother, {167c} "not larger
than Norwich, but it is crammed with people, like a hive with bees,
and it contains many fine streets and fountains . . . Everything in
Madrid is excessively dear to foreigners, for they are made to pay
six times more than natives . . . I manage to get on tolerably well,
for I make a point of paying just one quarter of what I am asked."
He suffered considerably from the frost and cold. From the snow-
covered mountains that surround the city there descend in winter such
cold blasts "that the body is drawn up like a leaf." {167d} Then
again there were the physical discomforts that he had to endure.
"You cannot think," he wrote, {168a} "what a filthy, uncivilised set
of people the Spanish and Portuguese are. There is more comfort in
an English barn than in one of their palaces; and they are rude and
ill-bred to a surprising degree."
Borrow was angry with Spain, possibly for being so unlike his "dear
and glorious Russia." He saw in it a fertile and beautiful country,
inhabited by a set of beings that were not human, "almost as bad as
the Irish, with the exception that they are not drunkards." {168b}
They were a nation of thieves and extortioners, who regarded the
foreigner as their legitimate prey. Even his own servant was "the
greatest thief and villain that ever existed; who, if I would let
him, would steal the teeth out of my head," {168c} and who seems
actually to have destroyed some of his master's letters for the sake
of the postage. Being forced to call upon various people whose
addresses he did not know, Borrow found it necessary to keep the man,
in spite of his thievish proclivities, for he was clever, and had he
been dismissed his place would, in all probability, have been taken
by an even greater rogue.
At night he never went out, for the streets were thronged with
hundreds of people of the rival factions, bent on "cutting and
murdering one another; . . . for every Spaniard is by nature a cruel,
cowardly tiger. Nothing is more common than to destroy a whole town,
putting man, woman, and child to death, because two or three of the
inhabitants have been obnoxious." {168d} Thus he wrote to his
mother, all-unconscious of the anxiety and alarm that he was causing
her lest he, her dear George, should be one of the cut or murdered.
Later, Borrow seems to have revised his opinion of Madrid and of its
inhabitants. He confesses that of all the cities he has known Madrid
interested him the most, not on account of its public buildings,
squares or fountains, for these are surpassed in other cities; but
because of its population. "Within a mud wall scarcely one league
and a half in circuit, are contained two hundred thousand human
beings, certainly forming the most extraordinary vital mass to be
found in the entire world." {169a} In the upper classes he had
little interest. He mixed but little with them, and what he saw did
not impress him favourably. It was the Spaniard of the lower orders
that attracted him. He regarded this class as composed not of common
beings, but of extraordinary men. He admired their spirit of proud
independence, and forgave them their ignorance. His first
impressions of Spain had been unfavourable because, as a stranger, he
had been victimised by the amiable citizens, who were merely doing as
their fathers had done before them. Once, however, he got to know
them, he regarded with more indulgence their constitutional
dishonesty towards the stranger, a weakness they possessed in common
with the gypsies, and hailed them as "extraordinary men." Borrow's
impulsiveness frequently led him to ill-considered and hasty
conclusions, which, however, he never hesitated to correct, if he saw
need for correction.
The disappointment he experienced as regards Madrid and the Spaniards
is not difficult to understand. He arrived quite friendless and
without letters of introduction, to find the city given over to the
dissensions and strifes of the supporters of Isabel II. and Don
Carlos. His journey had been undertaken in "the hope of obtaining
permission from the Government to print the New Testament in the
Castilian language, without the notes insisted on by the Spanish
clergy, for circulation in Spain," and there seemed small chance of
those responsible for the direction of affairs listening to the
application of a foreigner for permission to print the unannotated
Scriptures. For one thing, any acquiescence in such a suggestion
would draw forth from the priesthood bitter reproaches and, most
probably, active and serious opposition. It is only natural that
despondency should occasionally seize upon him who sought to light
the lamp of truth amidst such tempests.
The man to approach was the premier, Juan Alvarez y Mendizabal,
{170a} a Christianised Jew. He was enormously powerful, and Borrow
decided to appeal to him direct; for, armed with the approval of
Mendizabal, no one would dare to interfere with his plans or
proceedings. Borrow made several attempts to see Mendizabal, who
"was considered as a man of almost unbounded power, in whose hands
were placed the destinies of the country." Without interest or
letters of introduction, he found it utterly impossible to obtain an
audience. Recollecting the assistance he had received from the Hon.
J. D. Bligh at St Petersburg, Borrow determined to make himself known
to the British Minister at Madrid, the Hon. George Villiers, {170b}
and, "with the freedom permitted to a British subject . . . ask his
advice in the affair." Borrow was received with great kindness, and,
after conversing upon various topics for some time, he introduced the
subject of his visit. Mr Villiers willingly undertook to help him as
far as lay in his power, and promised to endeavour to procure for him
an audience with the Premier. In this he was successful, and Borrow
had an interview with Mendizabal, who was almost inaccessible to all
but the few.
At eight o'clock on the morning of 7th February Borrow presented
himself at the palace, where Mendizabal resided, and after waiting
for about three hours, was admitted to the presence of the Prime
Minister of Spain, whom he found--"A huge athletic man, somewhat
taller than myself, who measure six foot two without my shoes. His
complexion was florid, his features fine and regular, his nose quite
aquiline, and his teeth splendidly white; though scarcely fifty years
of age, his hair was remarkably grey. He was dressed in a rich
morning gown, with a gold chain round his neck, and morocco slippers
on his feet." {171a}
Borrow began by assuring Mendizabal that he was labouring under a
grave error in thinking that the Bible Society had sought to
influence unduly the slaves of Cuba, that they had not sent any
agents there, and they were not in communication with any of the
residents. Mr Villiers had warned Borrow that the premier was very
angry on account of reports that had reached him of the action in
Cuba of certain people whom he insisted were sent there by the Bible
Society. In vain Borrow suggested that the disturbers of the
tranquillity of Spain's beneficent rule in the Island were in no way
connected with Earl Street; he was several times interrupted by
Mendizabal, who insisted that he had documentary proof. Borrow with
difficulty restrained himself from laughing in the premier s face.
He pointed out that the Committee was composed of quiet, respectable
English gentlemen, who attended to their own concerns and gave a
little of their time to the affairs of the Bible Society.
On Borrow asking for permission to print at Madrid the New Testament
in Spanish without notes, he was met with an unequivocal refusal. In
spite of his arguments that the whole tenor of the work was against
bloodshedding and violence, he could not shake the premier's opinion
that it was "an improper book."
At first Borrow had experienced some difficulty in explaining
himself, on account of the Spaniard's habit of persistent
interruption, and at last he was forced in self-defence to hold on in
spite of Mendizabal's remarks. The upshot of the interview was that
he was told to renew his application when the Carlists had been
beaten and the country was at peace. Borrow then asked permission to
introduce into Spain a few copies of the New Testament in the Catalan
dialect, but was refused. He next requested to be allowed to call on
the following day and submit a copy of the Catalan edition, and
received the remarkable reply that the prime-minister refused his
offer to call lest he should succeed in convincing him, and
Mendizabal did not wish to be convinced. This seemed to show that
the Mendizabal was something of a philosopher and a little of a
humorist.
With this Borrow had to be content, and after an hour's interview he
withdrew. The premier was unquestionably in a difficult position.
On the one hand, he no doubt desired to assist a man introduced to
him by the representative of Great Britain, to whom he looked for
assistance in suppressing Carlism; on the other hand, he had the
priesthood to consider, and they would without question use every
means of which they stood possessed to preserve the prohibition
against the dissemination of the Scriptures, without notes, a
prohibition that had become almost a tradition.
But Borrow was not discouraged. He wrote in a most hopeful strain
that he foresaw the speedy and successful termination of the
Society's negotiations in the Peninsula. He looked forward to the
time when only an agent would be required to superintend the
engagement of colporteurs, and to make arrangements with the
booksellers. He proceeds to express a hope that his exertions have
given satisfaction to the Society.
Borrow received an encouraging letter from Mr Brandram, telling him
of the Committee's appreciation of his work, but practically leaving
with him the decision as to his future movements. They were inclined
to favour a return to Lisbon, but recognised that "in these wondrous
days opportunities may open unexpectedly." In the matter of the
Gospel of St Luke in Spanish Romany, the publication of extracts was
authorised, but there was no enthusiasm for the project. "We say,"
wrote Mr Brandram, "festina lente. You will be doing well to occupy
leisure hours with this work; but we are not prepared for printing
anything beyond portions at present."
In the meantime, however, an article in the Madrid newspaper, El
Espanol, upon the history, aims, and achievements of the British and
Foreign Bible Society, had determined Borrow to remain on at Madrid
for a few weeks at least.
"Why should Spain, which has explored the New World, why should she
alone be destitute of Bible Societies," asked the Espanol. "Why
should a nation eminently Catholic continue isolated from the rest of
Europe, without joining in the magnificent enterprise in which the
latter is so busily engaged?" {173a}
This article fired Borrow, and with the promise of assistance from
the liberal-minded Espanol, he set to work "to lay the foundation of
a Bible Society at Madrid." {173b} As a potential head of the
Spanish organization, Borrow's eyes were already directed towards the
person of "a certain Bishop, advanced in years, a person of great
piety and learning, who has himself translated the New Testament"
{173c} and who was disposed to print and circulate it.
Nothing, however, came of the project. Mr Brandram wrote to Borrow:-
"With regard to forming a Bible Society in Madrid, and appointing Dr
Usoz Secretary, it is so out of our usual course that the Committee,
for various reasons, cannot comply with your wishes--of the
desirableness of forming such a Society at present, you and your
friend must be the best judges. If it is to be an independent
society, as I suppose must be the case," Mr Brandram continues, and
the Bible Society's aid or that of its agent is sought, the new
Society must be formed on the principles of the British and Foreign
Bible Society, admitting, "on the one hand, general cooperation, and
on the other, that it does not circulate Apocryphal Bibles." There
was doubt at Earl Street as to whether the time was yet ripe; so the
decision was very properly left with Borrow, and he was told that he
"need not fear to hold out great hopes of encouragement in the event
of the formation of such a Society." {174a}
A serious difficulty now arose in the resignation of Mendizabal
(March 1836). Two of his friends and supporters, in the persons of
Francisco de Isturitz and Alcala Galiano, seceded from his party,
and, under the name of moderados, formed an opposition to their Chief
in the Cortes. They had the support of the Queen Regent and General
Cordova, whom Mendizabal had wished to remove from his position as
head of the army on account of his great popularity with the
soldiers, whose comforts and interests he studied. Isturitz became
Premier, Galiano Minister of Marine (a mere paper title, as there was
no navy at the time), and the Duke of Rivas Minister of the Interior.
Conscious of the advantage of possessing powerful friends, especially
in a country such as Spain, Borrow had used every endeavour to
enlarge the circle of his acquaintance among men occupying
influential positions, or likely to succeed those who at present
filled them. The result was that he was able to announce to Mr
Brandram that the new ministry, which had been formed, was composed
"entirely of MY friends." {175a} With Galiano in particular he was
on very intimate terms. Everything promised well, and the new
Cabinet showed itself most friendly to Borrow and his projects, until
the actual moment arrived for writing the permission to print the
Scriptures in Spanish. Then doubts arose, and the decrees of the
Council of Trent loomed up, a threatening barrier, in the eyes of the
Duke of Rivas and his secretary.
So hopeful was Borrow after his first interview with the Duke that he
wrote: --"I shall receive the permission, the Lord willing, in a few
days . . . The last skirts of the cloud of papal superstition are
vanishing below the horizon of Spain; whoever says the contrary
either knows nothing of the matter or wilfully hides the truth."
{175b}
At Earl Street the good news about the article in the Espanol gave
the liveliest satisfaction. "Surely a new and wonderful thing in
Spain," wrote Mr Brandram {175c} in a letter in which he urged Borrow
to "guard against becoming too much committed to one political
party," and asked him to write more frequently, as his letters were
always most welcome. This letter reached Madrid at a time when
Borrow found himself absolutely destitute.
"For the last three weeks," he writes, {175d} "I have been without
money, literally without a farthing." Everything in Madrid was so
dear. A month previously he had been forced to pay 12 pounds, 5s.
for a suit of clothes, "my own being so worn that it was impossible
to appear longer in public with them." {175e} He had written to Mr
Wilby, but in all probability his letter had gone astray, the post to
Estremadura having been three times robbed. "The money may still
come," he continues, {176a} "but I have given up all hopes of it, and
I am compelled to write home, though what I am to do till I can
receive your answer I am at a loss to conceive . . . whatever I
undergo, I shall tell nobody of my situation, it might hurt the
Society and our projects here. I know enough of the world to be
aware that it is considered as the worst of crimes to be without
money." {176b}
For weeks Borrow devoted himself to the task of endeavouring to
obtain permission to print the Scriptures in Spanish. The Duke of
Rivas referred him to his secretary, saying, "He will do for you what
you want!" But the secretary retreated behind the decrees of the
Council of Trent. Then Mr Villiers intervened, saw the Duke and gave
Borrow a letter to him. Again the Council of Trent proved to be the
obstacle. Galiano took up the matter and escorted Borrow to the
Bureau of the Interior, and had an interview with the Duke's
secretary. When Galiano left, there remained nothing for the
conscientious secretary to do but to write out the formal permission,
all else having been satisfactorily settled; but no sooner had
Galiano departed, than the recollection of the Council of Trent
returned to the secretary with terrifying distinctness, and no
permission was given.
Tired of the Council of Trent and the Duke's secretary, Borrow would
sometimes retire to the banks of the canal and there loiter in the
sun, watching the gold and silver fish basking on the surface of its
waters, or gossiping with the man who sold oranges and water under
the shade of the old water-tower. Once he went to see an execution--
anything to drive from his mind the conscientious secretary and the
Council of Trent, the sole obstacles to the realisation of his plans.
Borrow informed Mr Brandram at the end of May that the Cabinet was
unanimously in favour of granting his request; nothing happened.
There seems no doubt that the Cabinet's policy was one of subterfuge.
It could not afford to offend the British Minister, nor could it, at
that juncture, risk the bitter hostility of the clergy, consequently
it promised and deferred. A petition to the Ecclesiastical Committee
of Censors, although strongly backed by the Civil Governor of Madrid
(within whose department lay the censorship), produced no better
result. There was nothing heard but "To-morrow, please God!"
Foiled for the time being in his constructive policy, Borrow turned
his attention to one of destruction. He had already announced to the
Bible Society that the authority of the Pope was in a precarious
condition.
"Little more than a breath is required to destroy it," he writes,
{177a} "and I am almost confident that in less than a year it will be
disowned. I am doing whatever I can in Madrid to prepare the way for
an event so desirable. I mix with the people, and inform them who
and what the Pope is, and how disastrous to Spain his influence has
been. I tell them that the indulgences, which they are in the habit
of purchasing, are of no more intrinsic value than so many pieces of
paper, and were merely invented with the view of plundering them. I
frequently ask: 'Is it possible that God, who is good, would
sanction the sale of sin? and, supposing certain things are sinful,
do you think that God, for the sake of your money, would permit you
to perform them?' In many instances my hearers have been satisfied
with this simple reasoning, and have said that they would buy no more
indulgences."
Mr Brandram promptly wrote warning Borrow against becoming involved
in any endeavour to hasten the fall of the Pope. Although deeply
interested in what their agent had to say, there was a strong
misgiving at headquarters that for a few moments Borrow had
"forgotten that our hopes of the fall of -- are founded on the simple
distribution of the Scriptures," {178a} and he was told that, as
their agent, he must not pursue the course that he described. The
warning was carefully worded, so that it might not wound Borrow's
feelings or lessen his enthusiasm.
Borrow had found that the climate of Madrid did not agree with him.
It had proved very trying during the winter; but now that summer had
arrived the heat was suffocating and the air seemed to be filled with
"flaming vapours," and even the Spaniards would "lie gasping and
naked upon their brick floors." {178b} In spite of the heat,
however, he was occupied "upon an average ten hours every day,
dancing attendance on one or another of the Ministers." {178c}
Sometimes the difficulties that he had to contend with reduced him
almost to despair of ever obtaining the permission he sought. "Only
those," he writes, {178d} "who have been in the habit of dealing with
Spaniards, by whom the most solemn promises are habitually broken,
can form a correct idea of my reiterated disappointments, and of the
toil of body and agony of spirit which I have been subjected to. One
day I have been told, at the Ministry, that I had only to wait a few
moments and all I wished would be acceded to; and then my hopes have
been blasted with the information that various difficulties, which
seemed insurmountable, had presented themselves, whereupon I have
departed almost broken-hearted; but the next day I have been summoned
in a great hurry and informed that 'all was right,' and that on the
morrow a regular authority to print the Scriptures would be delivered
to me, but by that time fresh and yet more terrible difficulties had
occurred--so that I became weary of my life."
Mr Villiers evidently saw through the Spanish Cabinet's policy of
delay; for he spoke to the ministers collectively and individually,
strongly recommending that the petition be granted. He further
pointed out the terrible condition of the people, who lacked
religious instruction of any kind, and that a nation of atheists
would not prove very easy to govern. It may have been these
arguments, or, what is more likely, a desire on the part of the
Cabinet to please the representative of Great Britain, in any case a
greater willingness was now shown to give the necessary permission.
Measures were accordingly taken to evade the law and protect the
printer into whose hands the work was to be entrusted, until an
appropriate moment arrived for repealing the existing statute.
Borrow forwarded to Earl Street the following interesting letter that
he had received from Mr Villiers, which confirms his words as to the
keen interest taken by the British Minister in the endeavour to
obtain the permission to print the New Testament in Spanish
DEAR SIR,
I have had a long conversation with Mr Isturitz upon the subject of
printing the Testament, in which he showed himself to be both
sagacious and liberal. He assured me that the matter should have his
support whenever the Duque de Ribas brought it before the Cabinet,
and that as far as he was concerned the question MIGHT BE CONSIDERED
AS SETTLED.
You are quite welcome to make any use you please of this note with
the D. de Ribas or Mr Olivan. {179a}
I am, Dear Sir,
Yours faithfully,
GEORGE VILLIERS.
June 23rd [1836].
It was unquestionably Borrow's personality that was responsible for
Mr Villiers' interest in the scheme, as when Lieutenant Graydon
{179b} had applied to him on a previous occasion he declined to
interfere.
At Borrow's suggestion the President of the Bible Society, Lord
Bentley, wrote to Mr Villiers thanking him for the services he had
rendered in connection with the Spanish programme. It was
characteristic of Borrow that he added to his letter as a reason for
his request, that "I may be again in need of Mr V's. assistance
before I leave Spain." {180a} Borrow was always keenly alive to the
advantage of possessing influential friends who would be likely to
assist him in his labours for the Society. He was not a profound
admirer of the Society of Jesus for nothing, and although he would
scorn to exercise tact in regard to his own concerns, he was fully
prepared to make use of it in connection with those of the Bible
Society. He was a Jesuit at heart, and would in all probability have
preferred a good compositor who had been guilty of sacrilege to a bad
one who had not. He saw that besides being something of a
diplomatist, an agent of the Bible Society had also to be a good
business man. He has been called tactless, until the word seems to
have become permanently identified with his name; how unjustly is
shown by a very hasty examination of his masterly diplomacy, both in
Russia and Spain. Diplomacy, as Borrow understood it, was the art of
being persuasive when persuasion would obtain for him his object, and
firm, even threatening, when strong measures were best calculated to
suit his ends. It is only the fool who defines tact as the gentle
art of pleasing everybody. Diplomacy is the art of getting what you
want at the expense of displeasing as few people as possible.
"The affair is settled--thank God!!! and we may begin to print
whenever we think proper." With these words Borrow announces the
success of his enterprise. "Perhaps you have thought," he continues,
"that I have been tardy in accomplishing the business which brought
me to Spain; but to be able to form a correct judgment you ought to
be aware of all the difficulties which I have had to encounter, and
which I shall not enumerate. I shall content myself with observing
that for a thousand pounds I would not undergo again all the
mortifications and disappointments of the last two months." {181a}
There were moments when Borrow forgot the idiom of Earl Street and
reverted to his old, self-confident style, which had so alarmed some
of the excellent members of the Committee. He had achieved a great
triumph, how great is best shown by the suggestion made by the prime
minister that if determined to avail himself of the permission that
had been obtained, he had better employ "the confidential printer of
the Government, who would keep the matter secret; as in the present
state of affairs he [the prime minister] would not answer for the
consequences if it were noised abroad." {181b} By giving the license
to print the New Testament without notes, the Cabinet was assuming a
very grave responsibility. All this shows how great was the
influence of the British Minister upon the Isturitz Cabinet, and how
considerable that of Borrow upon the British Minister.
Now that his object was gained, there was nothing further to keep
Borrow in Spain, and he accordingly asked for instructions,
suggesting that, as soon as the heats were over, Lieutenant Graydon
might return to Madrid and take charge, "as nothing very difficult
remains to be accomplished, and I am sure that Mr Villiers, at my
entreaty, would extend to him the patronage with which he has
honoured me." {181c} In conclusion he announced himself as ready to
do "whatever the Bible Society may deem expedient." {181d}
Borrow now began to suffer from the reaction after his great
exertions. He became so languid as scarcely to be able to hold a
pen. He had no books, and conversation was impossible, for the heat
had driven away all who could possibly escape, among them his
acquaintances, and he frequently remembered with a sigh the happy
days spent in St Petersburg.
A few days later (25th July) he wrote proposing as a member of the
Bible Society Dr Luis de Usoz y Rio, "a person of great
respectability and great learning." {182a} Dr Usoz, who was
subsequently to be closely associated with Borrow in his labours in
Spain, was a man of whom he was unable to "speak in too high terms of
admiration; he is one of the most learned men in Spain, and is become
in every point a Christian according to the standard of the New
Testament." {182b}
Dr Usoz also addressed a letter to the Society asking to be
considered as a correspondent and entrusted with copies of the
Scriptures, which he was convinced he could circulate in every
province of Spain. The advantage of having one of the editors of the
principal newspaper of Spain on the side of the Society did not fail
to appeal to Borrow. Dr Usoz not only became a member of the Bible
Society, but earned from Borrow a splendid tribute in the Preface to
The Bible in Spain.
Before advantage could be taken of the hardly earned permission to
print the New Testament in Madrid, the Revolution of La Granja {182c}
broke out, resulting in the proclamation of the Constitution of 1812,
by which the press became free. In Madrid chaos reigned as a result.
Borrow himself has given a vivid account of how Quesada, by his
magnificent courage, quelled for the time being the revolution, how
the ministers fled, how eventually the heroic tyrant was recognised
and killed, and, finally, how, at a celebrated coffee-house in
Madrid, Borrow saw the victorious Nationals drink to the Constitution
from a bowl of coffee, which had first been stirred with one of the
mutilated hands of the hated Quesada. {183a}
Now that no obstacle stood in the way of the printing of the Spanish
New Testament, Borrow was requested to return to England that he
might confer with the authorities at Earl Street. "You may now
consider yourself under marching orders to return home as soon as you
have made all the requisite arrangements; . . . you have done, we are
persuaded, a good and great work," {183b} Mr Brandram wrote. It was
thought by the Committee that the advantages to be derived from a
conference with Borrow would be well worth the expense involved in
his having to return again to Spain.
To this request for his immediate presence in London Borrow replied:
"I shall make the provisional engagement as desired [as regards the
printing of the New Testament] and shall leave Madrid as soon as
possible; but I must here inform you, that I shall find much
difficulty in returning to England, as all the provinces are
disturbed in consequence of the Constitution of 1812 having been
proclaimed, and the roads are swarming with robbers and banditti. It
is my intention to join some muleteers, and attempt to reach Granada,
from whence, if possible, I shall proceed to Malaga or Gibraltar, and
thence to Lisbon, where I left the greatest part of my baggage. Do
not be surprised, therefore, if I am tardy in making my appearance;
it is no easy thing at present to travel in Spain. But all these
troubles are for the benefit of the Cause, and must not be repined
at." {183c}
Leaving Madrid on 20th August, Borrow was at Granada on the 30th, as
proved by the Visitors' Book, in which he signed himself
"George Borrow Norvicensis."
The real object of this visit appears to have been his desire to
study more closely the Spanish gypsies. From Granada he proceeded to
Malaga. Neither place can be said to be on the direct road to
England; but the disturbed state of the country had to be taken into
consideration, and it was a question not of the shortest road but the
safest.
On his return to London, early in October, Borrow wrote a report
{184a} upon his labours, roughly sketching out his work since he left
Badajos. He repeated his view that the Papal See had lost its power
over Spain, and that the present moment was a peculiarly appropriate
one in which to spread the light of the Gospel over the Peninsula.
Forgetting the thievish propensities of the race, he wrote glowingly
of the Spaniards and their intellectual equipment, the clearness with
which they expressed themselves, and the elegance of their diction.
The mind of the Spaniard was a garden run to waste, and it was for
the British and Foreign Bible Society to cultivate it and purge it of
the rank and bitter weeds.
He foresaw no difficulty whatever in disposing of 5000 copies of the
New Testament in a short time in the capital and provincial towns, in
particular Cadiz and Seville where the people were more enlightened.
He was not so confident about the rural districts, where those who
assured him that they were acquainted with the New Testament said
that it contained hymns addressed to the Virgin which were written by
the Pope.
CHAPTER XII: NOVEMBER 1836-MAY 1837
Borrow remained in England for a month (3rd October/4th November),
during which time he conferred with the Committee and Officials at
Earl Street as to the future programme in Spain. On 4th November,
having sent to his mother 130 pounds of the 150 pounds he had drawn
as salary, and promising to write to Mr Brandram from Cadiz, he
sailed from London in the steamer Manchester, bound for Lisbon and
Cadiz.
In a letter to his mother, he describes his fellow passengers as
invalids fleeing from the English winter. "Some of them are three
parts gone with consumption," he writes, "some are ruptured, some
have broken backs; I am the only sound person in the ship, which is
crowded to suffocation. I am in a little hole of a berth where I can
scarcely breathe, and every now and then wet through."
The horrors of the voyage from Falmouth to Lisbon he has described
with terrifying vividness; {185a} how the engines broke down and the
vessel was being driven on to Cape Finisterre; how all hope had been
abandoned, and the Captain had told the passengers of their impending
fate; how the wind suddenly "VEERED RIGHT ABOUT, and pushed us from
the horrible coast faster than it had previously driven us towards
it." {185b}
During the whole of that terrible night Borrow had remained on deck,
all the other passengers having been battened down below. He was
almost drowned in the seas that broke over the vessel, and, on one
occasion, was struck down by a water cask that had broken away from
its lashings. Even after he had escaped Cape Finisterre, the ordeal
was not over; for the ship was in a sinking condition, and fire broke
out on board. Eventually the engines were repaired, the fire
extinguished, and Lisbon was reached on the 13th, where Borrow landed
with his water-soaked luggage, and found on examination that the
greater part of his clothes had been ruined. In spite of this
experience, he determined to continue his voyage to Cadiz in the
Manchester, probably for reasons of economy, indifferent to the fact
that she was utterly unseaworthy, and that most of the other
passengers had abandoned her. During his enforced stay in Lisbon,
whilst the ship was being patched up, Borrow saw Mr Wilby and made
enquiry into the state of the Society's affairs in Portugal. Many
changes had taken place and the country was in a distracted state.
After a week's delay at Lisbon the Manchester continued her voyage to
Cadiz, where she arrived without further mishap on the 21st. During
this voyage a fellow passenger with Borrow was the Marques de Santa
Coloma. "According to the expression of the Marques, when they
stepped on to the quay at Cadiz, Borrow looked round, saw some
Gitanos lounging there, said something that the Marques could not
understand, and immediately 'that man became une grappe de Gitanos.'
They hung round his neck, clung to his knees, seized his hands,
kissed his feet, so that the Marques hardly liked to join his comrade
again after such close embraces by so dirty a company." {186a}
Borrow now found himself in his allotted field--unhappy, miserable,
distracted Spain. Gomez, the Carlist leader, had been sweeping
through Estremadura like a pestilence, and Borrow fully expected to
find Seville occupied by his banditti; but Carlists possessed no
terrors for him. Unless he could do something to heal the spiritual
wounds of the wretched country, he assured Mr Brandram, he would
never again return to England.
On 1st December Mr Brandram wrote to Borrow expressing deep sympathy
with all he had been through, and adding: "If you go forward . . .
we will help you by prayer. If you retreat we shall welcome you
cordially." He appears to have written before consulting with the
Committee, who, on hearing of the actual state of affairs in Spain,
became filled with misgiving and anxiety for the safety of their
agent, who seemed to be destitute of fear. Mr Brandram had been
content for Borrow to go forward if he so decided, but, as he wrote
later, "your prospective dangers, while they created an absorbing
interest, were viewed in different lights by the Committee," who
thought they had "no right to commit you to such perils. My own
feeling was that, while I could not urge you forward, there were
peculiarities in your history and character that I would not keep you
back if you were minded to go. A few felt with me--most, however,
thought that you should have been restrained." {187a} It was decided
therefore to forbid him to proceed on his hazardous adventure, and
accordingly a letter was addressed to him care of the British Consul
at Cadiz. If Borrow received this he disregarded the instructions it
contained.
Cadiz proved to be in a state of great confusion. It was reported
that numerous bands of Carlists were in the neighbourhood, and the
whole city was in a state of ferment in consequence. In the coffee-
houses the din of tongues was deafening; would-be orators, sometimes
as many as six at one time, sprang up upon chairs and tables and
ventilated their political views. The paramount, nay, the only,
interest was not in the words of Christ; but the probable doings of
the Carlists.
On the night of his arrival Borrow was taken ill with what, at the
time, he thought to be cholera, and for some time in the little
"cock-loft or garret" that had been allotted to him at the over-
crowded French hotel, he was "in most acute pain, and terribly sick,"
drinking oil mixed with brandy. For two days he was so exhausted as
to be able to do nothing.
On the morning of the 24th he embarked in a small Spanish steamer
bound for Seville, which was reached that same night. The sun had
dissipated the melancholy and stupor left by his illness, and by the
time he arrived at Seville he was repeating Latin verses and
fragments of old Spanish ballads to a brilliant moon. The condition
of affairs at Seville was as bad if not worse than at Cadiz. There
was scarcely any communication with the capital, the diligences no
longer ran, and even the fearless arrieros (muleteers) declined to
set out. Famine, plunder and murder were let loose over the land.
Bands of banditti robbed, tortured and slew in the name of Don
Carlos. They stripped the peasantry of all they possessed, and the
poor wretches in turn became brigands and preyed upon those weaker
than themselves. Through all this Borrow had to penetrate in order
to reach Madrid. Had the road been familiar to him he would have
performed the journey alone, dressed either as a beggar or as a
gypsy. It is obvious that he appreciated the hazardous nature of the
journey he was undertaking, for he asked Mr Brandram, in the event of
his death, to keep the news from old Mrs Borrow as long as possible
and then to go down to Norwich and break it to her himself.
At Seville Borrow encountered Baron Taylor, {188a} whom he states
that he had first met at Bayonne (during the "veiled period"), and
later in Russia, beside the Bosphorus, and finally in the South of
Ireland. Than Baron Taylor there was no one for whom Borrow
entertained "a greater esteem and regard . . . There is a mystery
about him which, wherever he goes, serves not a little to increase
the sensation naturally created by his appearance and manner." {189a}
Borrow was much attracted to this mysterious personage, about whom
nothing could be asserted "with downright positiveness."
From Seville Borrow proceeded to Cordoba, accompanied by "an elderly
person, a Genoese by birth," whose acquaintance he had made and whom
he hoped later to employ in the distribution of the Testaments.
Borrow had hired a couple of miserable horses. The Genoese had not
been in the saddle for some thirty years, and he was an old man and
timid. His horse soon became aware of this, and neither whip nor
spur could persuade it to exert itself. When approaching night
rendered it necessary to make a special effort to hasten forward, the
bridle of the discontented steed had to be fastened to that of its
fellow, which was then urged forward "with spur and cudgel." Both
the Genoese and his mount protested against such drastic measures,
the one by entreaties to be permitted to dismount, the other by
attempting to fling itself down. The only notice Borrow took of
these protests was to spur and cudgel the more.
On the night of the third day the party arrived at Cordoba, and was
cordially welcomed by the Carlist innkeeper, who, although avowing
himself strictly neutral, confessed how great had been his pleasure
at welcoming the Carlists when they occupied the City a short time
before. It was at this inn that Borrow explained to the elderly
Genoese, who had indiscreetly resented his host's disrespectful
remarks about the young Queen Isabel, how he invariably managed to
preserve good relations with all sorts of factions. "My good man,"
he said, "I am invariably of the politics of the people at whose
table I sit, or beneath whose roof I sleep; at least I never say
anything which can lead them to suspect the contrary; by pursuing
which system I have more than once escaped a bloody pillow, and
having the wine I drank spiced with sublimate." {190a}
Borrow remained at Cordoba much longer than he had intended, because
of the reports that reached him of the unsafe condition of the roads.
He sent back the old Genoese with the horses, and spent the time in
thoroughly examining the town and making acquaintances among its
inhabitants. At length, after a stay of ten or eleven days,
despairing of any improvement in the state of the country, he
continued his journey in the company of a contrabandista, temporarily
retired from the smuggling trade, from whom he hired two horses for
the sum of forty-two dollars. Borrow allowed no compunction to
assail him as to the means he employed when he was thoroughly
convinced as to the worthiness of the end he had in view. To further
his projects he would cheerfully have travelled with the Pope
himself.
The journey to Madrid proved dismal in the extreme. The
contrabandista was sullen and gloomy, despite the fact that his
horses had been insured against loss and the handsome fee he was to
receive for his services. The Despenaperros in the Sierra Morena
through which Borrow had to pass, had, even in times of peace, a most
evil reputation; but by great good luck for Borrow, the local
banditti had during the previous day "committed a dreadful robbery
and murder by which they sacked 40,000 reals." {190b} They were in
all probability too busily occupied in dividing their spoil to watch
for other travellers. Another factor that was much in Borrow's
favour was a change in the weather.
"Suddenly the Lord breathed forth a frozen blast," Borrow writes,
"the severity of which was almost intolerable. No human being but
ourselves ventured forth. We traversed snow-covered plains, and
passed through villages and towns to all appearance deserted. The
robbers kept close to their caves and hovels, but the cold nearly
killed us. We reached Aranjuez late on Christmas day, and I got into
the house of an Englishman, where I swallowed nearly a pint of
brandy: {191a} it affected me no more than warm water. {191b}
Borrow arrived at Madrid on 26th December, having almost by a miracle
avoided death or capture by the human wolves that infested the
country. He took up his quarters at 16 Calle de Santiago at the
house of Maria Diaz, who was to prove so loyal a friend during many
critical periods of his work in Spain. His first care was to call
upon the British Minister, and enquire if he considered it safe to
proceed with the printing without special application to the new
Government. Mr Villiers' answer is interesting, as showing how
thoroughly he had taken Borrow under his protection.
"You obtained the permission of the Government of Isturitz," he
replied, "which was a much less liberal one than the present; I am a
witness to the promise made to you by the former Ministers, which I
consider sufficient; you had best commence and complete the work as
soon as possible without any fresh application, and should anyone
attempt to interrupt you, you have only to come to me, whom you may
command at any time." {191c}
Having saved the Bible Society 9000 reals in its paper bill alone,
{191d} Borrow proceeded to arrange for the printing. He had already
opened negotiations with Charles Wood, who was associated with
Andreas Borrego, {192a} the most fashionable printer in Madrid, who
not only had the best printing-presses in Spain, but had been
specially recommended by Isturitz. It had been tentatively arranged
that an edition of 5000 copies of the New Testament should be printed
from the version of Father Felipe Scio de San Miguel, confessor to
Ferdinand VII., without notes or commentaries, and delivered within
three months.
Remembering the advice of Isturitz, Borrow determined to entrust the
work to Borrego, including the binding. He was the Government
printer, and, furthermore, enjoyed the good opinion of Mr Villiers.
Having persuaded Borrego to reduce his price to 10 reals a sheet, he
placed the order. It was agreed that the work should be completed in
ten weeks from 20th January.
Each sheet was to be passed by Borrow. As a matter of fact he read
every word three times; but in order to insure absolute accuracy, he
engaged the services of Dr Usoz, "the first scholar in Spain," {192b}
who was to be responsible for the final revision, leaving the
question of the remuneration to the generosity of the Bible Society.
The result of all this care was that, according to Borrow the edition
exhibited scarcely one typographical error. {192c}
The question of systematic distribution had next to be considered.
After much musing and cogitation, Borrow came to the conclusion that
the only satisfactory method was for him to "ride forth from Madrid
into the wildest parts of Spain," where the word is most wanted and
where it seems next to an impossibility to introduce it, and this he
proposed to the Committee.
"I will take with me 1200 copies," he wrote, {193a} "which I will
engage to dispose of for little or much to the wild people of the
wild regions which I intend to visit; as for the rest of the edition,
it must be disposed of, if possible, in a different way--I may say
the usual way; part must be entrusted to booksellers, part to
colporteurs, and a depot must be established at Madrid. Such work is
every person's work, and to anyone may be confided the execution of
it; it is a mere affair of trade. What I wish to be employed in is
what, I am well aware, no other individual will undertake to do:
namely, to scatter the Word upon the mountains, amongst the valleys
and the inmost recesses of the worst and most dangerous parts of
Spain, where the people are more fierce, fanatic and, in a word,
Carlist."
In the same letter Borrow shows how thoroughly he understood his own
character when he wrote:
"I shall not feel at all surprised should it [the plan] be
disapproved of all-together; but I wish it to be understood that in
that event I could do nothing further than see the work through the
press, as I am confident that whatever ardour and zeal I at present
feel in the cause would desert me immediately, and that I should
neither be able nor willing to execute anything which might be
suggested. I wish to engage in nothing which would not allow me to
depend entirely on myself. It would be heart-breaking to me to
remain at Madrid expending the Society's money, with almost the
certainty of being informed eventually by the booksellers and their
correspondents that the work has no sale. In a word, to make sure
that some copies find their way among the people, I must be permitted
to carry them to the people myself."
He goes on to inform Mr Brandram that in anticipation of the
acquiescence of the Committee in his schemes, he has purchased, for
about 12 pounds, one of the smuggler's horses, which he has preferred
to a mule, on account of the expense of the popular hybrid, and also
because of its enormous appetite, to satisfy which two pecks of
barley and a proportionate amount of straw are required each twenty-
four hours, as the beast must be fed every four hours, day and night.
Thus the members of the Committee learned something about the ways of
the mule.
The response to this suggestion was a resolution passed by the Sub-
Committee for General Purposes, by which Borrow was permitted to
enter into correspondence with the principal booksellers and other
persons favourable to the dissemination of the Scriptures. In a
covering letter {194a} Mr Brandram very pertinently enquired, "Can
the people in these wilds read?" Whilst not wishing to put a final
negative to the proposal, the Secretary asked if there were no middle
course. Could Borrow not establish a depot at some principal place,
and from it make excursions occupying two or three days each,
"instead of devoting yourself wholly to the wild people."
Borrow assured Mr Brandram that he had misunderstood. The care of
"the wild people" was only to be incidental on his visits to towns
and villages to establish depots or agencies. "On my way," he wrote,
"I intended to visit the secret and secluded spots amongst the rugged
hills and mountains, and to talk to the people, after my manner, of
Christ." {194b}
It was on 3rd April that Borrow had received the letter from Earl
Street authorising him "to undertake the tour suggested . . . for the
purpose of circulating the Spanish New Testament in some of the
principal cities of Spain." He was requested to write as frequently
as possible, giving an account of his adventures. At the same time
Mr Brandram wrote: "You will perceive by the Resolution that nearly
all your requests are complied with. You have authority to go forth
with your horses, and may you have a prosperous journey . . . Pray
for wisdom to discern between presumptuousness and want of Faith.
{195a}
The printing of the 5000 copies of the New Testament in Spanish was
completed early in April, but there was considerable delay over the
binding. The actual date of publication was 1st May. The work had
been well done, and was "allowed by people who have perused it, and
with no friendly feeling, to be one of the most correct works that
have ever issued from the press in Spain, and to be an exceedingly
favourable specimen of typography and paper." {195b}
In addition to the contrabandista's horse, Borrow had acquired "a
black Andalusian stallion of great size and strength, and capable of
performing a journey of a hundred leagues in a week's time." {195c}
In spite of his unbroken state, Borrow decided to purchase the
animal, relying upon "a cargo of bibles" to reduce him to obedience.
It was with this black Andalusian that he created a sensation by
riding about Madrid, "with a Russian skin for a saddle, and without
stirrups. Altogether making so conspicuous a figure that [the
Marques de] Santa Coloma hesitated, and it needed all his courage to
be seen riding with him. At this period Borrow spent a good deal of
money and lived very freely (i.e., luxuriously) in Spain. From the
point of view of the Marques, a Spanish Roman Catholic, Borrow was
excessively bigoted, and fond of attacking Roman Catholics and
Catholicism. He evidently, however, liked him as a companion; but he
says Borrow never, as far as he saw or could learn, spoke of religion
to his Gypsy friends, and that he soon noticed his difference of
attitude towards them. He was often going to the British Embassy,
and he thinks was considered a great bore there." {195d}
The unanimous advice of Borrow's friends, Protestant and Roman
Catholic, was "that for the present I should proceed with the utmost
caution, but without concealing the object of my mission." {196a} He
was to avoid offending people's prejudices and endeavour everywhere
to keep on good terms with the clergy, "at least one-third of whom
are known to be anxious for the dissemination of the Word of God,
though at the same time unwilling to separate themselves from the
discipline and ceremonials of Rome." {196b}
Thus equipped with sage counsel, Borrow was just about to start upon
his journey into the North, when he found it necessary to dismiss his
servant owing to misconduct. This caused delay. Through Mr O'Shea,
the banker, he got to know Antonio Buchini, the Greek of
Constantinople, who, of all the strange characters Borrow had met he
considered "the most surprising." {196c} Antonio's vices were
sufficiently obvious to discourage anyone from attempting to discover
his virtues. He loved change, quarrelled with everybody, masters,
mistresses, and fellow-servants. Borrow engaged him; but looked to
the future with misgiving. Antonio unquestionably had his bad
points; yet he was a treasure compared with the Spaniard whom he
succeeded. This man was much given to drink and was always engaged
in some quarrel. He drew his terrible knife, such as all Spaniards
carry, upon all who offended him. On one occasion Borrow saved from
his wrath a poor maid-servant who had incurred his ire by burning a
herring she was toasting for him. Antonio's virtues comprised an
unquestioned honesty and devotion, and on the whole he was a
desirable servant in a country where such virtues were extremely
rare.
It was not until 15th May that Borrow, accompanied by Antonio, was
able to get away from Madrid. A few days previously he had
contracted "a severe cold which terminated in a shrieking,
disagreeable cough." This, following on a fortnight's attack of
influenza, proved difficult to shake off. Finding himself scarcely
able to stand, he at length appealed to a barber-surgeon, who drew 16
oz. of blood, assuring his patient that on the following day he would
be well enough to start.
That same evening Mr Villiers sent round to Borrow's lodgings
informing him that he had decided to help him by every means in his
power. He announced his intention of purchasing a large number of
the Testaments, and despatching them to the various British Consuls
in Spain, with instructions "to employ all the means which their
official situation should afford them to circulate the books in
question, and to assure their being noticed." {197a} They were also
to render every assistance in their power to Borrow "as a friend of
Mr Villiers, and a person in the success of whose enterprise he
himself took the warmest interest." {197b} Mr Villiers' interest in
Borrow's mission seems to have led him into a diplomatic
indiscretion. Borrow himself confesses that he could scarcely
believe his ears. Although assured of the British Minister's
friendly attitude, he "could never expect that he would come forward
in so noble, and to say the least of it, considering his high
diplomatic situation, so bold and decided a manner." {197c} This act
of friendliness becomes a personal tribute to Borrow, when it is
remembered that at first Mr Villiers had been by no means well
disposed towards the Bible Society.
Before leaving Madrid, Borrow had circularised all the principal
booksellers, offering to supply the New Testament at fifteen reals a
copy, the actual cost price; but he was not sanguine as to the
result, for he found the Spaniard "short-sighted and . . . so utterly
unacquainted with the rudiments of business." {198a} Advertisements
had been inserted in all the principal newspapers stating that the
booksellers of Madrid were now in a position to supply the New
Testament in Spanish, unencumbered by obscuring notes and comments.
Borrow also provided for an advertisement to be inserted each week
during his absence, which he anticipated would be about five months.
After that he knew not what would happen--there was always China.
CHAPTER XIII: MAY-OCTOBER 1837
The prediction of the surgeon-barber was fulfilled; by the next
morning the fever and cough had considerably abated, although the
patient was still weak from loss of blood. This, however, did not
hinder him from mounting his black Andalusian, and starting upon his
initial journey of distribution. On arriving at Salamanca, his first
objective, he immediately sought out the principal bookseller and
placed with him copies of the New Testament. He also inserted an
advertisement in the local newspaper, stating that the volume was the
only guide to salvation; at the same time he called attention to the
great pecuniary sacrifices that the Bible Society was making in order
to proclaim Christ crucified. This advertisement he caused to be
struck off in considerable numbers as bills and posted in various
parts of the town, and he even went so far as to affix one to the
porch of the church. He also distributed them as he progressed
through the villages. {199a}
From Salamanca (10th June) Borrow journeyed to Valladolid, and from
thence to Leon, {200a} (a hotbed of Carlism), where the people were
ignorant and brutal and refused to the stranger a glass of water,
unless he were prepared to pay for it. At Leon he was seized by a
fever that prostrated him for a week. He also experienced marked
antagonism from the clergy, who threatened every direful consequence
to whosoever read or purchased "the accursed books" which he brought.
A more serious evidence of their displeasure was shown by the action
they commenced in the ecclesiastical court against the bookseller
whom Borrow had arranged with to act as agent for his Testaments.
The bookseller himself did not mend matters by fixing upon the doors
of the cathedral itself one of the advertisements that he had
received with the books.
When sufficiently recovered to travel, Borrow proceeded to Astorga,
which he reached with the utmost difficulty owing to bad roads and
the fierce heat.
"We were compelled to take up our abode," he writes, {200b} "in a
wretched hovel full of pigs' vermin and misery, and from this place I
write, for this morning I felt myself unable to proceed on my
journey, being exhausted with illness, fatigue and want of food, for
scarcely anything is to be obtained; but I return God thanks and
glory for being permitted to undergo these crosses and troubles for
His Word's sake. I would not exchange my present situation,
unenviable as some may think it, for a throne."
Thus Borrow wrote when burning with fever, after having just been
told to vacate his room at the posada, and having his luggage flung
into the yard to make room for the occupants of the "waggon" from
Madrid to Coruna.
From Astorga he proceeded by way of Puerto de Manzanal, Bembibre,
Cacabelos, Villafranca, Puerto de Fuencebadon and Nogales, "through
the wildest mountains and wildernesses" to Lugo.
Owing to the unsafety of the roads, it was customary for travellers
to attach themselves to the Grand Post, which was always guarded by
an escort. At Nogales Borrow joined the mail courier; but as a rule
he was too independent, too much in a hurry, and too indifferent to
danger to wait for such protection against the perils of the robber-
infested roads. He has given the following graphic account "of the
grand post from Madrid to Coruna, attended by a considerable escort,
and an immense number of travellers . . . We were soon mounted and in
the street, amidst a confused throng of men and quadrupeds. The
light of a couple of flambeaus, which were borne before the courier,
shone on the arms of several soldiers, seemingly drawn up on either
side of the road; the darkness, however, prevented me from
distinguishing objects very clearly. The courier himself was mounted
on a little shaggy pony; before and behind him were two immense
portmanteaus, or leather sacks, the ends of which nearly touched the
ground. For about a quarter of an hour there was much hubbub,
shouting, and trampling, at the end of which period the order was
given to proceed. Scarcely had we left the village when the
flambeaus were extinguished, and we were left in almost total
darkness. In this manner we proceeded for several hours, up hill and
down dale, but generally at a very slow pace. The soldiers who
escorted us from time to time sang patriotic songs . . . At last the
day began to break, and I found myself amidst a train of two or three
hundred people, some on foot, but the greater part mounted, either on
mules or the pony mares: I could not distinguish a single horse
except my own and Antonio's. A few soldiers were thinly scattered
along the road." {201a}
After about a week's stay at Lugo, Borrow again attached himself to
the Grand Post; but tiring of its slow and deliberate progress, he
decided to push on alone, and came very near to falling a prey to the
banditti. He was suddenly confronted by two of the fraternity, who
presented their carbines, "which they probably intended to discharge
into my body, but they took fright at the noise of Antonio's horse,
who was following a little way behind." {202a}
The night was spent at Betanzos, where the black Andalusian was
stricken with "a deep, hoarse cough." Remembering a prophetic remark
that had been made by a roadside acquaintance to the effect that "the
man must be mad who brings a horse to Galicia, and doubly so he who
brings an entero," Borrow, determined to have the animal bled, sent
for a farrier, meanwhile rubbing down his steed with a quart of anis
brandy. The farrier demanded an ounce of gold for the operation,
which decided Borrow to perform it himself. With a large fleam that
he possessed, he twice bled the Andalusian, to the astonishment of
the discomfited farrier, and saved its valuable life, also an ounce
of gold. Next day he and Antonio walked to Coruna, leading their
horses.
At Coruna were five hundred copies of the New Testament that had been
sent on from Madrid. So far Borrow had himself disposed of sixty-
five copies, irrespective of those sold at Lugo and other places by
means of the advertisement. These books were all sold at prices
ranging from 10 to 12 reals each. Borrow made a special point of
this, "to give a direct lie to the assertion" that the Bible Society,
having no vent for the Bibles and New Testaments it printed, was
forced either to give them away or sell them by auction, when they
were purchased as waste paper.
The condition of the roads at that period was so bad, on account of
robbers and Carlists, that it was forbidden to anyone to travel along
the thoroughfare leading to Santiago unless in company with the mail
courier and his escort of soldiers. Unfortunately for Borrow his
black Andalusian was not of a companionable disposition, and to bring
him near other horses was to invite a fierce contest. On the rare
occasions that he did travel with the Grand Post, Borrow was
frequently involved in difficulties on account of the entero's
unsociable nature; but as he was deeply attached to the noble beast,
he retained him and suffered dangers rather than give up the
companion of many an adventure.
Some idea may be obtained of the state of rural Spain in 1837, when
the highways teemed with "patriots" bent upon robbing friend and foe
alike and afterwards assassinating or mutilating their victims, from
a story that Borrow tells of how a viper-catcher, who was engaged in
pursuing his calling in the neighbourhood of Orense, fell into the
hands of these miscreants, who robbed and stripped him. They then
pinioned his hands behind him and drew over his head the mouth of the
bag containing the LIVING vipers, which they fastened round his neck
and listened with satisfaction to the poor wretch's cries. The
reptiles stung their victim to madness, and after having run raving
through several villages he eventually fell dead. {203a}
Making Coruna his headquarters, Borrow proceeded to Santiago,
"travelling with the courier or weekly post," and from thence to
Padron, Pontevedra, and Vigo. At Vigo he was apprehended as a spy,
but immediately released. It was whilst at Santiago that he repeated
an experiment he had previously made at Valladolid.
"I . . . sallied forth," he writes, {203b} "alone and on horseback,
and bent my course to a distant village; on my arrival, which took
place just after the siesta or afternoon's nap had concluded, I
proceeded . . . to the market place, where I spread a horse-cloth on
the ground, upon which I deposited my books. I then commenced crying
with a loud voice: 'Peasants, peasants, I bring you the Word of God
at a cheap price. I know you have but little money, but I bring it
you at whatever you can command, at four or three reals, according to
your means.' I thus went on till a crowd gathered round me, who
examined the books with attention, many of them reading aloud, but I
had not long to wait; . . . my cargo was disposed of almost
instantaneously, and I mounted my horse without a question being
asked me, and returned to my temporary abode lighter than I came."
Borrow did not repeat the experiment for fear of giving offence to
the clergy. The new means of distribution was to be used only as a
last resource.
Arriving at Padron on the return journey, Borrow found that he had
only one book left. He determined to send Antonio forward with the
horses to await him at Coruna, whilst he made an excursion to Cape
Finisterre.
"It would be," he says, "difficult to assign any plausible reason for
the ardent desire which I entertained to visit this place; but I
remembered that last year I had escaped almost by a miracle from
shipwreck and death on the rocky sides of this extreme point of the
Old World, and I thought that to convey the Gospel to a place so wild
and remote might perhaps be considered an acceptable pilgrimage in
the eyes of my Maker." {204a}
Hiring a guide and a pony, he reached the Cape, after surmounting
tremendous difficulties, and on arrival he and his guide were
arrested as Carlist spies. {204b} In all probability he would have
been shot, such was the certainty of the Alcalde that he was a spy,
had not the professional hero of the place come forward and, after
having cross-examined him as to his knowledge of "knife" and "fork,"
the only two English words the Spaniard knew, pronounced him English,
and eventually conveyed him to the Alcalde of Convucion, who released
him. On the man who had saved him Borrow privately bestowed a
gratuity, and publicly the copy of the New Testament that had led to
the expedition. He then returned to Coruna, by his journey having
accomplished "what has long been one of the ardent wishes of my
heart. I have carried the Gospel to the extreme point of the Old
World." {205a}
The black Andalusian was totally unfitted for the long mountainous
journey into the Asturias that Borrow now planned to undertake, and
he decided to dispose of him. He was greatly attached to the
creature, notwithstanding his vicious habits and the difficulties
that arose out of them. Now the entero would be engaged in a deadly
struggle with some gloomy mule; again, by rushing among a crowd
outside a posada, he would do infinite damage and earn for his master
and himself an evil name. Borrow thus announces to the Bible Society
the sale of its property: "This animal cost the Society about 2000
reals at Madrid; I, however, sold him for 3000 at Coruna,
notwithstanding that he has suffered much from the hard labour which
he had been subjected to in our wanderings in Galicia, and likewise
from bad provender." {205b}
Borrow next set out upon an expedition to Orviedo in the Asturias,
{205c} then in daily expectation of being attacked by the Carlists.
It was at Orviedo that he received a striking tribute from a number
of Spanish gentlemen.
"A strange adventure has just occurred to me," he wrote. {205d} "I
am in the ancient town of Orviedo, in a very large, scantily
furnished and remote room of an ancient posada, formerly a palace of
the Counts of Santa Cruz, it is past ten at night and the rain is
descending in torrents. I ceased writing on hearing numerous
footsteps ascending the creeking stairs which lead to my apartment--
the door was flung open, and in walked nine men of tall stature,
marshalled by a little hunchbacked personage. They were all muffled
in the long cloaks of Spain, but I instantly knew by their demeanour
that they were caballeros, or gentlemen. They placed themselves in a
rank before the table where I was sitting; suddenly and
simultaneously they all flung back their cloaks, and I perceived that
every one bore a book in his hand, a book which I knew full well.
After a pause, which I was unable to break, for I sat lost in
astonishment and almost conceived myself to be visited by
apparitions, the hunchback advancing somewhat before the rest, said,
in soft silvery tones, 'Senor Cavalier, was it you who brought this
book to the Asturias?' I now supposed that they were the civil
authorities of the place come to take me into custody, and, rising
from my seat, I exclaimed: 'It certainly was I, and it is my glory
to have done so; the book is the New Testament of God; I wish it was
in my power to bring a million.' 'I heartily wish so too,' said the
little personage with a sigh; 'be under no apprehension, Sir
Cavalier, these gentlemen are my friends. We have just purchased
these books in the shop where you have placed them for sale, and have
taken the liberty of calling upon you in order to return you our
thanks for the treasure you have brought us. I hope you can furnish
us with the Old Testament also!' I replied that I was sorry to
inform him that at present it was entirely out of my power to comply
with his wish, as I had no Old Testaments in my possession, but I did
not despair of procuring some speedily from England. {206a} He then
asked me a great many questions concerning my Biblical travels in
Spain and my success, and the views entertained by the Society in
respect to Spain, adding that he hoped we should pay particular
attention to the Asturias, which he assured me was the best ground in
the Peninsula for our labour. After about half an hour's
conversation, he suddenly said in the English language, 'Good night,
Sir,' wrapped his cloak around him and walked out as he had come.
His companions, who had hitherto not uttered a word, all repeated,
'Good night, Sir,' and adjusting their cloaks followed him."
This anecdote greatly impressed the General Committee. Mr Brandram
wrote (15th November 1837): "We were all deeply interested with your
ten gentlemen of Orviedo. I have introduced them at several
meetings."
Whilst at Orviedo, Borrow began to be very uneasy about the state of
affairs at the capital. "Madrid," he wrote, {207a} "is the depot of
our books, and I am apprehensive that in the revolutions and
disturbances which at present seem to threaten it, our whole stock
may perish. True it is that in order to reach Madrid I should have
to pass through the midst of the Carlist hordes, who would perhaps
slay or make me prisoner; but I am at present so much accustomed to
perilous adventure, and have hitherto experienced so many fortunate
escapes, that the dangers which infest the route would not deter me a
moment from venturing. But there is no certain intelligence, and
Madrid may be in safety or on the brink of falling."
Another factor that made him desirous of returning to the capital was
that, ever since leaving Coruna, he had been afflicted with a
dysentery and, later, with ophthalmia, which resulted from it, and he
was anxious to obtain proper medical advice. He determined, however,
first to carry out his project of visiting Santander, which he
reached by way of Villa Viciosa, Colunga, Riba de Sella, Llanes,
Colombres, San Vicente, Santillana. It was at Santander that he
encountered the unfortunate Flinter, {208a} as brave with his sword
as with his tongue.
Instructions had been given in a letter to Borrego to forward to
Santander two hundred copies of the New Testament; but, much to
Borrow's disappointment, he found that they had not arrived. He
thought that either they had fallen into the hands of the Carlists,
or his letter of instruction had miscarried: as a matter of fact
they did not leave Madrid until 30th October, the day before Borrow
arrived at the capital. Thus his journey was largely wasted. It
would be folly to remain at Santander, where, in spite of the
strictest economy, his expenses amounted to two pounds a day, whilst
a further supply of books was obtained. Accordingly he determined to
make for Madrid without further delay.
Purchasing a small horse, and notwithstanding that he was so ill as
scarcely to be able to support himself; indifferent to the fact that
the country between Santander and Madrid was overrun with Carlists,
whose affairs in Castile had not prospered; too dispirited to collect
his thoughts sufficiently to write to Mr Brandram, he set out,
accompanied by Antonio, "determined to trust, as usual, in the
Almighty and to venture." Physical ailments, however, did not in any
way cause him to forget why he had come to Santander, and before
leaving he made tentative arrangements with the booksellers of the
town as to what they should do in the event of his being able to send
them a supply of Testaments.
That journey of a hundred leagues was a nightmare. "Robberies,
murders, and all kinds of atrocity were perpetrated before, behind,
and on both sides" of them; but they passed through it all as if
travelling along an English highway. Even when met at the entrance
of the Black Pass by a man, his face covered with blood, who besought
him not to enter the pass, where he had just been robbed of all he
possessed, Borrow, without making reply, proceeded on his way. He
was too ill to weigh the risks, and Antonio followed cheerfully
wherever his master went. Madrid was reached on 31st October. {209a}
The next day Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram: "People say we have been
very lucky; Antonio says, 'It was so written'; but I say, Glory be to
the Lord for His mercies vouchsafed."
The expedition to the Northern Provinces had occupied five and a half
months. Every kind of fatigue had been experienced, dangers had been
faced, even courted, and every incident of the road turned to further
the end in view--the distribution of the Scriptures in Spain. The
countryside had proved itself ignorant and superstitious, and the
towns eager, not for the Word of God but "for stimulant narratives,
and amongst too many a lust for the deistical writings of the French,
especially for those of Talleyrand, which have been translated into
Spanish and published by the press of Barcelona, and for which I was
frequently pestered." {209b} Antonio had proved himself a unique
body-servant and companion, and if with a previous employer he had
valued his personal comfort so highly as to give notice because his
mistress's pet quail disturbed his slumbers, he was nevertheless
utterly indifferent to the hardships and discomforts that he endured
when with Borrow, and always proved cheerful and willing.
Borrow had "by private sale disposed of one hundred and sixteen
Testaments to individuals entirely of the lower classes, namely,
muleteers, carmen, contrabandistas, etc." {209c} He had dared to
undertake what perhaps only he was capable of carrying to a
successful issue; for, left alone to make his own plans and conduct
the campaign along his own lines, Borrow has probably never been
equalled as a missionary, strange though the term may seem when
applied to him. His fear of God did not hinder him from making other
men fear God's instrument, himself. His fine capacity for affairs,
together with what must have appeared to the clergy of the districts
through which he passed his outrageous daring, conspired to his
achieving what few other men would have thought, and probably none
were capable of undertaking. A missionary who rode a noble, black
Andalusian stallion, who could use a fleam as well as a blacksmith's
hammer, who could ride barebacked, and, above all, made men fear him
as a physical rather than a spiritual force, was new in Spain, as
indeed elsewhere. The very novelty of Borrow's methods, coupled with
the daring and unconventional independence of the man himself,
ensured the success of his mission. There was something of the
Camel-Driver of Mecca about his missionary work. He saw nothing
anomalous in being possessed of a strong arm as well as a Christian
spirit. He would endeavour to win over the ungodly; but woe betide
them if they should attempt to pit their strength against his.
Borrow's own comment upon his journey in the Northern Provinces was,
"Insignificant are the results of man's labours compared with the
swelling ideas of his presumption; something, however, had been
effected by the journey which I had just concluded." {210a}
CHAPTER XIV: NOVEMBER 1837-APRIL 1838
Great changes had taken place in Madrid during Borrow's absence. The
Carlists had actually appeared before its gates, although they had
subsequently retired. Liberalism had been routed and a Moderado
Cabinet, under the leadership of Count Ofalia, ruled the city and
such part of the country as was sufficiently complaisant as to permit
itself to be ruled. As the Moderados represented the Court faction,
Borrow saw that he had little to expect from them. He was
unacquainted with any of the members of the Cabinet, and, what was
far more serious for him, the relations between the new Government
and Sir George Villiers {211a} were none too cordial, as the British
Minister had been by no means favourable to the new ministry.
Having written to Mr Brandram telling of his arrival in Madrid,
"begging pardon for all errors of commission and omission," and
confessing himself "a frail and foolish vessel," that had
"accomplished but a slight portion of what I proposed in my vanity,"
Borrow proceeded to disprove his own assertion. He found the affairs
of the Bible Society in a far from flourishing condition. The
Testaments had not sold to any considerable extent, for which "only
circumstances and the public poverty" were the cause, as Dr Usoz
explained.
To awaken interest in his campaign, Borrow planned to print a
thousand advertisements, which were to be posted in various parts of
the city, and to employ colporteurs to vend the books in the streets.
He despatched consignments of books to towns he had visited that
required them, and in the enthusiasm of his eager and active mind
foresaw that, "as the circle widens in the lake into which a
stripling has cast a pebble, so will the circle of our usefulness
continue widening, until it has embraced the whole vast region of
Spain." {212a}
It soon became evident that there was to be a very strong opposition.
A furious attack upon the Bible Society was made in a letter
addressed to the editors of El Espanol on 5th November, prefixed to a
circular of the Spiritual Governor of Valencia, forbidding the
purchase or reading of the London edition of Father Scio's Bible.
The letter described the Bible Society as "an infernal society," and
referred in passing to "its accursed fecundity." It also strongly
resented the omission of the Apocrypha from the Scio Bible. Borrow
promptly replied to this attack in a letter of great length, and
entirely silenced his antagonist, whom he described to Mr Brandram
(20th Nov.) as "an unprincipled benefice-hunting curate." "You will
doubtless deem it too warm and fiery," he writes, referring to his
reply, "but tameness and gentleness are of little avail when
surrounded by the vassal slaves of bloody Rome." {212a} Borrow's
response to the "benefice-hunting curate" not only silenced him, but
was listened to by the General Committee of the Society "with much
pleasure."
The cause of the trouble in Valencia lay with the other agent of the
Bible Society in Spain, Lieutenant James Newenham Graydon, R.N., who
first took up the work of distributing the Scriptures at Gibraltar in
1835. Here he became associated with the Rev. W. H. Rule, of the
Wesleyan Methodist Society. "The Lieutenant, who seems to have
combined the personal charm of the Irish gentleman with some of the
perfervid incautiousness of the Keltic temperament, finding himself
unemployed at Gibraltar, resolved to do what lay in his power for the
spiritual enlightenment of Spain. Without receiving a regular
commission from any society, he took up single-handed the task which
he had imposed upon himself." {213a}
Borrow had first met Lieutenant Graydon at Madrid, in the summer of
1836, where he saw him two or three times. When Graydon left, on
account of the heat, Borrow had removed to Graydon's lodgings as
being more comfortable than his own. The prohibition in Valencia was
directly due to the indiscretion and incaution of Graydon. The
Vicar-General of the province gave as a reason for his action, an
advertisement that had appeared in the Diario Comercial of Valencia,
undertaking to supply Bibles gratis to those who could not afford to
buy them. For this advertisement Graydon was admonished by the
General Committee, which refused to entertain his plea that, being
unpaid, he was not, strictly speaking, an agent of the Bible Society.
He was given to understand that as the Society was responsible for
his acts he must be guided by its views and wishes.
The next occasion on which Borrow came into conflict with this
impulsive missionary free-lance was in March 1838, when he heard from
the Rev. W. H. Rule that Graydon was on his way to Andalusia. Borrow
immediately wrote to Mr Brandram that he, acting on the advice of Sir
George Villiers, had already planned an expedition into that
province, and furthermore that he had despatched there a number of
Testaments. He explained to Mr Brandram that he was apprehensive "of
the re-acting at Seville of the Valencian Drama, which I have such
unfortunate cause to rue, as I am the victim on whom an aggravated
party have wreaked their vengeance, and for the very cogent reason
that I was within their reach." {213b} On this occasion Graydon was
instructed not to start upon his projected journey, although Mr
Brandram gave the order much against his own inclination. {214a}
One great difficulty that Borrow had to contend with was the apathy
of the Madrid booksellers, who "gave themselves no manner of trouble
to secure the sale, and even withheld [the] advertisements from the
public." {214b} This determined him to open a shop himself, and,
accordingly, towards the end of November, he secured premises in the
Calle del Principe, one of the main thoroughfares, for which he
agreed to pay a rent of eight reals a day. He furnished the premises
handsomely, with glass cases and chandeliers, and caused to be
painted in large yellow characters the sign "Despacho de la Sociedad
Biblica y Estrangera" (Depot of the Biblical and Foreign Society).
He engaged a Gallegan (Jose Calzado, whom he called Pepe) as
salesman, and on 27th November formally opened his new premises.
Customers soon presented themselves; but many were disappointed on
finding that they could not obtain the Bible. "I could have sold ten
times the amount of what I did," Borrow writes. "I MUST therefore be
furnished with Bibles instanter; send me therefore the London
edition, bad as it is, say 500 copies." {214c}
To facilitate the passing of these books through the customs, Borrow
suggested that they should be consigned to the British Consul at
Cadiz, who was friendly to the Society and "would have sufficient
influence to secure their admission into Spain. But the most
advisable way," he goes on to explain with great guile, "would be to
pack them in two chests, placing at the top Bibles in English and
other languages, for there is a demand, viz., 100 English, 100
French, 50 German, 50 Hebrew, 50 Greek, 10 Modern Greek, 10 Persian,
20 Arabic. PRAY DO NOT FAIL." {215a}
When Sir George Villiers first obtained from Isturitz permission for
Borrow to print and sell the New Testament in Spanish without notes,
he had cautioned him "to use the utmost circumspection, and in order
to pursue his vocation with success, to avoid offending popular
prejudices, which would not fail to be excited against a Protestant
and a Foreigner engaged in the propagation of the Gospel." {215b}
This warning the British Minister had repeated frequently since. It
was without consulting Sir George that Borrow opened his depot, and
"imprudently painted upon the window that it was the Depot of the
London (sic) Bible Society for the sale of Bibles. I told him," Sir
George writes "that such a measure would render the interference of
the Authorities inevitable, and so it turned out." {215c}
Borrow now lost the services of the faithful Antonio, who, on the
last day of the year, informed him that he had become unsettled and
dissatisfied with everything at his master's lodgings, including the
house, the furniture, and the landlady herself. Therefore he had
hired himself out to a count for four dollars a month less than he
was receiving from Borrow, because he was "fond of change, though it
be for the worse. Adieu, mon maitre," he said in parting; "may you
be as well served as you deserve. Should you chance, however, to
have any pressing need de mes soins, send for me without hesitation,
and I will at once give my new master warning." A few days later
Borrow engaged a Basque, named Francisco, who "to the strength of a
giant joined the disposition of a lamb," {216a} and who had been
strongly recommended to him.
On his return from a hurried visit to Toledo, Borrow found his
Despacho succeeding as well as could be expected. To call attention
to his premises he now took an extremely daring step. He caused to
be printed three thousand copies of an advertisement on paper yellow,
blue, and crimson, "with which I almost covered the sides of the
streets" he wrote, "and besides this inserted notices in all the
journals and periodicals, employing also a man, after the London
fashion, to parade the streets with a placard, to the astonishment of
the populace." {216b} The result of this move, Borrow declared, was
that every man, woman and child in Madrid became aware of the
existence of his Despacho, as well they might. In spite of this
commercial enterprise, the first month's trading showed a sale of
only between seventy and eighty New Testaments, and ten Bibles,
{216c} these having been secured from a Spanish bookseller who had
brought them secretly from Gibraltar, but who was afraid to sell them
himself. Mr Brandram's comment upon the letter from Borrow telling
of the posters was that its contents had "afforded us no little
merriment. The idea of your placards and placard-bearers in Madrid
is indeed a novel one. It cannot but be effectual in giving
publicity. I sincerely hope it may not be prejudicial." {216d}
When in England, at the end of 1836, Borrow had been authorised by
the Bible Society to find "a person competent to translate the
Scriptures in Basque." On 27th February 1837, he wrote telling Mr
Brandram that he had become "acquainted with a gentleman well versed
in that dialect, of which I myself have some knowledge." Dr Oteiza,
the domestic physician of the Marques de Salvatierra, was accordingly
commissioned to proceed with the work, for which, when completed, he
was paid the sum of "8 pounds and a few odd shillings." Borrow
reported to Mr Brandram (7th June 1837):
"I have examined it with much attention, and find it a very faithful
version. The only objection which can be brought against it is that
Spanish words are frequently used to express ideas for which there
are equivalents in Basque; but this language, as spoken at present in
Spain, is very corrupt, and a work written entirely in the Basque of
Larramendi's Dictionary would be intelligible to very few. I have
read passages from it to men of Guipuscoa, who assured me that they
had no difficulty in understanding it, and that it was written in the
colloquial style of the province."
Borrow had "obtained a slight acquaintance" with Basque when a youth,
which he lost no opportunity of extending by mingling with Biscayans
during his stay in the Peninsula. He also considerably improved
himself in the language by conversing with his Basque servant
Francisco. Borrow now decided to print the Gitano and Basque
versions of St Luke, which he accordingly put in hand; but as the
compositors were entirely ignorant of both languages, he had to
exercise the greatest care in reading the proofs.
During his stay in Spain he had found time to translate into the
dialect of the Spanish gypsies the greater part of the New Testament.
{217a} His method had been somewhat original. Believing that there
is "no individual, however wicked and hardened, who is utterly
GODLESS," {217b} he determined to apply his belief to the gypsies.
To enlist their interest in the work, he determined to allow them to
do the translating themselves. At one period of his residence in
Madrid he was regularly visited by two gypsy women, and these he
decided to make his translators; for he found the women far more
amenable than the men. In spite of the fact that he had already
translated into Gitano the New Testament, or the greater part of it,
he would read out to the women from the Spanish version and let them
translate it into Romany themselves, thus obtaining the correct gypsy
idiom. The women looked forward to these gatherings and also to "the
one small glass of Malaga" with which their host regaled them. They
had got as far as the eighth chapter before the meetings ended. What
was the moral effect of St Luke upon the minds of two gypsies?
Borrow confessed himself sceptical; first, because he was acquainted
with the gypsy character; second, because it came to his knowledge
that one of the women "committed a rather daring theft shortly
afterwards, which compelled her to conceal herself for a fortnight."
{218a} Borrow comforted himself with the reflection that "it is
quite possible, however, that she may remember the contents of those
chapters on her death-bed." {218b} The translation of the remaining
chapters was supplied from Borrow's own version begun at Badajos in
1836.
It is not strange that Borrow should be regarded with suspicion by
the Spaniards on account of his association with the Gitanos.
Sometimes there would be as many as seventeen gypsies gathered
together at his lodgings in the Calle de Santiago.
"The people in the street in which I lived," he writes, {218c}
"seeing such numbers of these strange females continually passing in
and out, were struck with astonishment, and demanded the reason. The
answers which they obtained by no means satisfied them. 'Zeal for
the conversion of souls--the souls too of Gitanas,--disparate! the
fellow is a scoundrel. Besides he is an Englishman, and is not
baptised; what cares he for souls? They visit him for other
purposes. He makes base ounces, which they carry away and circulate.
Madrid is already stocked with false money.' Others were of the
opinion that we met for the purposes of sorcery and abomination. The
Spaniard has no conception that other springs of action exist than
interest or villany."
Borrow was in reality endeavouring to convey to his "little
congregation," as he called them, some idea of abstract morality. He
was bold enough "to speak against their inveterate practices,
thieving and lying, telling fortunes," etc., and at first experienced
much opposition. About the result, he seems to have cherished no
illusions; still, he wrote a hymn in their dialect which he taught
his guests to sing.
For some time past it had been obvious to Borrow that he was becoming
more than ever unpopular with certain interested factions in Madrid,
who looked upon his missionary labours with angry disapproval. The
opening of his Despacho had caused a great sensation. "The Priests
and Bigots are teeming with malice and fury," he had written to Mr
Brandram, {219a} "which hitherto they have thought proper to exhibit
only in words, as they know that all I do here is favoured by Mr
Villiers {219b} (sic) . . . There is no attempt, however atrocious,
which may not be expected from such people, and were it right and
seemly for ME, the most insignificant of worms, to make such a
comparison, I would say that, like Paul at Ephesus, I am fighting
with wild beasts." He was attacked in print and endeavours were made
to incite the people against him as a sorcerer and companion of
gypsies and witches. When he decided upon the campaign of the
posters it would appear, at first glance, that in the claims of the
merchant Borrow had entirely forgotten the obligations of the
diplomatist. On the other hand, he may have foreseen that the
priestly party would soon force the Government to action, and was
desirous of selling all the books he could before this happened. His
own words seem to indicate that this was the case.
"People who know me not," he wrote to Mr Brandram, "nor are
acquainted with my situation, may be disposed to call me rash; but I
am far from being so, as I never adopt a venturous course when any
other is open to me; but I am not a person to be terrified by any
danger when I see that braving it is the only way to achieve an
object." {220a}
Whatever may have been Borrow's motives, the crisis arrived on 12th
January, when he received a peremptory order from the Civil Governor
of Madrid (who had previously sent for and received two copies, to
submit for examination to the Ecclesiastical Authorities) to sell no
more of the New Testament in Spanish without notes. At that period
the average sale was about twenty copies a day. "The priests have at
length 'swooped upon me,'" Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram, three days
later. The order did not, however, take him unawares.
Borrow saw that little assistance was to be expected from Sir George
Villiers, who, for obvious reasons, was not popular with the Ofalia
ministry, and, accepting the British Minister's advice, he promptly
complied with the edict. He recognised that for the time being his
enemies were paramount. He accuses the priests of employing the
ruffian who, one night in a dark street, warned him to discontinue
selling his "Jewish books," or he would "have a knife 'NAILED IN HIS
HEART'" to which he replied by telling the fellow to go home, say his
prayers and inform his employers that he, Borrow, pitied them. It
was a few days after this episode that Borrow received the formal
notice of prohibition.
Consoling himself with the fact that he was not ordered to close his
Despacho, and refusing the advice that was tendered to him to erase
from its windows the yellow-lettered sign, he determined to continue
his campaign with the Bibles that were on their way to him, and the
Gitano and Basque versions of St Luke as soon as they were ready.
The prohibition referred only to the Spanish New Testament without
notes, and in this Borrow took comfort. He had every reason to feel
gratified; for, since opening the Despacho, he had sold nearly three
hundred copies of the New Testament.
At Earl Street it was undoubtedly felt that Borrow had to some extent
precipitated the present crisis. On 8th February Mr Brandram wrote
that, whilst there was no wish on the part of the Committee to
censure him, they were not altogether surprised at what had occurred;
for, when they first heard about them, "some DID think that your tri-
coloured placards and placard-bearer were somewhat calculated to
provoke what has occurred." In reply Borrow confessed that the view
of the "some" gave him "a pang, more especially as I knew from
undoubted sources that nothing which I had done, said, or written,
was the original cause of the arbitrary step which had been adopted
in respect to me." {221a}
The printing of the Gitano and Basque editions of St Luke (500 copies
{221b} of each) was completed in March, and they were published
respectively in March and April. The Gitano version attracted much
attention. Some months later Borrow wrote:-
"No work printed in Spain ever caused so great and so general a
sensation, not so much amongst the Gypsies, that peculiar people for
whom it was intended, as amongst the Spaniards themselves, who,
though they look upon the Roma with some degree of contempt as a low
and thievish race of outcasts, nevertheless take a strange interest
in all that concerns them, it having been from time immemorial their
practice, more especially of the dissolute young nobility, to
cultivate the acquaintance of the Gitanos, as they are popularly
called, probably attracted by the wild wit of the latter and the
lascivious dances of the females. The apparation, therefore, of the
Gospel of St Luke at Madrid in the peculiar jargon of these people,
was hailed as a strange novelty and almost as a wonder, and I believe
was particularly instrumental in bruiting the name of the Bible
Society far and wide through Spain, and in creating a feeling far
from inimical towards it and its proceedings." {222a}
The little volume appears to have sold freely among the gypsies.
"Many of the men," Borrow says, {222b} "understood it, and prized it
highly, induced of course more by the language than the doctrine; the
women were particularly anxious to obtain copies, though unable to
read; but each wished to have one in her pocket, especially when
engaged in thieving expeditions, for they all looked upon it in the
light of a charm."
All endeavours to get the prohibition against the sale of the New
Testament removed proved unavailing. Borrow's great strength lay in
the support he received from the British Minister, and, in all
probability, this prevented his expulsion from Spain, which alone
would have satisfied his enemies. At the request of Sir George
Villiers, he drew up an account of the Bible Society and an
exposition of its views, telling Count Ofalia, among other things,
that "the mightiest of earthly monarchs, the late Alexander of
Russia, was so convinced of the single-mindedness and integrity of
the British and Foreign Bible Society, that he promoted their efforts
within his own dominions to the utmost of his ability." He pointed
to the condition of Spain, which was "overspread with the thickest
gloom of heathenish ignorance, beneath which the fiends and demons of
the abyss seem to be holding their ghastly revels." He described it
as "a country in which all sense of right and wrong is forgotten . .
. where the name of Jesus is scarcely ever mentioned but in
blasphemy, and His precepts [are] almost utterly unknown . . .
[where] the few who are enlightened are too much occupied in the
pursuit of lucre, ambition, or ungodly revenge to entertain a desire
or thought of bettering the moral state of their countrymen." This
report, in which Borrow confesses that he "made no attempts to
flatter and cajole," must have caused the British Minister some
diplomatic embarrassment when he read it; but it seems to have been
presented, although, as is scarcely surprising, it appears to have
been ineffectual in causing to be removed the ban against which it
was written as a protest.
The Prime Minister was in a peculiarly unpleasant position. On the
one hand there was the British Minister using all his influence to
get the prohibition rescinded; on the other hand were six bishops,
including the primate, then resident in Madrid, and the greater part
of the clergy. Count Ofalia applied for a copy of the Gipsy St Luke,
and, seeing in this an opening for a personal appeal, Borrow
determined to present the volume, specially and handsomely bound, in
person, probably the last thing that Count Ofalia expected or
desired. The interview produced nothing beyond the conviction in
Borrow's mind that Spain was ruled by a man who possessed the soul of
a mouse. Borrow had been received "with great affability," thanked
for his present, urged to be patient and peaceable, assured of the
enmity of the clergy, and promised that an endeavour should be made
to devise some plan that would be satisfactory to him. The two then
"parted in kindness," and as he walked away from the palace, Borrow
wondered "by what strange chance this poor man had become Prime
Minister of a country like Spain."
In reporting progress to the Bible Society on 17th March Borrow,
after assuring Mr Brandram that he had "brought every engine into
play which it was in my power to command," asked for instructions.
"Shall I wait a little time longer in Madrid," he enquired; "or shall
I proceed at once on a journey to Andalusia and other places? I am
in strength, health and spirits, thanks be to the Lord! and am at all
times ready to devote myself, body and mind, to His cause." {224a}
The decision of the Committee was that he should remain at Madrid.
During the time that Borrow had been preparing his Depot in Madrid,
Lieutenant Graydon had been feverishly active in the South. On 19th
April Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram:-
"Sir George Villiers has vowed to protect me and has stated so
publicly . . . He has gone so far as to state to Ofalia and [Don
Ramon de] Gamboa [the Civil Governor], that provided I be allowed to
pursue my plans without interruption, he will be my bail (fiador) and
answerable for everything I do, as he does me the honor to say that
he knows me, and can confide in MY discretion."
In the same letter he begs the Society to be cautious and offer no
encouragement to any disposed "'to run the muck' (sic) (it is Sir
George's expression) against the religious and political INSTITUTIONS
of Spain"; but "the delicacy of the situation does not appear to have
been thoroughly understood at the time even by the Committee at
home." {224b} They saw the astonishing success of Graydon in
distributing the Scripture, and became infused with his enthusiasm,
oblivious to the fact that the greater the enthusiasm the greater the
possibilities of indiscretion. On the other hand Graydon himself saw
only the glory of the Gospel. If he were indiscreet, it was because
he was blinded by the success that attended his efforts, and he
failed to see the clouds that were gathering. {225a} Borrow saw the
danger of Graydon's reckless evangelism, and although he himself had
few good words for the pope and priestcraft, he recognised that a
discreet veiling of his opinions was best calculated to further the
ends he had in view.
About this period Borrow became greatly incensed at the action of the
Rev. W. H. Rule of Gibraltar in consigning to his care an ex-priest,
Don Pascual Mann, who, it was alleged, had been persuaded to secede
from Rome "by certain promises and hopes held out" to him. He had
accordingly left his benefice and gone to Gibraltar to receive
instruction at the hands of Mr Rule. On his return to Valencia his
salary was naturally sequestrated, and he was reduced to want. When
he arrived at Madrid it was with a letter (12th April) from Mr Rule
to Borrow, in which it was stated that Mann was sent that he might
"endeavour to circulate the Holy Scriptures, Religious Tracts and
books, and if possible prepare the minds of some with a view to the
future establishment of a Mission in Madrid."
Borrow had commiserated with the unfortunate Mann, even to the extent
of sending him 500 reals out of his own pocket; but on hearing that
he was on his way to Madrid to engage in missionary work, he
immediately wrote a letter of protest to Mr Brandram. He was angry
at Mr Rule's conduct in saddling him with Mann, and that without any
preliminary correspondence. He had entertained Mr Rule when in
Madrid, had conversed with him about the unfortunate ex-priest; but
there had never been any mention of his being sent to Madrid. Mr
Rule, on the other hand, thought it had been arranged that Mann
should be sent to Borrow. The whole affair appears to have arisen
out of a misunderstanding. There was considerable danger to Borrow
in Mann's presence in the capital; but it was not the thought of the
danger that incensed him so much as what he conceived to be Mr Rule's
unwarrantable conduct, and his own deeply-rooted objection to working
with anyone else. Mr Brandram repudiated the suggestion that
assistance had been promised Mann from London (although he authorised
Borrow to give him ten pounds in his, Brandram's, name), and gave as
an excuse for what Borrow described as the desertion of the ex-priest
by those who were responsible for his conversion, that "the man had
returned of his own accord to Rome," Graydon vouching for the
accuracy of the statement.
On the other hand, Mann stated that he was persuaded to secede by
promises made by Graydon and Rule, and induced to sign a document
purporting to be a separation from the Roman Church. He further
stated that he was abandoned because he refused to preach publicly
against the Chapter of Valencia, which in all probability would have
resulted in his imprisonment. Whatever the truth, there appears to
have been some embarrassment among those responsible for bringing in
the lost sheep as to what should be done with him. "I hope that
Mann's history will be a warning to many of our friends," Borrow
wrote to Mr Rule and quoted the passage in his letter to Mr Brandram,
{226a} "and tend to a certain extent to sober down the desire for
doing what is called at home SMART THINGS, many of which terminate in
a manner very different from the original expectations of the parties
concerned." Mr Brandram thought that Borrow was a little hard upon
Graydon, and that he had not received "with the due grano salis the
statements of the unfortunate M." He intimated, nevertheless, that
the Committee had no opening for Mann's services.
That Borrow was justified in his anger is shown by the fact that, as
he had foreseen, he reaped all the odium of Mann's conversion. The
Bishop of Cordoba in Council branded him as "a dangerous, pestilent
person, who under the pretence of selling the Scriptures went about
making converts, and moreover employed subordinates for the purpose
of deluding weak and silly people into separation from the Mother
Church." {227a}
Although Borrow was angry about the Mann episode, he did not allow
his personal feelings to prevent him from ministering to the needs of
the poor ex-priest "as far as prudence will allow," when he fell ill.
He even went the length of writing to Mr Rule, being wishful "not to
offend him." None the less he felt that he had not been well
treated. To Mr Brandram he wrote reminding him "that all the
difficulty and danger connected with what has been accomplished in
Spain have fallen to my share, I having been labouring on the flinty
rock and sierra, and not in smiling meadows refreshed by sea
breezes." {227b}
On 14th July 1838 Borrow made the last reference to the ex-priest in
a letter to Mr Brandram: "The unfortunate M. is dying of a galloping
consumption, brought on by distress of mind. All the medicine in the
world would not accomplish his cure." {227c}
The watchful eye of the law was still on Borrow, and fearful lest his
stock of Bibles, of which 500 had arrived from Barcelona, and the
Gypsy and Basque editions of St Luke should he seized, he hired a
room where he stored the bulk of the books. He now advertised the
two editions of St Luke, with the result that on 16th April a party
of Alguazils entered the shop and took possession of twenty-five
copies of the Romany Gospel of St Luke.
On the publication of the Gypsy St Luke, a fresh campaign had been
opened against Borrow, and accusations of sorcery were made and fears
expressed as to the results of the publication of the book.
Application was made by the priestly party to the Civil Governor,
with the result that all the copies at the Despacho of the Basque and
Gitano versions of St Luke had been seized. Borrow states that the
Alguazils "divided the copies of the gypsy volume among themselves,
selling subsequently the greater number at a large price, the book
being in the greatest demand." {228a} Thus the very officials
responsible for the seizure and suppression of the Bible Society's
books in Spain became "unintentionally agents of an heretical
society." {228b}
Disappointed at the smallness of the spoil, the authorities strove by
artifice to discover if Borrow still had copies of the books in his
possession. To this end they sent to the Despacho spies, who offered
high prices for copies of the Gitano St Luke, in which their interest
seemed specially to centre, to the exclusion of the Basque version.
To these enquiries the same answer was returned, that at present no
further books would be sold at the Despacho.
As evidence of the high opinion formed of the Romany version of St
Luke, the following story told by Borrow is amusing:-
"Shortly before my departure a royal edict was published, authorising
all public libraries to provide themselves with copies of the said
works [the Basque and Gypsy St Lukes] on account of their
philological merit; whereupon on application being made to the Office
[of the Civil Governor, where the books were supposed to be stored],
it was discovered that the copies of the Gospel in Basque were safe
and forthcoming, whilst every one of the sequestered copies of the
Gitano Gospel had been plundered by hands unknown [to the
authorities]. The consequence was that I was myself applied to by
the agents of the public libraries of Valencia and other places, who
paid me the price of the copies which they received, assuring me at
the same time that they were authorised to purchase them at whatever
price which might be demanded." {229a}
Borrow's enemies acknowledged that the Gitano St Luke was a
philological curiosity; but that it was impossible to allow it to
pass into circulation without notes. How great a philological
curiosity it actually was, is shown by the fact that the
ecclesiastical authorities were unable to find anywhere a person, in
whom they had confidence, capable of pronouncing upon it,
consequently they could only condemn it on two counts of omission;
firstly the notes, secondly the imprint of the printer from the
title-page.
The Basque version was by no means so popular; for one thing, "It can
scarcely be said to have been published," Borrow wrote, "it having
been prohibited, and copies of it seized on the second day of its
appearance." {229b} Several orders were received from San Sebastian
and other towns where Basque predominates, which could not be
supplied on account of the prohibition.
The official remonstrance from Sir George Villiers to Count Ofalia in
respect of the seizure of the Gypsy and Basque Gospels is of great
interest as showing, not only the British Minister's attitude towards
Borrow, but how, and with what wrath, Borrow "desisted from his
meritorious task." The communication runs:-
MADRID, 24th April 1838.
SIR,
It is my duty to request the attention of Your Excellency to an act
of injustice committed against a British subject by the Civil
Authorities of Madrid.
It appears that on the 16th inst., two officers of Police were sent
by the Civil Governor to a Shop, No. 25 Calle del Principe occupied
by Mr Borrow, where they seized and carried away 25 Copies of the
Gospel of St Luke in the Gitano language, being the entire number
exposed there for sale.
Mr Borrow is an agent of the British Bible Society, who has for some
time past been in Spain, and in the year 1836 obtained permission
from the Government of Her Catholic Majesty to print, at the expense
of the Society, Padre Scio's translation of the New Testament. He
subsequently sold the work at a moderate price and had no reason to
believe that in so doing he infringed any law of Spain or exposed
himself to the animadversion of the Authorities, otherwise, from my
knowledge of Mr Borrow s character, I feel justified in assuring Your
Excellency that he would at once, although with regret, have desisted
from his meritorious task of propagating the Gospel. Some months
ago, however, the late Civil Governor of Madrid, after having sent
for and examined a copy of the work, thought proper to direct that
its further sale should be suspended, which order was instantly
complied with.
Mr Borrow is a man of great learning and research and master of many
languages, and having translated the Gospel of St Luke into the
Gitano, he presented a copy of it to Don Ramon Gamboa, the late Civil
Governor, and announced his intention to advertise it for sale, to
which no objection was made.
Since that time neither Mr Borrow nor the persons employed by him
received any communication from the present Civil Governor forbidding
the sale of this work until it was seized in the manner I have above
described to Your Excellency.
I feel convinced that the mere statement of these facts without any
commentary on my part will be sufficient to induce your Excellency to
take steps for the indemnification of Mr Borrow, who is not only a
very respectable British subject but the Agent of one of the most
truly benevolent and philanthropic Societies in the world.
I have, etc., etc., etc.
GEORGE VILLIERS.
His Excellency Count Ofalia.
CHAPTER XV: MAY 1-13, 1838
On the morning of 30th April, whilst at breakfast, Borrow, according
to his own account, received a visit from a man who announced that he
was "A Police Agent." He came from the Civil Governor, who was
perfectly aware that he, Borrow, was continuing in secret to dispose
of the "evil books" that he had been forbidden to sell. The man
began poking round among the books and papers that were lying about,
with the result that Borrow led his visitor by the arm down the three
flights of stairs into the street, "looking him steadfastly in the
face the whole time," and subsequently sending down by his landlady
the official's sombrero, which, in the unexpectedness of his
departure, he had left behind him.
The official report of Pedro Martin de Eugenio, the police agent in
question, runs as follows
MADRID, 30th April 1838.
OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE POLICE AGENT OF THE LANGUAGE HELD BY MR
BORROW.
Public Security,--In virtue of an order from His Excellency the Civil
Governor, {231a} I went to seize the Copies Entitled the Gospel of St
Luke, in the Shop Princes Street No. 25, belonging to Mr George
Borrow, but not finding him there; I went to his lodgings, which are
in St James Street, No. 16, on the third floor and presenting the
said order to Him He read it, and with an angry look threw it on the
ground saying, that He had nothing to do with the Civil Governor,
that He was authorised by His Ambassador to sell the Work in
question, and that an English Stable Boy, is more than any Spanish
Civil Governor, and that I had forcibly entered his house, to which I
replied that I only went there to communicate the order to Him, as
proprietor as he was of the said Shop, and to seize the Copies in it
in virtue of that Order, and He answered I might do as I liked, that
He should go to the House of His Ambassador, and that I should be
responsible for the consequences; to which I replied that He had
personally insulted the Civil Governor and all Spain, to which He
answered in the same terms, holding the same language as above
stated.
All of which I communicate to you for the objects required.
THE POLICE AGENT
PEDRO MARTIN DE EUGENIO. {232a}
Borrow felt that the fellow had been sent to entrap him into some
utterance that should justify his arrest. In any case a warrant was
issued that same morning. The news caused Borrow no alarm; for one
thing he was indifferent to danger, for another he was desirous of
studying the robber language of Spain, and had already, according to
his own statement, {232b} made an unsuccessful effort to obtain
admission to the city prison.
The official account of the interview between Borrow and the "Police
Agent" is given in the following letter from the Civil Governor to
Sir George Villiers:-
To the British Minister, -
MADRID, 30th April 1838.
SIR,
The Vicar of the Diocese having, on the 16th and 26th Instant,
officially represented to me, that neither the publication nor the
sale of the Gospel of St Luke translated into the romain, or Gitano
Dialect ought to be permitted, until such time as the translation had
been examined and approved by the competent Ecclesiastical Authority,
in conformity with the Canonical and Civil regulations existing on
the matter, I gave an order to a dependent of this civil
administration, to present himself in the house of Mr George Borrow,
a British Subject, charged by the London Bible Society with the
publication of this work, and to seize all the Copies of it. In
execution of this order my Warrant was yesterday morning {233a}
presented to the said Mr George Borrow; who, so far from obeying it,
broke out in insults most offensive to my authority, threw the order
on the ground with angry gestures, and grossly abused the bearer of
it, and said that he had nothing to do with the Civil Governor. The
detailed report in writing which has been made to me of this
disageeeable occurrence could not but deeply affect me, being a
question of a British Subject, to whom the Government of Her Catholic
Majesty has always afforded the same protection as to its own. As
Executor of the Law it is my duty to cause its decrees to be
inviolably observed; and you will well understand, that both the
Canonical as the Civil Laws now existing, in this kingdom, relative
to writings and works published upon Dogmas, Morals, and holy and
religious matters, are the same without distinction for the Subjects
of all Countries residing in Spain. No one can be permitted to
violate them with impunity, without detriment to the Laws themselves,
to the Royal Authority and to the Evangelical Moral which is highly
interested in preventing the propagation of doctrines which may be
erroneous, and that the purity of the sublime maxims of our divine
Faith should remain intact.
In conformity with these undeniable principles, which are in the Laws
of all civilised nations, you must acknowledge that the offensive
conduct of Mr George Borrow, and his disobedience to a legitimate
Authority sufficiently authorised the proceeding to his arrest . . .
I have, etc., etc.
DEIGO DE ENTRENA.
The "Police Agent" seems to have boasted that within twenty-four
hours Borrow would be in prison; Borrow, on the other hand,
determined to prove the "Police Agent" wrong. He therefore spent the
rest of the day and the following night at a cafe. {234a} In the
evening he received a visit from Maria Diaz, {234b} his landlady and
also his strong adherent and friend, whom he had informed of his
whereabouts. From her he learned that his lodgings had been searched
and that the alguazils, who bore a warrant for his arrest, were much
disappointed at not finding him.
The next morning, 1st May, at the request of Sir George Villiers,
Borrow called at the Embassy and narrated every circumstance of the
affair, with the result that he was offered the hospitality of the
Embassy, which he declined. Whilst in conversation with Mr Sothern,
Sir George Villiers' private secretary, Borrow's Basque servant
Francisco rushed in with the news that the alguazils were again at
his rooms searching among his papers, whereat Borrow at once left the
Embassy, determined to return to his lodgings. Immediately
afterwards he was arrested, {234c} within sight of the doors of the
Embassy, and conducted to the office of the Civil Governor.
Francisco in the meantime, acting on his master's instructions,
conveyed to him in Basque that the alguazils might not understand,
proceeded immediately to the British Embassy and informed Sir George
Villiers of what had just taken place, with such eloquence and
feeling that Mr Sothern afterwards remarked to Borrow, "That Basque
of yours is a noble fellow," and asked to be given the refusal of his
services should Borrow ever decide to part with him. With his
dependents Borrow was always extremely popular, even in Spain, where,
according to Mr Sothern, a man's servant seemed to be his worst
enemy.
Borrow submitted quietly to his arrest and was first taken to the
office of the Civil Governor (Gefatura Politica), and subsequently to
the Carcel de la Corte, by two Salvaguardias, "like a common
malefactor." Here he was assigned a chamber that was "large and
lofty, but totally destitute of every species of furniture with the
exception of a huge wooden pitcher, intended to hold my daily
allowance of water." {235a} For this special accommodation Borrow
was to pay, otherwise he would have been herded with the common
criminals, who existed in a state of foulness and misery. Acting on
the advice of the Alcayde, Borrow despatched a note to Maria Diaz,
with the result that when Mr Sothern arrived, he found the prisoner
not only surrounded by his friends and furniture, but enjoying a
comfortable meal, whereat he laughed heartily.
Borrow learned that, immediately on hearing what had taken place, Sir
George Villiers had despatched Mr Sothern to interview Senor Entrena,
the Civil Governor, who rudely referred him to his secretary, and
refused to hold any communication with the British Legation save in
writing. Nothing further could be done that night, and on hearing
that Borrow was determined to remain in durance, even if offered his
liberty, now that he had been illegally placed there, Mr Sothern
commended his resolution. The Government had put itself grievously
in the wrong, and Sir George, who had already sent a note to Count
Ofalia demanding redress, seemed desirous of making it as difficult
for them as possible, now that they had perpetrated this wanton
outrage on a British subject. He determined to make it a national
affair.
It is by no means certain that Borrow was anxious to leave the Carcel
de la Corte, even with the apologies of Spain in his pocket. The
prison afforded him unique opportunities for the study of criminal
vagabonds. An entirely new phase of life presented itself to him,
and, but for this arrest and his subsequent decision to involve the
authorities in difficulties, The Bible in Spain would have lacked
some of its most picturesque pages. It would have been strange if he
had not encountered some old friend or acquaintance in the prison of
the Spanish capital. At the Carcel de la Corte he found the
notorious and immense Gitana, Aurora, who had fallen into the hands
of the Busne for defrauding a rather foolish widow.
"A great many people came to see me," Borrow wrote to his mother,
"amongst others, General Quiroga, the Military Governor, who assured
me that all he possessed was at my service. The Gypsies likewise
came, but were refused admittance." His dinner was taken to him from
an inn, and Sir George Villiers sent his butler each day to make
enquiries. There was, however, one very unpleasant feature of his
prison life, the verminous condition of the whole building. In spite
of having fresh linen taken to him each day, he suffered very much
from what the polished Spaniard prefers to call miseria.
Sir George Villiers took active and immediate steps, not only to
secure Borrow's release, but to obtain an unqualified apology.
Referring to the letter he had received from the Civil Governor (30th
April), he expressed himself as convinced that "a gentleman of
Borrow's character and education was incapable of the conduct
alleged," and had accordingly requested Mr Sothern to enquire into
the matter and then to call upon the Civil Governor to explain in
what manner he had been misinformed. As the Civil Governor refused
to receive Mr Sothern, Sir George adds that he need trouble him no
further, as the affair had been placed before Her Catholic Majesty's
Government; but during his five years of office at the Court of
Madrid, he proceeded, "no circumstance has occurred likely to be more
prejudicial to the relations between the two Countries than the
insult and imprisonment to which a respectable Englishman has now
been subjected upon the unsupported evidence of a Police Officer,"
acting under the orders of the Civil Governor.
On 3rd May Sir George Villiers wrote again to Count Ofalia, reminding
him that he had not received the letter from him that he had
expected. In the course of a lengthy recapitulation of the
occurrences of the past ten days, Sir George reminded Count Ofalia
that, as a result of their interview on 30th April about the ill-
usage of Borrow, the Count had written on 1st May to him a private
letter stating that measures had been taken to release Borrow on
parole, he to appear when necessary, and that if Sir George would
abstain from making a written remonstrance, Count Ofalia would see
that both he and Borrow received the ample satisfaction to which they
were entitled. Borrow had been taken by two Guards "like a
Malefactor, to the Common Prison, where he would have been confined
with Criminals of every description if he had not had money to pay
for a Cell to Himself." The British Minister complained that every
step that he had taken for Borrow's protection was followed by fresh
insult, and he further intimated that Borrow refused to leave the
prison until his character had been publicly cleared.
The Spanish Government now found itself in a quandary. The British
Minister was pressing for satisfaction, and he was too powerful and
too important to the needs of Spain to be offended. The prisoner
himself refused to be liberated, because he had been illegally
arrested, inasmuch as he, a foreigner, had been committed to prison
without first being conducted before the Captain-General of Madrid,
as the law provided. Furthermore, Borrow advised the authorities
that if they chose to eject him from the prison he would resist with
all his bodily strength. In this determination he was confirmed by
the British Minister.
A Cabinet Council was held, at which Senor Entrena was present. The
Premier explained the serious situation in which the ministry found
itself, owing to the attitude assumed by the British Minister, and he
remarked that the Civil Governor must respect the privileges of
foreigners. Senor Entrena suggested that he should be relieved of
his duties; but the majority of the Cabinet seems to have been
favourable to him. The Affaire Borrow is said to have come up for
debate even during a secret session of the Chamber.
When Count Ofalia had called at the British Embassy (4th May) he was
informed by Sir George Villiers that the affair had passed beyond the
radius of a subordinate authority of the Government, and that he
"considered that great want of respect had been shown to me, as Her
Majesty's Minister, and that an unjustifiable outrage had been
committed upon a British Subject," {238a} and that the least
reparation that he was disposed to accept was a written declaration
that an injustice had been done, and the dismissal of the Police
Officer. {238b}
The value of a British subject's freedom was brought home to the
Spanish Government with astonishing swiftness and decision. The
Civil Governor wrote to Sir George Villiers (3rd May), apparently at
the instance of the distraught premier, discoursing sagely upon the
Civil and Canon Laws of Spain, and adding that the 25 copies of the
Gitano St Luke were seized, "not as being confiscated, but as a
deposit to be restored in due time." He concluded by hoping that he
had convinced the British Minister of his good faith.
In his reply, Sir George considered that the Civil Governor had been
led to view the matter in a light that would not "bear the test of
impartial examination." The result of this interchange of letters
was twofold. Sir George dropped the correspondence with "that
Functionary [who] displays so complete a disregard for fact," {239a}
and as Count Ofalia evaded the real question at issue, holding out
"slender hopes of the matter ending in the reparation which I
considered to be peremptorily called for," {239b} he advised Borrow
to claim protection from the Captain-General, the only authority
competent to exercise any jurisdiction over him. The Captain-General
Quiroga, jealous of his authority, entered warmly into the dispute
and ordered the Civil Governor to hand over the case to him. There
was now a danger of the Affaire Borrow being made a party question,
in which case it would have been extremely difficult to settle.
The intervention of the Captain-General rendered all the more obvious
the illegality of the Civil Governor's action, and increased the
embarrassment of Count Ofalia, who called on Sir George to ask him to
have Borrow's memorial to the Captain-General withdrawn. He refused,
and said the only way now to finish the affair was that "His
Excellency should in an official Note declare to me that Mr Borrow
left the prison, where he had been improperly placed, with unstained
honour,--that the Police Agent, upon whose testimony he had been
arrested, should be dismissed,--that all expenses imposed upon Mr
Borrow by his detention should be repaid him by the Government,--that
Mr Borrow's not having availed himself of the 'Fuero Militar' should
not be converted into a precedent, or in any way be considered to
prejudice that important right, and that Count Ofalia should add with
reference to maintaining the friendly relations between Great Britain
and Spain, that he hoped I would accept this satisfaction as
sufficient." {240a}
Borrow states that Sir George Villiers went to the length of
informing Count Ofalia that unless full satisfaction were accorded
Borrow, he would demand his passports and instruct the commanders of
the British war vessels to desist from furnishing further assistance
to Spain. {240b} There is, however, no record of this in the
official papers sent by Sir George to the Foreign Office. What
actually occurred was that, on 8th May, the British Minister,
determined to brook no further delay, wrote a grave official
remonstrance, in which he stated that, "if the desire had existed to
bring it to a close," the case of Borrow could have been settled.
"Having up to the present moment," he proceeds, "trusted that in Your
Excellency's hands, this affair would be treated with all that
consideration required by its nature and the consequences that may
follow upon it . . . I have forborne from denouncing the whole extent
of the illegality which has marked the proceedings of the case"
(viz., the Civil Governor's having usurped the right of the Captain-
General of the Province in causing Borrow's arrest). In conclusion,
Sir George states that he considers the
"case of most pressing importance, for it may compromise the
relations now existing between Great Britain and Spain. It is one
that requires a complete satisfaction, for the honor of England and
the future position of Englishmen in the Country are concerned; and
the satisfaction, in order to be complete, required to be promptly
given."
"This disagreeable business," Sir George writes in another of his
despatches, "is rendered yet more so by the impossibility of
defending with success all Mr Borrow's proceedings . . . His
imprudent zeal likewise in announcing publicly that the Bible Society
had a depot of Bibles in Madrid, and that he was the Agent for their
sale, irritated the Ecclesiastical Authorities, whose attention has
of late been called to the proceedings of a Mr Graydon,--another
agent of the Bible Society, who has created great excitement at
Malaga (and I believe in other places) by publishing in the
Newspapers that the Catholic Religion was not the religion of God,
and that he had been sent from England to convert Spaniards to
Protestantism. I have upon more than one occasion cautioned Mr
Graydon, but in vain, to be more prudent. The Methodist Society of
England is likewise endeavouring to establish a School at Cadiz, and
by that means to make conversions.
"Under all these circumstances it is not perhaps surprising that the
Archbishop of Toledo and the Heads of the Church should be alarmed
that an attempt at Protestant Propagandism is about to be made, or
that the Government should wish to avert the evils of religious
schism in addition to all those which already weigh upon the Country;
and to these different causes it must, in some degree, be attributed
that Mr Borrow has been an object of suspicion and treated with such
extreme rigor. Still, however, they do not justify the course
pursued by the Civil Governor towards him, or by the Government
towards myself, and I trust Your Lordship will consider that in the
steps I have taken upon the matter, I have done no more than what the
National honor, and the security of Englishmen in this Country,
rendered obligatory upon me." {241a}
Whilst Borrow was in the Carcel de la Corte, a grave complication had
arisen in connection with the misguided Lieutenant Graydon. Borrow
gives a strikingly dramatic account {241b} of Count Ofalia's call at
the British Embassy. He is represented as arriving with a copy of
one of Graydon's bills, which he threw down upon a table calling upon
Sir George Villiers to read it and, as a gentleman and the
representative of a great and enlightened nation, tell him if he
could any longer defend Borrow and say that he had been ill or
unfairly treated. According to the Foreign Office documents, Count
Ofalia WROTE to Sir George Villiers on 5th May, ENCLOSING a copy of
an advertisement inserted by Lieutenant Graydon in the Boletin
Oficial de Malaga, which, translated, runs as follows:-
"The Individual in question most earnestly calls the greatest
attention of each member of the great Spanish Family to this DIVINE
Book, in order that THROUGH IT he may learn the chief cause, if not
the SOLE ONE, of all his terrible afflictions and of his ONLY remedy,
as it is so clearly manifested in the Holy Scripture . . . A
detestable system of superstition and fanaticism, ONLY GREEDY FOR
MONEY, and not so either of the temporal or eternal felicity of man,
has prevailed in Spain (as also in other Nations) during several
Centuries, by the ABSOLUTE exclusion of the true knowledge of the
Great God and last Judge of Mankind: and thus it has been plunged
into the most frightful calamities. There was a time in which
precisely the same was read in the then VERY LITTLE Kingdom of
England, but at length Her Sons recognising their imperative DUTY
towards God and their Neighbour, as also their unquestionable rights,
and that since the world exists it has never been possible to gather
grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles, they destroyed the system
and at the price of their blood chose the Bible. Oh that the
unprejudiced and enlightened inhabitants not only of Malaga and of so
many other Cities, but of all Spain, would follow so good an
example." {242a}
The result of Graydon's advertisement was that "the people flocked in
crowds to purchase it [the Bible], so much so that 200 copies, all
that were in Mr Graydon's possession at the time, were sold in the
course of the day. The Bishop sent the Fiscal to stop the sale of
the work, but before the necessary measures were taken they were all
disposed of." {242b} In consequence Graydon "was detained and under
my [the Consul's] responsibility allowed to remain at large." {243a}
A jury of nine all pronounced the article to contain "matter subject
to legal process" {243b} but a second jury of twelve at the
subsequent public trial "unanimously absolved" Graydon.
Sir George Villiers acknowledged the letter from Count Ofalia (9th
May) saying that he had written to Graydon warning him to be more
cautious in future. He stated that from personal knowledge he could
vouch for the purity of Lieutenant Graydon's intentions; but he
regretted that he should have announced his object in so imprudent a
manner as to give offence to the ministers of the Catholic religion
of Spain. In a despatch to Lord Palmerston he states that he has not
thought it in the interests of the Bible Society to defend this
conduct of Graydon, "whose zeal appears so little tempered by
discretion," {243c} as he had written to Count Ofalia. "Had I done
so," he proceeds, "and thereby tended to confirm some of the idle
reports that are current, that England had a national object to serve
in the propagation of Protestantism in Spain, it is not improbable
that a legislative Enactment might have been introduced by some
Member of the Cortes, which would be offensive to England, and render
it yet more difficult than it is the task the Bible Society seems
desirous to undertake in this Country." {243d} Sir George concludes
by saying that he gave to "these Agents the best advice and
assistance in my power, but if by their acts they infringe the laws
of the Country," it will be impossible to defend them.
Sir George thought so seriously of the Affaire Borrow, as endangering
the future liberty of Englishmen in Spain, that he went so far as to
send a message to the Queen Regent, "by a means which I always have
at my disposal," {244a} in which he told her that he thought the
affair "might end in a manner most injurious to the continuance of
friendly relations between the two Countries." {244b} He received a
gracious assurance that he should have satisfaction. Later there
reached him
"a second message from the Queen Regent expressing Her Majesty's hope
that Count Ofalia's Note [of 11th May] would be satisfactory to me,
and stating that Her Ministers had so fully proved their incompetency
by giving any just cause of complaint to the Minister of Her only
real Friend and Ally, The Queen of England, that she should have
dismissed them, were it not that the state of affairs in the Northern
Provinces at this moment might be prejudiced by a change of
Government, which Her Majesty said she knew no one more than myself
would regret, but at the same time if I was not satisfied I had only
to state what I required and it should be immediately complied with.
My answer was confined to a grateful acknowledgement of Her Majesty's
condescension and kindness. Count Ofalia has informed me that as
President of the Council He had enjoined all his Colleagues never to
take any step directly or indirectly concerning an Englishman without
a previous communication with Him as to its propriety, and I
therefore venture to hope that the case of Mr Borrow will not be
unattended with ultimate advantage to British subjects in Spain."
{243c}
The "Note" referred to by the Queen Regent in her message was Count
Ofalia's acquiescence in Sir George Villiers' demands, with the
exception of the dismissal of the Police Officer. His communication
runs:-
"11th May 1838.
"SIR,--The affair of Mr Borrow is already decided by the Judge of
First Instance and his decision has been approved by the Superior or
Territorial Court of the Province. As I stated to you in my note of
the fourth last, the foundation of the arrest of Mr Borrow, who was
detained (and not committed), was an official communication from the
Agent of Police, Don Pedro Martin de Eugenio, in which he averred
that on intimating to Mr Borrow the written order of the Civil
Governor relative to the seizure of a book which he had published and
exposed for sale without complying with the forms prescribed by the
Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws of Spain, he (Mr Borrow) had thrown on
the floor the order of the Superior Authority of the Province and
used offensive expressions with regard to the said Authority.
"The judicial proceedings have had for their object the ascertainment
of the fact. Mr Borrow has denied the truth of the statement and the
Agent of Police, who it appears entered the lodgings of Mr Borrow
without being accompanied by any one, has been unable to confirm by
evidence what he alleged in his official report, or to produce the
testimony of any one in support of it.
"This being the case the judge has declared and the Territorial Court
approved the superceding of the cause, putting Mr Borrow immediately
at complete liberty, with the express declaration that the arrest he
has suffered in no wise affects his honor and good fame, and that the
'celador of Public Security,' Don Pedro Martin de Eugenio, be
admonished for the future to proceed in the discharge of his duty
with proper respect and circumspection according to the condition and
character of the persons whom he has to address.
"In accordance with the judicial decision and anxious to give
satisfaction to Mr Borrow, correcting at the same time the fault of
the Agent of Police in having presented himself without being
accompanied by any person in order to effect the seizure in the
lodging of Mr Borrow, Her Majesty has thought proper to command that
the aforesaid Don Pedro Martin de Eugenio be suspended from his
office for the space of Four Months, an order which I shall
communicate to the Minister of the Interior, and that Mr Borrow be
indemnified for the expenses which may have been incurred by his
lodging in the apartment of the Alcaide (chief gaoler or Governor)
for the days of his detention, although even before the expiration of
24 hours after his arrest he was permitted to return to his house
under his word of honor during the judicial proceedings, as I stated
to you in my note already cited. I flatter myself that in this
determination you as well as your Government will see a fresh proof
of the desire which animates that of H.M. the Queen Regent to
maintain and draw closer the relation of friendship and alliance
existing between the two countries. And with respect to the claim
advanced by Mr Borrow, and of which you also make mention in Your
Note of the 8th inst., I ought to declare to you that when the Judge
of First Instance received official information of the said claim the
business was already concluded in his tribunal, and consequently
there was nothing to be done. Without, for this reason, there being
understood any innovation with respect to the matter of privilege
(fuero) according as it is now established." {246a}
Borrow was liberated with unsullied honour on 12th May, after twelve
days' imprisonment. He refused the compensation that Sir George
Villiers had made a condition, and later wrote to the Bible Society
asking that there might be deducted from the amount due to him the
expenses of the twelve days. He states also that he refused to
acquiesce in the dismissal of the Agent of Police, by which he
doubtless means his suspension, giving as a reason that there might
be a wife and family likely to suffer. In any case the man was only
carrying out his instructions. Borrow's reason for refusing the
payment of his expenses was that he was unwilling to afford them, the
Spanish Government, an opportunity of saying that after they had
imprisoned an Englishman unjustly, and without cause, he condescended
to receive money at their hands. {246b}
The greatest loss to Borrow, consequent upon his imprisonment, no
government could make good. His faithful Basque, Francisco, had
contracted typhus, or gaol fever, that was raging at the time, and
died within a few days of his master's release. "A more affectionate
creature never breathed," Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram. The poor
fellow, who, "to the strength of a giant joined the disposition of a
lamb . . . was beloved even in the patio of the prison, where he used
to pitch the bar and wrestle with the murderers and felons, always
coming off victor." {247a} The next day Antonio presented himself at
Borrow's lodging, and without invitation or comment assumed the
duties he had relinquished in order that he might enjoy the
excitements of change. "Who should serve you now but myself?" he
asked when questioned as to the meaning of his presence, "N'est pas
que le sieur Francois est mort!" {247b}
John Hasfeldt's comment on his friend's imprisonment was
characteristic. In September 1838 he wrote:-
"The very last I heard of you is that you have had the great good
fortune to be stopping in the carcel de corte at Madrid, which
pleasing intelligence I found in the Preussiche Staats-Zeitung this
last spring. If you were fatter no doubt the monks would have got up
an Auto de Fe on your behalf, and you might easily have become a
nineteenth-century martyr. Then your strange life would have been
hawked about the streets of London for one penny, though you never
obtained a fat living to eat and drink and take your ease after all
the hardships you have endured."
CHAPTER XVI: MAY-JULY 1838
Borrow was now to enter upon that lengthy dispute with the Bible
Society that almost brought about an open breach, and eventually
proved the indirect cause that led to the severance of their
relations. Graydon's mistake lay in not contenting himself with
printing and distributing the Scriptures, of which he succeeded in
getting rid of an enormous quantity. He had advertised his
association with the Bible Society and proclaimed Borrow as a
colleague, and the authorities at Madrid were not greatly to blame
for being unable to distinguish between the two men. Whereas Graydon
and Rule, who was also extremely obnoxious to the Spanish Clergy,
were safe at Gibraltar or generally within easy reach of it, Borrow
was in the very midst of the enemy. He was not unnaturally furiously
angry at the situation that he conceived to have been brought about
by these evangelists in the south. He referred to Graydon as the
Evil Genius of the Society's Cause in Spain.
It may be felt that Borrow was a prejudiced witness, he had every
reason for being so; but a despatch from Sir George Villiers to the
Consul at Malaga shows clearly how the British Minister viewed
Lieutenant Graydon's indiscretion:
"You will communicate Count Ofalia's note to Mr Graydon," he writes,
"and tell him from me that, feeling as I do a lively interest in the
success of his mission, I cannot but regret that he should have
published his opinions upon the Catholic religion and clergy in a
form which should render inevitable the interference of
ecclesiastical authority. I have no doubt that Mr Graydon, in the
pursuit of the meritorious task he has undertaken, is ready to endure
persecution, but he should bear in mind that it will not lead him to
success in this country, where prejudices are so inveterate, and at
this moment, when party spirit disfigures even the best intentions.
Unless Mr Graydon proceeds with the utmost circumspection it will be
impossible for me, with the prospect of good result, to defend his
conduct with the Government, for no foreigner has a right, however
laudable may be his object, to seek the attainment of that object by
infringing the laws of the country in which he resides." {249a}
In writing to Mr Brandram, Borrow pointed out that although he had
travelled extensively in Spain and had established many depots for
the sale of the Scriptures, not one word of complaint had been
transmitted to the Government. He had been imprisoned; but he had
the authority of Count Ofalia for saying that it was not on account
of his own, but rather of the action of others. Furthermore the
Premier had advised him to endeavour to make friends among the
clergy, and for the present at least make no further effort to
promote the actual sale of the New Testament in Madrid.
On the day following his release from prison (13th May) Borrow, after
being sent for by the British Minister, wrote to Mr Brandram as
follows:-
"Sir George has commanded me . . . to write to the following effect:-
Mr Graydon must leave Spain, or the Bible Society must publicly
disavow that his proceedings receive their encouragement, unless they
wish to see the Sacred book, which it is their object to distribute,
brought into universal odium and contempt. He has lately been to
Malaga, and has there played precisely the same part which he acted
last year at Valencia, with the addition that in printed writings he
has insulted the Spanish Government in the most inexcusable manner.
A formal complaint of his conduct has been sent up from Malaga, and a
copy of one of his writings. Sir George blushed when he saw it, and
informed Count Ofalia that any steps which might be taken towards
punishing the author would receive no impediment from him. I shall
not make any observation on this matter farther than stating that I
have never had any other opinion of Mr Graydon than that he is
insane--insane as the person who for the sake of warming his own
hands would set a street on fire. Sir George said to-day that he
(Graydon) was the cause of my HARMLESS shop being closed at Madrid
and also of my imprisonment. The Society will of course communicate
with Sir George on the subject, I wash my hands of it."
On 23rd May Borrow wrote again to Mr Brandram:
"In the name of the MOST HIGHEST take steps for preventing that
miserable creature Graydon from ruining us all." Borrow's use of the
term "insane" with regard to Graydon was fully justified. The Rev.
W. H. Rule wrote to him on 14th May:
"Our worthy brother Graydon is, I suppose, in Granada. I overtook
him in Cartagena, endured the process of osculation, saw him without
rhime or reason wrangle with and publicly insult our Consul there.
Had his company in the steamer to Almeria, much to my discomfort.
Never was a man fuller of love and impudence, compounded in the most
provoking manner. In Malaga, just as we were to part, he broke out
into a strain highly disagreeable, and I therefore thought it a
convenient occasion to tell him that I should have no more to do with
him. I left him dancing and raving like an energumen."
This letter Borrow indiscreetly sent to Mr Brandram, much to Mr
Rule's regret, who wrote to Mr Brandram, saying that whilst he had
nothing to retract, he would not have written for the eyes of the
Bible Society's Committee what he had written to Borrow. To Mr Rule
Lieut. Graydon was "a good man, or at least a well-meaning [one], who
has not the balance of judgment and temper necessary for the
situation he occupies." He was given to "the promulgation of
Millenianism," and to calling the Bible "the true book of the
Constitution."
Mann had confirmed all the rumours current about Graydon. In order
to remove from his shoulders "the burden of obloquy," Borrow's first
act on leaving prison was to publish in the Correo Nacional an
advertisement disclaiming, in the name of the Bible Society, any
writings which may have been circulated tending to lower the
authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, in the eyes of the people. He
denied that it was the Society's intention or wish to make proselytes
from the Roman Catholic form of worship, and that it was at all times
prepared to extend the hand of brotherhood to the Spanish clergy.
This notice was signed "George Borrow, Sole authorised Agent of the
British and Foreign Bible Society in Spain."
El Gazeta Oficial in commenting on the situation, saw in the anti-
Catholic tracts circulated by Graydon "part of the monstrous plan,
whose existence can no longer be called in question, concocted by the
enemies of all public order, for the purpose of inaugurating on our
unhappy soil a SOCIAL revolution, just as the political one is
drawing to a close." The Government was urged to allow no longer
these attacks upon the religion of the country. Rather illogically
the article concludes by paying a tribute to the Bible Society,
"considered not under the religious but the social aspect." After
praising its prudence for "accommodating itself to the civil and
ecclesiastical laws of each country, and by adopting the editions
there current," it concludes with the sophisticated argument that,
"if the great object be the propagation of evangelic maxims, the
notes are no obstacle, and by preserving them we fulfil our religious
principle of not permitting to private reason the interpretation of
the Sacred Word."
The General Committee expressed themselves, somewhat enigmatically,
it must be confessed, as in no way surprised at this article, being
from past experience learned enough in the ways of Rome to anticipate
her.
"That advertisement," Borrow wrote six months later in his Report
that was subsequently withdrawn, "gave infinite satisfaction to the
liberal clergy. I was complimented for it by the Primate of Spain,
who said I had redeemed my credit and that of the Society, and it is
with some feeling of pride that I state that it choked and prevented
the publication of a series of terrible essays against the Bible
Society, which were intended for the Official Gazette, and which were
written by the Licentiate Albert Lister, the editor of that journal,
the friend of Blanco White, and the most talented man in Spain.
These essays still exist in the editorial drawer, and were
communicated to me by the head manager of the royal printing office,
my respected friend and countryman Mr Charles Wood, whose evidence in
this matter and in many others I can command at pleasure. In lieu of
which essays came out a mild and conciliatory article by the same
writer, which, taking into consideration the country in which it was
written, and its peculiar circumstances, was an encouragement to the
Bible Society to proceed, although with secrecy and caution; yet this
article, sadly misunderstood in England, gave rise to communications
from home highly mortifying to myself and ruinous to the Bible
cause."
Borrow had written from prison to Mr Brandram {252a} telling him that
it had "pleased God to confer upon me the highest of mortal honors,
the privilege of bearing chains for His sake." After describing how
it had always been his practice, before taking any step, to consult
with Sir George Villiers and receive his approval, and that the
present situation had not been brought about by any rashness on his,
Borrow's, part, he proceeds to convey the following curious piece of
information that must have caused some surprise at Earl Street
"I will now state a fact, which speaks volumes as to the state of
affairs at Madrid. My arch-enemy, the Archbishop of Toledo, the
primate of Spain, wishes to give me the kiss of brotherly Peace. He
has caused a message to be conveyed to me in my dungeon, assuring me
that he has had no share in causing my imprisonment, which he says
was the work of the Civil Governor, who was incited to the step by
the Jesuits. He adds that he is determined to seek out my
persecutors amongst the clergy, and to have them punished, and that
when I leave prison he shall be happy to co-operate with me in the
dissemination of the Gospel!! I cannot write much now, for I am not
well, having been bled and blistered. I must, however, devote a few
lines to another subject, but not one of rejoicing or Christian
exultation. Mann arrived just after my arrest, and visited me in
prison, and there favoured me with a scene of despair, abject
despair, which nearly turned my brain. I despised the creature, God
forgive me, but I pitied him; for he was without money and expected
every moment to be seized like myself and incarcerated, and he is by
no means anxious to be invested with the honors of martyrdom."
That the Primate of Spain should have sent to Borrow such a message
is surprising; but what is still more so is that six days later
Borrow wrote telling Mr Brandram that he had asked a bishop to
arrange an interview between him and the Archbishop of Toledo, and
Sir George Villiers, who was present, begged the same privilege.
{253a} On 23rd May Borrow wrote again to Mr Brandram: "I have just
had an interview with the Archbishop. It was satisfactory to a
degree I had not dared to hope for." In his next letter (25th May)
he writes:
"I have had, as you are aware, an interview with the Archbishop of
Toledo. I have not time to state particulars, but he said amongst
other things, 'Be prudent, the Government are disposed to arrange
matters amicably, and I am disposed to co-operate with them.' At
parting he shook me most kindly by the hand saying that he liked me.
Sir George intends to visit him in a few days. He is an old,
venerable-looking man, between seventy and eighty. When I saw him he
was dressed with the utmost simplicity, with the exception of a most
splendid amethyst ring, the lustre of which was truly dazzling."
There is only one conclusion to be drawn from this archiepiscopal
condescension, if the interview were not indeed sought by Borrow,
that it was a political move to pacify the wounded feelings of an
outraged Englishman at a time when the goodwill of England was as
necessary to the kingdom of Spain as the sun itself
The upshot of the Malaga Incident was that "the Spanish Government
resolved to put an end to Bible transactions in Spain, and forthwith
gave orders for the seizure of all the Bibles and Testaments in the
country, wherever they might be deposited or exposed for sale. They
notified Sir George Villiers of the decision, expressly stating that
the resolution was taken in consequence of the 'Ocurrido en Malaga.'"
{254a} The letter in which Sir George Villiers was informed of the
Government's decision runs as follows:-
MADRID, 19th May 1838.
SIR,
I have the honor to inform You that in consequence of what has taken
place at Malaga and other places, respecting the publication and sale
of the Bible translated by Padre Scio, which are not complete (since
they do not contain all the Books which the Catholic Church
recognises as Canonical) nor even being complete could they be
printed unless furnished with the Notes of the said Padre Scio,
according to the existing regulations; Her Majesty has thought proper
to prevent this publication and sale, but without insulting or
molesting those British Subjects who for some time past have been
introducing them into the Kingdom and selling them at the lowest
prices, thinking they were conferring a benefit when in reality they
were doing an injury.
I have also to state to You that in order to carry this Royal
determination into effect, orders have been issued to prohibit its
being printed in Spain, in the vulgar tongue, unless it should be the
entire Bible as recognised by the Catholic Church with corresponding
Notes, preventing its admittance at the Frontiers, as is the case
with books printed in Spanish abroad; that the Bibles exposed for
public sale be seized and given to their owners in a packet marked
and sealed, upon the condition of its being sent out of the country
through the Custom Houses on the Frontier or at the Ports.
I avail myself, etc., etc.
THE COUNT OF OFALIA. {255a}
Borrow and Graydon were advised of this inhibition, and both ordered
their establishments for the sale of books to be closed, thus showing
that they were "Gentlemen who are animated with due respect for the
Laws of Spain." {255b} At Valladolid, Santiago, Orviedo, Pontevedra,
Seville, Salamanca, and Malaga the decree was at once enforced. On
learning that the books at his depots had all been seized, Borrow
became apprehensive for the safety of his Madrid stock of New
Testaments, some three thousand in number. He accordingly had them
removed, under cover of darkness, to the houses of his friends.
Borrow was not the man to accept defeat, and he wrote to Mr Brandram
with great cheerfulness:
"This, however, gives me little uneasiness, for, with the blessing of
God, I shall be able to repair all, always provided I am allowed to
follow my own plans, and to avail myself of the advantages which have
lately been opened--especially to cultivate the kind feeling lately
manifested towards me by the principal Spanish clergy. {255c}
Later he wrote:
"Another bitter cup has been filled for my swallowing. The Bible
Society and myself have been accused of blasphemy, sedition, etc. A
collection of tracts has been seized in Murcia, in which the Catholic
religion and its dogmas are handled with the most abusive severity;
{256a} these books have been sworn to as having been left BY THE
COMMITTEE OF THE BIBLE SOCIETY WHILST IN THAT TOWN, and Count Ofalia
has been called upon to sign an order for my arrest and banishment
from Spain. Sir George, however, advises me to remain quiet and not
to be alarmed, as he will answer for my innocence." {256b}
Borrow strove to galvanise the General Committee into action. The
Spanish newspapers were inflamed against the Society as a sectarian,
not a Christian institution. "Zeal is a precious thing," he told Mr
Brandram, when accompanied with one grain of common sense." The
theme of his letters was the removal of Graydon. "Do not be cast
down," he writes; "all will go well if the stumbling block [Graydon]
be removed."
Borrow's state of mind may well be imagined, and if by his impulsive
letters he unwittingly harmed his own cause at Earl Street, he did so
as a man whose liberty, perhaps his life even, was being jeopardised,
although not deliberately, by another whom the reforming spirit
seemed likely to carry to any excess. It must be admitted that for
the time being Borrow had forgotten the idiom of Earl Street.
The president (a bishop) of the body of ecclesiastics that was
engaged in examining the Society's Spanish Bible, communicated with
Borrow, through Mr Charles Wood, the suggestion that "the Committee
of the Bible Society should in the present exigency draw up an
exposition of their views respecting Spain, stating what they are
prepared to do and what they are not prepared to do; above all,
whether in seeking to circulate the Gospel in this Country they
harbour any projects hostile to the Government or the established
religion; moreover, whether the late distribution of tracts was done
by their connivance or authority, and whether they are disposed to
sanction in future the publication in Spain of such a class of
writings." {257a}
Borrow was of the opinion that this should be done, although he would
not take upon himself to advise the Committee upon such a point, he
merely remarked that "the Prelate in question is a most learned and
respectable man, and one of the warmest of our friends." {257b} The
Society very naturally declined to commit itself to any such
undertaking. It would not have been quite logical or conceivable
that a Protestant body should give a guarantee that it harboured no
projects hostile to Rome.
Undeterred by the official edict against the circulation in Spain of
the Scriptures, Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram (14th June):
"I should wish to make another Biblical tour this summer, until the
storm be blown over. Should I undertake such an expedition, I should
avoid the towns and devote myself entirely to the peasantry. I have
sometimes thought of visiting the villages of the Alpujarra Mountains
in Andalusia, where the people live quite secluded from the world;
what do you think of my project?"
All this time Borrow had heard nothing from Earl Street as to the
effect being produced there by his letters. On 15th or 16th June he
received a long letter from Mr Brandram enclosing the Resolutions of
the General Committee with regard to the crisis. They proved
conclusively that the officials failed entirely to appreciate the
state of affairs in Spain, and the critical situation of their paid
and accredited agent, George Borrow. Their pride had probably been
wounded by Borrow's impetuous requests, that might easily have
appeared to them in the light of commands. It may have struck some
that the Spanish affairs of the Society were being administered from
Madrid, and that they themselves were being told, not what it was
expedient to do, but what they MUST do. Another factor in the
situation was the Committee's friendliness for their impulsive,
unsalaried servant Lieut. Graydon, who was certainly a picturesque,
almost melodramatic figure. In any case the letter from Mr Brandram
that accompanied the Resolutions was couched in a strain of fair play
to Graydon that became a thinly disguised partizanship. At the
meeting of the Committee held on 28th May the following Resolutions
had been adopted:-
First.--"That Mr Borrow be requested to |
