|
THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK, K.B.
INTERSPERSED WITH NOTICES OF THE CELEBRATED INDIAN CHIEF, TECUMSEH;
AND COMPRISING
BRIEF MEMOIRS OF DANIEL DE LISLE BROCK, ESQ.; LIEUTENANT E.W. TUPPER,
R.N., AND COLONEL W. DE VIC TUPPER,
"What booteth it to have been rich alive?
What to be great? What to be glorious?
If after death no token doth survive
Of former being in this mortal house,
But sleeps in dust, dead and inglorious!"
SPENCER'S "Ruins of Time."
EDITED BY HIS NEPHEW,
FERDINAND BROCK TUPPER, ESQ.
_LONDON_: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & Co.
_GUERNSEY_: H. REDSTONE.
1845.
PREFACE.
In the early part of last year, a box of manuscripts and the trunks
belonging to Sir Isaac Brock, which had remained locked and unexamined
for nearly thirty years, were at length opened, as the general's last
surviving brother, Savery, in whose possession they had remained during
that period, was then, from disease of the brain, unconscious of passing
events. With that sensibility which shrinks from the sight of objects
that remind us of a much-loved departed relative or friend, he had
allowed the contents to remain untouched; and when they saw the light,
the general's uniforms, including the one in which he fell, were much
moth-eaten, but the manuscripts were happily uninjured. On the return of
the Editor from South America in May last, he for the first time learnt
the existence of these effects; and a few weeks after, having hastily
perused and assorted the letters and other papers, he decided on their
publication. Whether this decision was wise, the reader must determine.
If, on the one hand, part of their interest be lost in the lapse of
years; on the other, they, and the comments they have elicited, can now
be published with less risk of wounding private feelings.
It has been the Editor's study to avoid all unnecessary remarks on the
letters in this volume, so as to allow the writers to speak for
themselves. But he has deemed it a sacred obligation due to the memory
of Sir Isaac Brock, to withhold nothing descriptive of his energetic
views and intentions, and of the obstacles he experienced in the
vigorous prosecution of the contest--obstacles which his gallant spirit
could not brook, and which necessarily exposed "his valuable life" much
more than it would have been in offensive operations.[1] He regrets,
however, that in the performance of this duty, he must necessarily give
pain to the relatives of the late Sir George Prevost, of whose military
government in Canada he would much rather have written in praise than in
censure.
Brief memoirs are inserted, at the conclusion of the Appendix, of one of
Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, the bailiff or chief magistrate of Guernsey,
and of two of their nephews, Lieutenant E.W. Tupper, R.N., and Colonel
W. De Vic Tupper, of the Chilian service. The premature fate of these
two promising young officers is, to those who knew them best, still a
source of unceasing regret and of embittering remembrance.
The notices of the celebrated Tecumseh interspersed throughout the
volume, and the connected sketch of him near its close, can scarcely
fail to interest the reader; that sketch is drawn from various and
apparently authentic sources, and the Editor believes that it is more
copious than any which has yet appeared of this distinguished Indian
chief. A perusal will perhaps awaken sympathy in behalf of a
much-injured people; it may also tend to remove the films of national
prejudice, and prove that virtue and courage are not confined to any
particular station or country, but that they may exist as well in the
wilds of the forest, as in the cultivated regions of civilization.
GUERNSEY, January 15, 1845.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: See pages 275-280, 298, 304, 305, 315-317.]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Parentage and birth--Boyhood--Enters the King's
Regiment--Trait of determination of character--Becomes
Lieutenant-Colonel of the 49th--Campaign in Holland, in
1799--Russian troops in Guernsey--Battle of Copenhagen, in
1801--Notice of John Savery Brock, Esq.
CHAPTER II.
Proceeds to Canada with the 49th--Suppresses a mutiny at Fort
George--Returns to Europe, and recommends the formation of a
Veteran Battalion for Upper Canada--Re-embarks for Canada, and
succeeds Colonel Bowes in command of the troops there--Letters
to Lieut.-Colonel Gordon, Right Hon. W. Windham, the
Adjutant-General, Mr. President Dunn, and to Lord
Castlereagh--Arrival of Sir James Craig
CHAPTER III.
Is made a Brigadier--Letters to his family--Proceeds to Upper
Canada--Letters from Colonels Baynes and
Thornton--Lieut.-Colonel Murray--Baroness de Rottenburg
CHAPTER IV.
Letters to and from Lieut.-Governor Gore--from Colonels Kempt
and Baynes--to Sir James Craig and Major Taylor--from Colonel
Vesey--P. Carey Tupper, Esq.
CHAPTER V.
Is made a Major-General--Sir James Craig returns to England;
his character and administration--Letters from Major-General
Vesey and Colonel Baynes--Duke of Manchester--Arrival of Sir
George Prevost--Letters from Lieut.-General Drummond and
Lieut.-Colonel Torrens--to and from Sir George Prevost
CHAPTER VI.
Origin of the American war--Letters to and from Sir G. Prevost
and Colonel Baynes--Meeting of the Legislature--Letter to
Colonel Baynes relative to Detroit and Michilimakinack,
&c.--Letters to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol--from Sir James
Saumarez, Major-General Le Couteur, and Sir John Dumaresq
CHAPTER VII.
Description of the boundaries, military posts, and lakes of
Upper Canada--of the Michigan territory, Detroit, and
Michilimakinack
CHAPTER VIII.
War declared--Major-General Brock's proceedings--Force under
his command--Letters from Colonel Baynes, and to and from Sir
George Prevost--American newspaper.
CHAPTER IX.
General Hull invades Upper Canada--His proclamation, and that
of Major-General Brock in reply--Letters to Sir G. Prevost and
from Sir T. Saumarez--Meeting of the Legislature--Critical
state of the Province
CHAPTER X.
Capture of Michilimakinack--Letters to and from Sir G.
Prevost, from Colonels Baynes and Bruyeres
CHAPTER XI.
Occurrences in the Western District--Tecumseh--Major-General
Brock proceeds to Amherstburg--Voyage described--General
Order--Indians, and notice of Tecumseh--Summons to General
Hull, and his answer--Surrender of Detroit, and its
consequences--Anecdotes of Tecumseh--Country about
Detroit--Indian war in 1763.
CHAPTER XII.
Letters relative to Detroit, to and from Sir G. Prevost, to
Earl Bathurst, from W.D. Powell, Esq., Chief Justice Sewell,
General Maitland, Major-General Burnet, from Major-General
Brock to his brothers, and from Lieut.-Colonel Nichol--General
Hull's reception at Montreal
CHAPTER XIII.
Major-General Brock returus to the Niagara
frontier--Armistice--Proposed attack on Sackett's Harbour
prevented--Letters to and from Sir G. Prevost and
Major-General Van Rensselaer--from Colonel Baynes--to Colonel
Proctor and to J.S. Brock--Wrongs of the Indians, and speech
of Tecumseh
CHAPTER XIV.
Rival forces on the Niagara frontier--Capture of brigs Detroit
and Caledonia--Letters to Sir G. Prevost and Colonel
Proctor--Battle of Queenstown, and death of Sir Isaac Brock,
with remarks on his funeral and character--Description of
Queenstown Heights, &c
CHAPTER XV.
Sir R. Sheaffe and armistice--Further remarks on Sir Isaac
Brock--Americans obtain the command of Lake Ontario--Capture
of York--Attack on Sackett's Harbour--Colonel Proctor's
proceedings near Detroit--Defeat of British squadron on Lake
Erie--Retreat and surrender of Major-General Proctor's
army--Capture of Fort George, and surprise of the American
troops at Stoney Creek--Attack on Michilimakinack--23 British
deserters--Peace--Sir G. Prevost's death and
character--Inscription on monument to--Colonel
Tupper--Connected notice of Tecumseh
CHAPTER XVI.
Servant--Letters from the Duke of York--J. Savery and Irving
Brock, Esqrs. and Mrs. Eliot--Introduction of four Indian
chiefs to George the Fourth, at Windsor--Destruction of
Monument, and "gathering" on Queenstown Heights--Intended
obelisk--Notice of Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, sisters, and
nephews
APPENDIX A.
SECTION I.--BRITISH AUTHORS.
1. Letter from Lord Aylmer--2. Dispatch from Captain
Roberts--3. Extracts from Letters of Veritas--4. Sir G.
Prevost's general order--5. Brief extracts from various
authors--6. Council of condolence--7. Monument in St. Paul's
cathedral--8. A Huron chief's surprise on seeing this
monument--9. Address of the Commons of Upper Canada to the
Prince Regent--10. Re-interment described--11. Dickens'
American notes
SECTION II.--AMERICAN AUTHORS.
1. Jefferson's correspondence--General Hull's revolutionary
services--Letter from Captain Wool--Battle of
Queenstown--Hull's army at Detroit
APPENDIX B.
Daniel De lisle Brock, Esq
APPENDIX C.
Lieutenant E. William Tupper, R.N.
APPENDIX D.
Colonel W. De Vic Tupper, Chilian service
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
The Guernsey family of BROCK is probably of English origin, but we have
been unable to ascertain the period of its first establishment in the
island. The parochial register of St. Peter-Port extends only to the
year 1563, soon after which time it contains the name of Philip Brock.
By "Robson's Armorial Bearings of the Nobility and Gentry of Great
Britain and Ireland," eight families of the name of Brock appear to bear
different arms, one of which was borne by all the Brocks of
Guernsey--viz. azure, a fleur de lis or, on a chief argent a lion pass.
guard. gu.--crest, an escallop or[2]--until the death of Sir Isaac
Brock, when new and honorary armorial bearings were granted by the
sovereign to his family. Brock is the ancient Saxon name for badger,
and as such is still retained in English dictionaries. Froissart,[3] in
his Chronicles, makes mention of Sir Hugh Brock, an English knight,
keeper of the castle of Derval, in Brittany, for his cousin Sir Robert
Knolles, who was governor of all the duchy, and resided in Brest, during
the absence of the duke in England. The French overran Brittany at this
period, and leaving 2,000 men near Brest, so as to prevent its receiving
succours, sat down with "great engines" before the castle of Derval, to
the siege of which came the constable of France, the Duke of Bourbon,
the Earls of Alencon and of Perche, and a great number of the barony and
chivalry of France. The castle being sore oppressed, Sir Hugh Brock was
at length constrained to agree to surrender it at the end of two months,
if not relieved by that time. Sir Robert Knolles, hearing this, also
began to treat with the French; and while at the head of 30,000 men, he
was afterwards defeated by Bertrand du Guesclin. These events occurred
in the reign of Edward the Third, about the middle of the fourteenth
century, when the English were driven out of France; and as Guernsey is
in the direct course between Brittany and England, may not one of Sir
Hugh Brock's family, on his passage across the Channel, have visited the
island and settled there?
The common ancestor of the present Guernsey family of the name of Brock
was William Brock, Esq., a native of the island, who died in the year
1776, and was the grandfather of the subject of this volume. He had
three sons and one daughter, who became connected by marriage with some
of the principal and most ancient families of Guernsey; namely, William,
married to Judith, daughter of James De Beauvoir, Esq.;[4] John, married
to Elizabeth De Lisle, daughter of the then lieutenant-bailiff of the
island; Henry, married to Susan Saumarez, sister of the late Admiral
Lord de Saumarez; and Mary, wife of John Le Marchant, Esq[5]
John Brock, Esq., born January 24, 1729, second son of the above-named
William, had by his wife, Elizabeth De Lisle, a very numerous family of
ten sons and four daughters, of whom eight sons and two daughters
reached maturity. He died in June, 1777, at Dinan, in Brittany, whither
he had gone for the benefit of the waters, at the early age of
forty-eight years.[6] In his youth he was a midshipman in the navy, and
in that capacity had made a voyage to India, which was then considered a
great undertaking. As he was possessed of much activity of mind and
considerable talent, his death was an irreparable loss to his children,
who were of an age to require all the care and counsels of a father; the
eldest, John, having only completed his seventeenth year. They were left
in independent, if not in affluent, circumstances; but the fond
indulgence of a widowed mother, who could deny them no enjoyment,
tended, notwithstanding their long minority, to diminish their
patrimony.
Isaac Brock, the eighth son, was born in the parish of St. Peter-Port,
Guernsey, on the 6th of October, 1769, the year which gave birth to
Napoleon and Wellington. In his boyhood he was, like his brothers,
unusually tall, robust, and precocious, and, with an appearance much
beyond his age, remarkable chiefly for extreme gentleness. In his
eleventh year he was sent to school at Southampton, and his education
was concluded by his being placed for a twelvemonth under a French
Protestant clergyman at Rotterdam, for the purpose of learning the
French language. His eldest brother, John, a lieutenant in the 8th, the
King's, regiment, being promoted to a company by purchase, Isaac
succeeded, also by purchase, to the ensigncy which consequently became
vacant in that regiment, and to which he was appointed on the 2d of
March, 1785, soon after he had completed his fifteenth year. He joined
in England, and was quartered there in different places for a few years.
Having entered the army at so early an age, he happily felt sensible of
his deficiencies of education, and for a long period he devoted his
leisure mornings to study, locking the door of his room until one
o'clock, to prevent intrusion. In 1790 he was promoted to a
lieutenantcy, and was quartered in Guernsey and Jersey. At the close of
that year he obtained an independent company, by raising the requisite
number of men to complete it, and was put on half pay. He exchanged soon
after, by giving the difference, into the 49th, which regiment he joined
at Barbadoes, in 1791, and he remained doing duty there, and afterwards
at Jamaica, until 1793, when he was compelled to return very suddenly to
England on sick leave, having nearly fallen a victim to the pestilential
effects of the climate, and an immediate embarkation being pronounced
his only chance of recovery. His first cousin, Lieutenant Henry Brock,
of the 13th foot, who was ill at the same time at Jamaica, died of the
fever; and the survivor always thought that he was indebted for his life
to the affectionate attentions of his servant, Dobson, whom he
subsequently ever treated with the kindness of a brother, until he died
in his service shortly before himself, in Canada. The mention of the
following trait of great determination of character may serve as a guide
to other young officers, similarly circumstanced. When Captain Brock
joined the 49th, the peace of the regiment was disturbed by one of those
vile pests of society--a confirmed duellist. Captain Brock soon proved
to his brother captain, who took advantage of being a dead shot, that he
was neither to be bullied nor intimidated, and the consequence was a
challenge from the latter, which was promptly accepted. On the ground,
Captain Brock, who was very tall and athletic, observed that to stand at
twelve paces was not to meet his antagonist on any thing like equal
terms, and, producing a handkerchief, insisted on firing across it. This
the duellist positively declined, and being in consequence soon after
compelled to leave the regiment, the officers were thus relieved, by the
firm and resolute conduct of a very young man, of the presence of one
with whom all social intercourse had previously been difficult and
dangerous. On his return from Jamaica, Captain Brock was employed on the
recruiting service in England, and afterwards in charge of a number of
recruits at Jersey. On the 24th June, 1795, he purchased his majority,
and remained in command of the recruits until the return of the regiment
to England the following year. On the 25th of October, 1797, just after
he had completed his twenty-eighth year, Major Brock purchased his
lieutenant-colonelcy, and soon after became senior lieut.-colonel of the
49th. This was very rapid promotion for one who had not only entered the
army during a period of profound peace, but had been five years an
ensign, and, having no interest excepting that which his own merit might
have procured him, he was generally considered at that time as one of
the most fortunate officers in the service. In a little more than seven
years, he had risen from an ensign to be a lieut.-colonel. Owing to
gross mismanagement and peculation on the part of his predecessor, who
was in consequence recommended privately to sell out, if he did not wish
to stand the ordeal of a court martial, the regiment was sadly
disorganized; but the commander in chief, the late Duke of York, was
heard to declare that Lieut.-Colonel Brock, from one of the worst, had
made the 49th one of the best regiments in the service.
In 1798, the 49th was quartered in Jersey, whence it proceeded, to
England early the following year, to take part in the projected
expedition to Holland, as in 1799 the British Government determined on
sending a strong military force to that country, then in alliance with
the French republic, which force was to be joined by a Russian army. The
first English division, consisting of twelve battalions of infantry,
among which was the 49th, and a small body of cavalry, assembled at
Southampton under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and, having embarked, finally
sailed from the Downs early in August. On the 26th of that month, the
fleet, consisting of fifteen ships of the line, from forty-five to fifty
frigates, sloops, and smaller vessels of war, and about one hundred and
thirty sail of transports, anchored along the coast of North Holland,
from the mouth of the Texel as far as Calants-Oge. Early the next
morning, the flank companies were landed, under the protection of the
guns of the fleet. An engagement commenced as the British were about to
march forward; but being continually reinforced by the arrival of fresh
troops, they compelled the enemy to retreat. This warm engagement lasted
till four o'clock in the afternoon, and cost the British about 1,000
men. Sir Ralph Abercromby, having become master of the point, or
peninsula, of the Helder, completed his landing, entrenched his advanced
posts toward the right, and occupied with his left the point of the
Helder, and the batteries there which had been evacuated. In these
positions he awaited the arrival of the second division, under the Duke
of York, the commander-in-chief, which remained in England until news
were received of the landing of the first on the coast of Holland. These
two divisions were composed of thirty battalions of infantry, of 600 men
each, 500 cavalry, and a fine train of artillery.[7] During this
campaign, Lieut.-Colonel Brock distinguished himself in command of his
regiment, which, on the 2d of October, in the battle of Egmont-op-Zee,
or Bergen, had Captain Archer and Ensign Ginn killed; and Major
Hutchinson, Captains Sharp and Robins, Lieutenant Urquhart and Ensign
Hill, wounded; Lieutenant Johnston missing, and supposed to be killed,
exclusive of nearly one hundred non-commissioned officers and privates
killed and wounded.[8] In this action, Lieut.-Colonel Brock was slightly
wounded, although his name does not appear in the returns; and his life
was in all probability preserved by his wearing, as the weather was very
cold, a stout cotton handkerchief over a thick black silk cravat, both
of which were perforated by a bullet, and which prevented its entering
his neck: the violence of the blow was, however, so great, as to stun
and dismount him. The following letter contains some interesting
particulars relative to this campaign, and the part taken in it by the
49th.
_Lieutenant-Colonel Brock, 49th regiment, to his brother, brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel John Brock, 81st regiment, at the Cape of Good Hope_.
"LONDON, November 26, 1799.
"I was pretty constant in my correspondence with you whilst the
regiment was quartered at Portsmouth, and no opportunity
offered from thence direct to the Cape without taking letters
and newspapers from either Savery or myself, and often from
both; but the very active and busy life I have passed since put
an end to all such communications. Knowing, however, that you
will be gratified in hearing from my own pen the various
incidents which have occurred since that time, I proceed to
give you the substance of them. You will have seen in the
public prints that the 49th embarked among the first regiments
under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and that the army, amounting to
about 10,000 men, after beating the seas from the 8th to the
27th of August, effected a landing near the Helder; that the
enemy most unaccountably offered no opposition to our landing;
and that, after a well-contested fight of ten hours, he
retreated, and left us in quiet possession of the Heights,
extending the whole length of the Peninsula. The 4th Brigade,
under General Moore,[9] consisting of the Royals, 25th, 49th,
79th, and 92d, landed to the left, where the greatest
opposition was expected, as it was natural to suppose that so
essential an object as the Helder would be defended to the
last, but, to our utter astonishment, the enemy gave us no
annoyance; on the contrary, soon after the affair on the right
had terminated, he evacuated the town, which we took quiet
possession of the following morning, and with it the whole of
the fleet. The garrison, consisting of 1,600 men, could easily
have been intercepted had it not been for a large body of
cavalry and a number of cannon, which completely commanded a
plain of a mile and a half in breadth, necessary to be crossed
to get to them: as we had neither the one nor the other, it
would have been the height of folly to attempt it. The
regiments which distinguished themselves most on this occasion
were the 23d, 27th, and 55th. The evening of our landing, a
reinforcement of 5,000 men arrived, but could not disembark
until two days after, owing to the badness of the weather.
During all this time the troops lay exposed on the sand hills,
without the least shelter to cover them against the wind and
rain. At length the army moved forward eleven miles, and got
into cantonments along a canal extending the whole breadth of
the country, from the Zuyder sea on the one side to the main
ocean on the other, protected by an amazingly strong dyke,
running half a mile in front of the line. In this position we
remained unmolested until the 10th of September, on which day
the enemy made a most desperate attack in three columns, two on
the right and one on the centre of the line: he could not avoid
being beaten, as it was the most injudicious step imaginable,
and his loss was in proportion very great. The Guards, 20th,
and 40th, acted conspicuous parts in this affair. The 49th was
here again out of the way, with the exception indeed of Savery,
whom nothing could keep from going to see what was doing on the
right, and as it happened he proved of great use to Colonel
Smith,[10] whom he assisted from the field after being wounded.
The French soldier was taught to consider the British troops as
the most undisciplined rabble in the world, and he advanced
confident of conquest; but this affair, and others which
followed, made him very soon change his opinion. Nothing
remarkable occurred after this until the arrival of the Duke of
York with the remainder of the British troops and 16,000
Russians, which increased the army to about 35,000 men.
Continued rain, however, prevented any thing being done before
the 19th, when the whole army was put in motion. Sir Ralph took
12,000, of which the 4th Brigade formed a part, to the left on
the evening preceding, and got possession of the city of Horn
the following morning at daylight, without a shot being fired:
200 prisoners were taken. Horn is a very populous, handsome
city, and evidently in the interest of the Prince of Orange.
Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants at our arrival,
and in proportion as they rejoiced they mourned our departure,
which took place before sun-set, in consequence of a fatal
disaster which had befallen the Russians on the right. They of
course threw the blame off their own shoulders, and wished to
attribute the whole misfortune to the want of concert and a
proper support on the part of the British; but I verily believe
the real fact to be this. After most gallantly driving the
enemy before them as far as Bergen, where it was previously
arranged they should halt, they dispersed for the sake of
plunder;--the French, hearing of this disorder, renewed the
attack, and never gave the Russians an opportunity to form, but
continued driving them with the bayonet until they encountered
a body of English, under General Manners and Prince William,
whose brigades suffered considerably. The Russians were,
however, thus happily enabled to effect their retreat without
further molestation; they were certainly the original cause of
this disaster, but whether the British were sufficiently brisk
in coming to their assistance, is doubted. The Russians in
their persons are rather short of stature, and very thick and
clumsy; they have nothing expressive in their features, but
resemble much the Chinese countenance. I remarked an exception
to this rule in a grenadier battalion, who, with tall, elegant
persons, possessed remarkably fine, commanding faces. The
officers in general are the most despicable wretches I ever
saw: accustomed, as they have always been, to fight with troops
much inferior to themselves, they thought themselves
invincible. They take the field with an immense number of
artillery, with which they cover their front and flanks, and
thus never dreamed it possible, from their former experience,
for troops to rally after being once beaten. This fatal
security was the cause of the misfortune which befell the
allies on the 19th. After the retreat from Horn, the 4th
brigade took its station on the right, preparatory evidently to
being actively employed; accordingly, on the 2d of October, the
weather not permitting it sooner, the brigade assembled before
daylight at Petten, and formed the advanced guard of a column,
consisting of 10,000 men, which was to proceed along the beach
to Egmont-op-Zee. After every thing had been properly arranged,
it moved forward, supported by 1,000 cavalry, under Lord Paget.
It was intended that the reserve, under Colonel M'Donald,
should cover our flank, and that the column should rapidly
advance to Egmont, in order to turn the flank of the enemy at
Bergen. This was, however, prevented by a strong body of the
enemy, who engaged the reserve the moment it ascended the sand
hills; and although he retreated before the reserve, he
constrained Colonel M'Donald to follow in a different direction
to that intended, thereby leaving our left flank uncovered. But
this did not impede our moving forward, and it was not until we
had proceeded five or six miles that we found the least
opposition. The enemy then appeared in small force, and the
25th was ordered up the sand hills, but, he having increased,
the 79th followed, and it was not long before the 49th was also
ordered to form on the left of that regiment. It is impossible
to give you an adequate idea of the nature of the ground, which
I can only compare to the sea in a storm. On my getting to the
left of the 79th, I found that its flank was already turned,
and that the ground, which we were to occupy, did not afford
the least shelter: my determination was instantly taken. I had
gone on horseback to view the ground, and on my return to the
regiment, which I met advancing, I found the left actually
engaged with the enemy, who had advanced much beyond our left.
I, however, continued advancing with six companies, and left
Colonel Sheaffe with the other four to cover our left: the
instant I came up to the 79th, I ordered a charge, which I
assure you was executed with the greatest gallantry, though not
in the greatest order, as the nature of the ground admitted of
none. The enemy, however, gave way on every side, and our loss
would have been very trifling had the 79th charged
straightforward; but unfortunately it followed the course the
49th had taken, thereby leaving our right entirely exposed. I
detached Lord Aylmer[11] with the grenadiers, who, after
charging different times, totally cleared our right. The 25th
then advanced, and behaved with the greatest good conduct. The
enemy after this never attempted to make a stand, but continued
to retreat, and their loss on this occasion was very
considerable. Nothing could exceed the gallantry of the 25th,
49th, 79th, and 92d. For my own part, I had every reason to be
satisfied with the conduct of both officers and men, and no
commanding officer could be more handsomely supported than I
was on that day, ever glorious to the 49th. Poor Archer brought
his company to the attack in a most soldierlike manner; and
even after he had received his mortal wound, he animated his
men, calling on them to go on to victory, to glory; and no
order could be more effectually obeyed: he is an irreparable
loss to the service. I got knocked down soon after the enemy
began to retreat, but never quitted the field, and returned to
my duty in less than half an hour. Savery acted during the
whole day as aide-de-camp either to Sir Ralph or Moore, and
nothing could surpass his activity and gallantry. He had a
horse shot under him, and had all this been in his line, he
must have been particularly noticed, as he has become the
astonishment of all who saw him. We remained that night and the
following on the sand hills; you cannot conceive our wretched
state, as it blew and rained nearly the whole time. Our men
bore all this without grumbling, although they had nothing to
eat but the biscuits they carried with them, which by this time
were completely wet. We at length got into Egmont, and on the
following day (5th) into Alkmaar, where we enjoyed ourselves
amazingly. Alkmaar is a most delightful city; but the
inhabitants are rank patriots, and none of the higher class
remained to welcome our arrival. The following day another
engagement ensued,[12] in consequence of the Russians advancing
further than they were ordered to do: during this severe
contest we were snugly in church. It is extraordinary that both
parties were so beaten as to find a retreat necessary, as while
we retreated to our old position, the enemy was also in full
retreat. I shall say no more of the expedition to Holland, as
what remains to be added, you will see fully detailed in the
papers. I go to Norwich, where the regiment is quartered, this
evening. Another expedition is talked of, under Lord Moira.
Adieu."
In the battle of Egmont-op-Zee, seven pieces of cannon, a great number
of tumbrils, and a few hundred prisoners, were taken, and the loss of
the enemy was estimated as exceeding 4,000 men. Major-General Moore, in
whose brigade was the 49th, although severely wounded through the thigh,
continued in action for nearly two hours, until a second wound in the
face obliged him to quit the field. In his dispatch relative to this
battle, the Duke of York observed, that "under Divine Providence this
signal victory obtained over the enemy, is to be attributed to the
animating and persevering exertions which have at all times been the
characteristics of the British soldier, and which on no occasion were
ever more eminently displayed." The following extract from this
dispatch, dated Alkmaar, 6th of October, will shew the part borne in the
engagement by Sir Ralph Abercromby's division, in which was
Major-General Moore's brigade.
"This was the last event which took place on the side of
Bergen; and, as the close of the day was fast approaching,
Colonel Macdonald with two battalions was sent to the support
of General Sir Ralph Abercromby. The heights of the sand hills,
surrounding Bergen for about three miles, remained crowned and
possessed by about eleven British battalions. General Sir
Ralph Abercromby had marched, according to the disposition,
along the beach, with Major-General D'Oyley's, Major-General
Moore's, and Major General Lord Cavan's brigades, the cavalry
and horse artillery, (the reserve under Colonel Macdonald not
having been able, owing to the great extent of the sand hills,
to rejoin him, after turning to the left at Campe.) The main
body of Sir Ralph Abercromby's column had proceeded, without
meeting with much resistance, in the early part of the day, but
was nevertheless much inconvenienced, and his troops harassed,
by the necessity of detaching continually into the sand hills
to his left, to cover that flank against the troops whom the
enemy had placed in the sand hills. The admirable disposition,
however, which he made of his troops, and their determined
spirit and gallantry, enabled him to arrive within a mile of
Egmont. Here he was seriously opposed by a very considerable
corps of French infantry, which occupied Egmont-op-Zee, and the
high sand hills in its front, and who had formed a very strong
corps of cavalry and artillery to their left. The engagement
was maintained during several hours with the greatest
obstinacy; and in no instance were the abilities of a
commander, or the heroic perseverance of troops in so difficult
and trying a situation, more highly conspicuous. Animated by
the example of General Sir Ralph Abercromby, and the generals
and officers under him, the troops sustained every effort made
upon them by an enemy then superior in numbers, and much
favoured by the strength of his position. Late in the evening,
the enemy's cavalry, having been defeated in an attempt which
they made upon the British horse artillery on the beach, and
having been charged by the cavalry under Colonel Lord Paget,
was driven, with considerable loss, nearly to Egmont-op-Zee;
his efforts then relaxed considerably on the right; and General
Sir Ralph Abercromby, having soon after been joined by the
reinforcements under Colonel Macdonald, took post upon the
sand hills and the beach, within a very short distance of
Egmont-op-Zee, where the troops lay upon their arms during the
night."
In the battle of the 6th of October, in which the 49th was not engaged,
the English and Russians, after gaining some advantage, were suddenly
charged by the enemy's cavalry and separated, so that they could neither
support each other nor retain the ground which they had gained. The
allied armies were repulsed beyond Baccum, after having sustained a very
severe loss; and as they were unable either to advance or to draw any
resources from the country in their possession, their supplies were
necessarily obtained from the fleet. The Duke of York, therefore,
assembled a council of war, whose decision was, that the allied forces
should fall back and wait the instructions of the British Government. As
the season was so far advanced, as the approach of winter was daily
making the navigation of the coast more dangerous, and as there was no
time to effect diversions or to change the plan of operations, the Duke
of York was ordered to evacuate the country. In the meanwhile, as the
English and Russians concentrated themselves behind their entrenchments
at the Zyp, the enemy pressed upon them, and the Duke of York sent a
flag of truce to General Brune, proposing a capitulation on the basis of
an armistice, or of the free embarkation of his army. This was agreed to
at Alkmaar, on the 18th of October, and thus ended this memorable
expedition, the most considerable that had been attempted in modern
times up to that period. As the introduction of foreign troops into
England was prohibited by the Bill of Rights, the Russians were sent to
the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, the season not admitting of their
return home. About 6,000 were quartered in the latter island, where a
disease, contracted by exposure to the marshy grounds of Holland,
carried off some hundreds, who were buried at the foot of the hill on
which stands Vale Castle, and where their graves are still to be seen.
Their conduct in Guernsey was at first peaceable and orderly;--the
inhabitants were surprised at seeing them eat the grease from the cart
wheels, and they were also excessively fond of ardent spirits; and,
having plenty of money, they indulged in them freely, swallowing large
draughts in a raw state. But in June, 1800, while the transports were in
the roads to convey them to Russia, a soldier, who was robbing
vegetables on a small farm, which had been frequently plundered by his
comrades before, was fired at and wounded by the proprietor. This so
exasperated the whole body, that fears were entertained of their
revenging themselves on the inhabitants generally; and as the British
garrison was very small, it required all the tact and conciliation of
the lieutenant-governor, Sir Hew Dalrymple, to prevent an outbreak. The
Russians embarked, but the guns at Castle Cornet were kept shotted to
prevent their relanding.[13] The 49th, on the return of the expedition
from Holland, after remaining a short time in England, was again
quartered in Jersey, where the fine person and manly bearing of
Lieut.-Colonel Brock are still favorably remembered. In return for the
many attentions which he and his officers received in that island, he
obtained an ensigncy in his own regiment for a young man resident there,
whom he afterwards pushed forward in the service, and who died recently
a major-general and a companion of the bath. Early in the year 1801, the
49th was embarked in the fleet destined for the Baltic, under Sir Hyde
Parker; and Lieut.-Colonel Brock was second in command of the land
forces at the memorable attack of Copenhagen, by Lord Nelson, on the 2d
of April. He was appointed to lead the 49th in storming the principal of
the Treckroner batteries, in conjunction with five hundred seamen, under
Captain Fremantle,[14] of the Ganges, of 74 guns; but the protracted and
heroic defence of the Danes rendering the attempt impracticable, Colonel
Brock, during the hard-fought battle, remained on board the Ganges; and
at its close he accompanied Captain Fremantle to the Elephant, 74,
Nelson's flag ship, where he saw the hero[15] write his celebrated
letter to the Crown Prince of Denmark. Savery Brock was also on board
the Ganges, and while in the act of pointing one of her quarter deck
guns, his cocked hat was torn from his head by a grape shot: a naval
officer, who was present, afterwards described the scene which followed
this narrow escape in these words: "I now hear Sir Isaac exclaim, 'Ah!
poor Savery is dead!' But Savery was not an instant on his back; in the
same moment he rubbed his head, assured his brother that he was not
injured, and fired the gun with as much coolness as if nothing had
happened." The effect of the shot passing so near him was such that,
although a remarkably powerful young man, six feet two inches in height,
he was knocked down and stunned for the moment. Of the 49th, Captain
Sharp was badly wounded on board of the Bellona, and Lieutenant Dennis
was wounded on board of the Monarch, which ship had 55 killed and 155
wounded, exclusive of officers, but including 8 soldiers of the 49th
killed, and 20 wounded. In addition to the 49th was a detachment of the
95th, rifles--consisting, we believe, of two companies--under
Lieut.-Colonel the Honorable William Stewart,[16] who was senior officer
of the troops embarked. As such his name was included in the thanks of
Parliament; but we cannot understand why a lieutenant-colonel, with only
two companies, was placed over the head of an officer of equal rank with
his entire regiment, unless indeed the cause was that Lieut.-Colonel
Brock was not an "honorable!" We are not aware that he ever complained
of what appears to us to have been an act of injustice to him, and we
may therefore be wrong in our view of the subject. The British loss, in
killed and wounded, was 953, or 58 more than fell at the battle of the
Nile. In mentioning the loss at Copenhagen, Southey, in his admirable
Life of Nelson, says, on what authority we know not: "Part of this
slaughter might have been spared. The commanding officer of the troops
on board one of our ships, asked where his men should be stationed? He
was told that they could be of no use; that they were not near enough
for musquetry, and were not wanted at the guns; they had, therefore,
better go below. This, he said, was impossible--it would be a disgrace
that could never be wiped away. They were, therefore, drawn up upon the
gangway, to satisfy this cruel point of honor; and there, without the
possibility of annoying the enemy, they were mowed down! The loss of the
Danes, including prisoners, amounted to about 6,000."
John Savery Brock, of whose gallantry mention is made in the preceding
pages, was the next younger brother of Lieut.-Colonel Brock, and had
been in the navy; but it being supposed that he was influential, in the
year 1790, in inducing his brother midshipmen, of the fleet at Spithead,
to sign a round robin against their being subjected to the practice of
mast-heading--one having been hoisted up to the gaff end in an
ignominous manner, because he refused to go to the mast head as a
punishment--he was recommended privately to retire from the service.[17]
Being at this time a tall and high spirited young man of eighteen, it is
not surprising that he deemed such a punishment unnecessarily degrading
to the feelings of an officer, and which has since been very properly
abolished. Had it not been for this circumstance, it is the opinion of a
naval officer of high rank, that Savery Brock would have distinguished
himself and risen to eminence in the navy during the late revolutionary
wars. Some little time after this affair, being in Guernsey, he wished
to go to England, and was offered a passage in the Amazon, frigate,
Captain Reynolds, afterwards Rear-Admiral Reynolds, who perished in the
St. George, of 98 guns, on her return from the Baltic, in 1811. The
Amazon, bound to Portsmouth, left the roadstead late in the afternoon,
and before she was clear of the small Russel--a dangerous passage--night
overtook her. By some accident the pilot mistook the bearings, owing to
the darkness and thick weather. Savery Brock, being acquainted with the
intricate course, was on the fore yard looking out, when he suddenly
espied some rocks towards which the frigate was steering. There was no
time for communication, and, without hesitating an instant, he cried
out in true nautical style: "H-a-r-d up, h-a-r-d up." "H-a-r-d up it
is," replied the helmsman. "H-a-r-d up," repeated Savery in a louder
key. "Gently, young man," said the captain, who was standing forward.
The ship fortunately bore away just in time to clear the rocks, and was
thus saved by the prompt interference of her passenger. We have often
heard him in his latter days tell the story with excusable pride, and he
especially remembered how the crew pointed him out the next morning to
each other, as the young man who had got the ship out of her danger. As
he was without employment, his brother Isaac subsequently procured him
the paymastership of the 49th, which he retained only three or four
years, the office being one quite unfitted to his previous education and
active mind. In 1808, his military zeal induced him to serve for a short
time as an amateur aide-de-camp to Sir John Moore, on the Peninsula. He
married and settled in Guernsey; and whether as a militia colonel, or in
the exercise of a generous hospitality, or, above all, as a projector
and zealous promoter of many public improvements in his native island,
his memory will long live in the recollection of its inhabitants.
When Kean performed in Guernsey, two or three years before his
appearance on the London boards, Savery Brock was enthusiastic in his
admiration, and predicted the future eminence of that celebrated
tragedian, in whose memoirs his name is gratefully mentioned.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 2: With a slight variation, the field being gules instead of
azure. Motto, Vincit Veritas.]
[Footnote 3: Translation from the French by Lord Berners, vol. 2, chap.
39, 40. London Edition, 1815.]
[Footnote 4: The name of this ancient family, second to none in wealth
and station, became extinct in Guernsey, in 1810, on the death of Osmond
De Beauvoir, Esq., when his large property was inherited by distant
relatives.--_Duncan's History of Guernsey_.]
[Footnote 5: Major-General Le Marchant and his eldest son, a captain in
the Foot Guards, who both fell in Spain during the late war, and Captain
Philip Saumarez, who was Lord Anson's first lieutenant in the Centurion,
and was slain in 1747, while commanding the Nottingham, of 64 guns, were
members of those families.]
[Footnote 6: Brock street, at Bath, was named after him by the
projector, in testimony of friendship.]
[Footnote 7: New Annual Register for 1799, page 395.]
[Footnote 8: See the returns in the New Annual Register, for 1799,
Principal Occurrences, page 143. Singularly enough, the loss of the
non-commissioned officers and privates in each corps is not given, but
the casualties among the officers of the 49th exceeded those of any
other regiment engaged on this day, with the exception of the 25th and
92d.]
[Footnote 9: Afterwards Sir John Moore, who fell at Corunna.]
[Footnote 10: Lieut.-Colonel Smith, commanding the 20th, a native of
Guernsey, afterwards Colonel Sir George Smith, aide-de-camp to the king.
He died at Cadiz, in 1809, and was a distinguished officer.]
[Footnote 11: The present General Lord Aylmer, G.C.B., formerly
governor-general of British North America. He was then a captain in the
49th. See Appendix A, Sec. 1, No. 1.]
[Footnote 12: In this engagement, the gallant Lieut.-Colonel Bainbrigge,
of the 20th, was killed. He married Miss Dobree, of Beauregard,
Guernsey.]
[Footnote 13: Duncan's History of Guernsey.]
[Footnote 14: The late Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Fremantle, G.C.B.]
[Footnote 15: It is worthy of remark, that Lieut.-Colonel Brock's almost
immediate superiors, during his active service in Europe, fell like
himself in action, as knights of the bath, viz. Sir Ralph Abereromby,
Lord Nelson, and Sir John Moore.]
[Footnote 16: Afterwards Sir W. Stewart, G.C.B., who commanded a
division in the Peninsular war.]
[Footnote 17: While the above was in type, the Duke of Rutland visited
Guernsey in his yacht, and wrote the following note at Detroit, the
residence of the once outcast middy, on whom, while we write this, the
hand of death is but too apparent: "The Duke of Rutland called to pay
his respects to Mr. Savery Brock, and sincerely regrets to find that he
is so unwell. Saturday, July 13, 1844."]
CHAPTER II.
The 49th, on its return from Copenhagen to England, was collected at
Colchester, and in the spring following, (1802,) the regiment sailed for
Canada, which country was destined to bestow on it many additional
laurels, as well as to be the scene of the fame and death of its
commanding officer. In less than eighteen months after the arrival of
the 49th in Canada, and while it was quartered in the upper province, a
serious conspiracy was on the point of breaking out in that part of the
regiment which was in garrison at Fort George, on the Niagara, under the
command of the junior lieutenant-colonel, the head quarters being, we
believe, at York, the capital. This officer, it seems, more by useless
annoyance than by actual severity, had exasperated the men under his
command to that degree that they formed a plot to murder all the
officers present, with the exception of a young man who had recently
joined; and then to cross over to the United States. Far be it from us
to justify the intention, which indeed was highly criminal; but in all
such extreme cases we hold that a sad abuse of power, or a gross want of
tact, must be the exciting cause, and that even in the passive obedience
of a military life, there may be a limit to human endurance. The
proximity of the United States rendered this plot a very feasible one,
as the men in a body could have crossed the river Niagara without
molestation or difficulty. The suspicions of the officer in command
having been aroused, he hastily wrote to Lieut.-Colonel Brock on the
subject, and sent his letter by one of the men, who delivered it as the
latter officer was shooting, or on his return from a shooting excursion.
On reading the letter, and knowing from the character of the man that he
must be engaged in the conspiracy, if there were any, he threatened to
shoot him on the spot, if he did not instantly divulge the names of the
ringleaders. The man, thus taken by surprise, did as he was ordered, and
Lieut.-Colonel Brock hurried off to Fort George. On his arrival he found
the men at dinner, and placing the officers with their drawn swords at
the doors, he went into the rooms with handcuffs, and secured the most
culpable, among whom was a sergeant, none offering the slightest
resistance. The ringleaders were immediately embarked, so as to prevent
any attempt at their rescue.[18] On being tried by a court martial, four
were condemned to suffer death, and, with three deserters, were shot at
Quebec, in presence of the garrison, early in the month of March, 1804.
A most awful and affecting sight it was: the wind was easterly, strong,
and cold,--a thick drift of snow added to the gloom,--and, as if to
increase the horror of the scene, a few of the firing party, fifty-six
in number, instead of advancing to within eight yards of the prisoners,
as was intended, owing to some mistake commenced firing at the distance
of at least fifty yards. The consequence was, that the unhappy wretches
were only partially wounded, and dropped one after another. Nearly forty
shots were fired before one poor fellow in the centre fell, although he
was wounded through the abdomen at the first discharge. The men who had
reserved their fire, were at length ordered up, and, lodging the
contents of their muskets in the breasts of the culprits, by that means
put them out of torture. The unfortunate sufferers declared publicly
that, had they continued under the command of Colonel Brock, they would
have escaped their melancholy end; and, as may be easily conceived, he
felt no little anguish that they, who had so recently and so bravely
fought under him in Holland and at Copenhagen, were thus doomed to end
their lives, the victims of unruly passions inflamed by vexatious
authority. He was now directed to assume the command at Fort George, and
all complaint and desertion instantly ceased.
In the fall of 1805, in October of which year he was made a full
colonel, Colonel Brock returned to Europe on leave; and early in the
following year, he laid before his royal highness the
commander-in-chief the outlines of a plan for the formation of a
veteran battalion, to serve in the Canadas. In support of the plan he
wrote:
"The advantages which may attend the establishment of a corps
such as is here recommended, will be perhaps more clearly
understood by first adverting to some of the causes that
produce the inconvenience to which the troops occupying the
frontier posts of that country are continually exposed.
"A regiment quartered in Upper Canada is generally divided into
eight different parts, several hundred miles asunder, and in
this situation it remains at least three years. Great as is the
evil incidental to a state of separation, even where the mind
is in no danger of being debauched, what may not be apprehended
in a country where both the divided state of the regiment, and
the artifices employed to wean the soldier from his duty,
conspire to render almost ineffectual every effort of the
officers to maintain the usual degree of order and discipline.
The lures to desertion continually thrown out by the Americans,
and the facility with which it can be accomplished, exacting a
more than ordinary precaution on the part of the officers,
insensibly produce mistrust between them and the men, highly
prejudicial to the service.
"Experience has taught me that no regular regiment, however
high its claim to discipline, can occupy the frontier posts of
Lower and Upper Canada without suffering materially in its
numbers. It might have been otherwise some years ago; but now
that the country, particularly the opposite shore, is chiefly
inhabited by the vilest characters, who have an interest in
debauching the soldier from his duty; since roads are opened
into the interior of the States, which facilitate desertion, it
is impossible to avoid the contagion. A total change must be
effected in the minds and views of those who may hereafter be
sent on this duty, before the evil can be surmounted."
In a letter from Lieut.-Colonel Gordon, dated Horse Guards, January 17,
1806, Colonel Brock received the Duke of York's "thanks for the
communication of his very sensible observations respecting the
distribution of the troops in Canada, which his royal highness will not
fail to take into consideration at a seasonable opportunity."[19]
While on a visit to his family and friends in Guernsey, Colonel Brock
deemed the intelligence from the United States to be of so warlike a
character, that he resolved on returning to Canada before his leave was
expired; and such was his anxiety to be at his post, that he overtook at
Cork the Lady Saumarez, a Guernsey vessel, well manned and armed as a
letter of marque, bound to Quebec. He left London on the 26th June,
1806, and hurried away from Europe never to return--never to revisit
those who fondly loved him, not only from ties of kindred, but for his
many endearing qualities; but he had the satisfaction of knowing that
the commander-in-chief was much pleased with the zeal and devotion
evinced by him on this occasion.
Soon after his arrival in Canada, Colonel Brock succeeded, on the 27th
September, 1806, to the command of the troops in the two provinces,
Colonel Bowes[20] having resigned that command on his departure for
England. At this time, the civil government of the lower province was
administered by Mr. President Dunn, and Colonel Brock resided at Quebec,
in command of the forces, until the arrival of the governor-general, Sir
James Craig, in October, 1807, who appointed him to act as a brigadier,
which appointment was confirmed by the king, to date from the 2d of
July, 1808.
_Colonel Brock to Lieut.-Colonel J.W. Gordon._
QUEBEC, September 28, 1806.
I have the honor to acquaint you, for the information of the
commander-in-chief, that Colonel Bowes, preparatory to his
departure for England, has resigned the command of his
majesty's forces in this country, which, as the next senior
officer, devolves on me.
I find great pleasure in reporting to his royal highness the
good order and discipline which, much to the credit of
Lieut.-Colonel Sheaffe, I found on my arrival to prevail
among the eight companies of the 49th regiment, quartered in
this garrison.
It has been the fate of the 49th to be divided, for the last
four years and a half, several hundred miles apart, and
however anxious I must be to assemble the whole together, I
have not, considering the youth of the 100th regiment, which
alone affords me the means of effecting that measure, thought
it prudent to withdraw the company stationed at St. John's and
the other frontier posts of this province, but the one at
Montreal will be relieved this autumn.
Colonel Bowes having complied with Lieut.-Colonel Otway's
earnest application for leave to return to England, I have
appointed Captain Ormsby, of the 49th regiment, an officer of
approved merit, to act as deputy adjutant-general during his
absence; an arrangement which, I presume to hope, his royal
highness will be graciously pleased to sanction.
_Colonel Brock to the Right Hon. W. Windham._
QUEBEC, February 12, 1807.
I have the honor to transmit for your consideration a proposal
of Lieut.-Colonel John M'Donald, late of the Royal Canadian
Volunteers, for raising a corps among the Scotch settlers in
the county of Glengary, Upper Canada.
When it is considered that both the Canadas furnish only two
hundred militia who are trained to arms, the advantages to be
derived from such an establishment must appear very, evident.
The military force in this country is very small, and were it
possible to collect it in time to oppose any serious attempt
upon Quebec, the only tenable post, the number would of itself
be insufficient to ensure a vigorous defence.
This corps, being stationed on the confines of the Lower
Province, would be always immediately and essentially useful
in checking any seditious disposition, which the wavering
sentiments of a large population in the Montreal district
might at any time manifest. In the event of invasion, or other
emergency, this force could be easily and expeditiously
transported by water to Quebec.
The extent of country which these settlers occupy, would make
the permanent establishment of the staff and one sergeant in
each company very advisable. I shall not presume to say how
far the claims of the field officers to the same indulgence
are reasonable and expedient.
In regard to the Rev. Alexander M'Donald, I beg leave to
observe, that the men being all Catholics, it may be deemed a
prudent measure to appoint him chaplain. His zeal and
attachment to Government were strongly evinced whilst filling
the office of chaplain to the Glengary Fencibles during the
rebellion in Ireland, and were graciously acknowledged by his
royal highness the commander-in-chief.
His influence over the men is deservedly great, and I have
every reason to think that the corps, by his exertions, would
be soon completed, and hereafter become a nursery from which
the army might draw a number of hardy recruits.
* * * * *
The following letter affords a good idea of the confidential report of a
general officer on the state of a regiment after its periodical
inspection.
_Colonel Brock to the Adjutant-General of His Majesty's Forces._
QUEBEC, March 17, 1807.
In obedience to the commander-in-chief's commands,
communicated to me in your letter dated 20th November last, I
shall proceed to state, for His Royal Highness's information,
such observations as a strict attention to the conduct and
interior economy of the 100th[21] regiment during the
preceding six months has enabled me to make.
The greatest praise is justly due to Lieut.-Colonel Murray,
who has commanded, with only a short interval, from the first
formation of the regiment to the present time, for his
unremitting care and attention to the several important duties
of his office.
The good effects of his exertions and intelligence are
strikingly visible in every department of the corps. He has
been ably supported by Major Hamilton and the rest of his
officers, who on all occasions evince the utmost zeal for the
service, and the highest respect and attachment towards his
person. He has succeeded in establishing an interior
discipline and economy, which I have never before witnessed in
so young a corps, and scarcely seen surpassed by any, and in a
way too the most satisfactory to the feelings of an officer.
Although I trust the garrison duty at Quebec is carried on
with every regard to the safety of the place, together with
the strictest attention to all prescribed forms and
regulations, yet the winter has nearly passed without a single
instance of neglect or misconduct having occurred among the
100th regiment; and it is a pleasing task to report, that so
exemplarily have the men behaved, that, even regimentally,
only one corporal punishment has been inflicted for the last
three months.
I am now speaking of men who, being nearly all Irish, are of
all others the most volatile and easily led astray. Should
they, therefore, hereafter be seduced by the various
temptations by which they are surrounded, I hope to escape the
imputation of judging too hastily and partially. The men were
principally raised in the north of Ireland, and are nearly all
Protestants; they are robust, active, and good looking.
The troops in this country are precluded, by the severity of
the climate during seven months in the year, from exercising
out of doors: it cannot, therefore, be expected that the 100th
regiment can, considering the little practice it has had in
the field, and after such a long interval, be very expert in
its manoeuvres; but as Lieut.-Colonel Murray possesses both
capacity and inclination, and as a good foundation is already
laid, the most rapid progress may be expected so soon as the
season enables him to commence his labours.
A large room has been allotted in the barracks to the purposes
of drilling with arms, from which the garrison has derived
essential benefit.
The clothing for the present year is all fitted, and appears
very good. Every man is provided with a great coat, agreeably
to His Majesty's regulations; but as the great coat is
necessarily worn on all occasions for six months in the year,
it cannot by the strictest economy be made to last the
specified time. Those of the 100th have been two years in
wear, and are so far expended, that they will become wholly
unserviceable before next winter. I know of no other
alternative but supplying others at the charge of the men,
which opinion I have given to Lieut.-Colonel Murray, who
applied to me on the subject.
The messes have been all along abundantly provided. Indeed,
the soldiers in this country live in a perfect state of luxury
unknown any where else.
The non-commissioned officers and privates acknowledge to have
received every thing which is their due in respect to pay and
clothing. One man claims a part of his bounty, which, he says,
has been withheld. A regimental court martial has already
decided against him, but the business shall again be
investigated by a garrison court martial.
Lieut.-Colonel Murray has reported to me, that there are
several men in his regiment who claim bounty, but as only one
complained at the inspection, the remainder must be satisfied
that he is doing his utmost to recover what is actually their
due.
The hospital is in as complete order as the house which has
been hired for that purpose can admit. Indeed, the troops in
garrison are much inconvenienced for want of permanent
hospitals. There were three cases of fever; the remainder of
the patients were chiefly attacked with a disease too
prevalent among young soldiers. Three men are unfit for
service, being frost-bitten.
The men are supplied with necessaries in conformity to his
majesty's regulations.
_Colonel Brock to the Adjutant-General of His Majesty's Forces._
QUEBEC, July 1, 1807.
I have the honor to transmit herewith the inspection return of
the 41st regiment for two distinct periods, viz. September 1,
1806, and March 1, 1807.
Some inaccuracies being found in the September return
previously received, it was sent back to Lieut.-Colonel
Proctor, at Fort George, for correction. This circumstance and
the distance of the place, account for the delay which has
occurred in complying, in the present instance, with the
commands of his royal highness the commander-in-chief.
The very great distance of the quarters the 41st now occupy,
has prevented my making personally the periodical inspection
of that regiment required by my instructions. But its
dispersed state and the many evils by which it is surrounded
will, however great the zeal and intelligence of
Lieut.-Colonel Proctor and the other officers, so far affect
the discipline and morals of the men, as to justify my saying
that both the one and the other must, without the possibility
of a remedy, progressively suffer in proportion as the
regiment remains stationed in the Upper Province. The 41st
regiment, having a considerable number of old soldiers, is
better calculated for that service than either the 49th or
100th regiments, and no change is therefore meditated.
Not being possessed with the means of making a more
circumstantial report of the state of the 41st regiment, I
have only to add, in justice to the officers commanding posts,
that they evince in their communications with head quarters
much attention and sound judgment.
Contemplating the probable arrival of a general officer by the
fleet daily expected from England, I have so far presumed to
deviate from my instructions as to postpone making the
periodical inspection of the regiments quartered in this
garrison, conceiving that his royal highness the
commander-in-chief would esteem a report coming from such a
high source more satisfactory, than if I were to undertake the
task in my present situation, which may naturally be supposed,
in some degree, to bias my judgment.
* * * * *
On the 17th July, 1807, in consequence of an expected rupture between
England and the United States, Colonel Brock addressed a letter to Mr.
President Dunn, in which he said that the number of militia armed and
instructed in the province did not exceed 300, while he thought that as
many thousands could easily, and with perfect safety, be formed into
corps; and that Quebec, the only military post in the country, was not
in a condition to make much defence against an active enemy, as the
walls on the western side were old and decayed, and could not possibly
sustain a continued heavy fire. He added, that he wished to throw up
such works as would remedy this glaring defect; but as the garrison was
totally inadequate to such an undertaking, he required from 600 to 1,000
men every day for six weeks or two months, besides a vast number of
carts, &c., to complete the necessary defences of the citadel. This
letter being submitted to the council, that body replied, that the only
means by which assistance could be given by the civil government to the
military, in the manner proposed by Colonel Brock, would be by embodying
a proportion of the militia according to law, the men for which service
must be taken from different parts of the province. And that as this
measure had only once before been resorted to in the province, on which
occasion a decided disobedience was generally manifested, and was again
to be anticipated, the council inquired of Colonel Brock whether he had
the means, and would furnish them, to enforce the attendance of the
militia, who, when embodied, were entitled to the same pay and
allowances as the king's troops. The council further informed Colonel
Brock that it would meet again the next day, for the purpose of taking
into consideration any representation, in writing, which he might think
proper to make in answer to their communication, and that, if convenient
to him, they requested his personal attendance. His reply was as
follows:
QUEBEC, 23d July, 1807.
Colonel Brock has perused with attention the proceedings of
his honor the president in council, communicated to him by Mr.
Ryland, and begs leave to observe, that in addressing his
honor on the 17th instant, it was far from his intention to
assume a political character.
His sole object was to state the assistance required by the
military to remedy a glaring defect in the fortifications of
Quebec, should his honor conceive that preparatory measures
were necessary to be adopted in consequence of the event which
recently occurred between his majesty's ship Leopard and the
American frigate Chesapeake, but more particularly the
subsequent aggressive provisions contained in the proclamation
of the American government.
In thus complying with the dictates of his duty, Colonel Brock
was not prepared to hear that the population of the province,
instead of affording him ready and effectual support, might
probably add to the number of his enemies; and he feels much
disappointment in being informed by the first authority, that
the only law in any degree calculated to answer the end
proposed was likely, if attempted to be enforced, to meet with
such general opposition as to require the aid of the military
to give it even a momentary impulse.
Colonel Brock is therefore obliged to observe, that the
officer commanding certainly would not choose the time when
the troops may every instant be called upon for the defence of
Quebec, to disperse them over the country in aid of the civil
government, coercively collecting a body of men, which, under
such circumstances, would be of more detriment than service to
the regular army. Colonel Brock cannot, therefore, look for
any assistance from that quarter, but, should an emergency
arise, he is confident that voluntary offers of service will
be made by a considerable number of brave and loyal subjects,
and feels himself justified in saying, that even now several
gentlemen are ready to come forward and enroll into companies
men on whose fidelity they can safely rely.
It remains with his honor to determine the degree of
countenance which ought to be given to such sentiments.
Colonel Brock will be at all times proud to attend
deliberations of his honor in council.
_Colonel Brock to Lord Viscount Castlereagh._
QUEBEC, July 25, 1807.
I think it my duty to transmit for your lordship's information
a copy of the communication that has passed between his honor
the president and me, relative to the military situation of
this country.
Your Lordship will perceive from the minutes of the council,
how very inadequate the militia law is to afford assistance to
the regular force, and the degree of dependance that may be
placed on the population of this province.
My own observations, however, enable me to assure your
Lordship, that a respectable force might be trained and
rendered exceedingly useful on any exigency, were the least
encouragement given to the spirit which at present pervades a
certain class to volunteer their services.
To such characters arms might be safely entrusted, but I
certainly would consider an indiscriminate distribution to the
militia, were it possible to collect it, as highly imprudent
and dangerous.
What I stated to his honor the president respecting the
weakness of the works along the whole of the west front of
this garrison, is consonant to the opinion transmitted by the
officers of engineers and artillery, in their half-yearly
periodical report, to the master-general of the ordnance.
To a question from the president, viz. "Should the council
conceive it necessary to call out the militia, whether I
thought myself warranted to issue pay and provisions to them?"
I answered, Certainly not: that in all British Colonies, of
which I had any knowledge, they on all such occasions defrayed
their own expenses.
The consideration that there is about L30,000 in the civil
chest, which cannot be applied to its object until next
spring, and the ease with which the error I may have fallen
into might be remedied, induced me to be so positive upon a
subject, regarding which I am without instructions.
_Colonel Brock to Lieut.-Colonel J.W. Gordon._
QUEBEC, Sept. 6, 1807.
It is impossible to view the late hostile measures of the
American government towards England, without considering a
rupture between the two countries as probable to happen.
I have in consequence been anxious that such precautionary
measures might be taken as the case seemed to justify; but his
honor the president has not judged it proper to adopt any
other step, than merely to order one-fifth of the militia,
which amounts to about 10,000 men, to hold itself in readiness
to march on the shortest notice.
The men thus selected for service being scattered along an
extensive line of four or five hundred miles, unarmed and
totally unacquainted with every thing military, without
officers capable of giving them instruction, considerable time
would naturally be required before the necessary degree of
order and discipline could be introduced among them. I
therefore very much doubt whether, in the event of actual war,
this force could assemble in time, and become useful.
Without considerable assistance from the militia, the few
regulars which might be spared from this garrison could avail
nothing against the force the Americans would suddenly
introduce by various roads into this province.
The Canadians have unquestionably shewn a great willingness
upon this occasion to be trained, and, I make not the least
doubt, would oppose with vigour any invasion of the
Americans--but how far the same sentiments would actuate them
were a French force to join, I will not undertake to say; at
any rate, I feel that every consideration of prudence and
policy ought to determine me to keep in Quebec a sufficient
force to secure its safety; the number of troops that could
therefore be safely detached would be small, notwithstanding a
great deal might be done, in conjunction with the militia, in
a country intersected in every direction by rivers, deep
ravines, and lined, at intervals on both sides the road, by
thick woods.
From every information I can receive, the Americans are busily
employed in drilling and forming their militia, and openly
declare their intention of entering this province the instant
war is determined upon; they will be encouraged to adopt this
step from the very defenceless state of our frontiers; the
means at my disposal are too limited to oppose them with
effect in the open field, and I shall be constrained, unless
his honor the president make exertions, which I do not think
him at this moment disposed to do, to confine myself to the
defence of Quebec.
I have hastened the completion of the works which enclose the
upper town of Quebec, and I have thought myself justified in
causing a battery of eight 36-pounders to be raised sixteen
feet upon the cavalier in the centre of the citadel, which
will effectually command the opposite heights.
Although these remarks may be premature, I yet conceive it my
duty to give his royal highness the commander-in-chief a view
of my real situation.
I must freely confess that I am unable to account for the
motives which seem at present to guide the councils of this
province. Voluntary offers of service have been made by
numbers, on whose loyalty the utmost reliance can be placed,
to form themselves into corps of cavalry, artillery, and
infantry, at little or no expense to government, provided they
were furnished with arms; but this liberal spirit has not been
encouraged by the president.
I have the honor to report, that at a recent interview I had
at Montreal with Lieut.-Governor Gore, it was judged expedient
that his excellency should assume the command in the upper
province. I regretted exceedingly that I could not, with
propriety, detach troops in support of the spirited exertions
whioh will be immediately made to place that country in a
respectable state of defence. He has been supplied with four
thousand muskets from the king's arsenal at Quebec, and with
various military stores of which he stood in need: this leaves
in my possession only seven thousand muskets for the use of
the militia of this province, and to supply, as far as they
will go, every other emergency.
_Sir James Craig to Colonel Brock_.
H.M.S. Horatio, Oct. 16, 1807.
His majesty having been pleased to appoint me to the chief
government of the British provinces in America, as well as to
the command of his forces in these parts, I do myself the
pleasure to announce to you my arrival in the river, to take
these charges upon me.
Lieut.-Colonel Baynes, the adjutant-general, and Major
Thornton, my secretary and first aide-decamp, will deliver you
this, and will inform you of the very miserable state of my
health, which obliges me to write to Mr. Dunn, to entreat that
he will permit my landing to be as private as possible. Of you
I must make the same request. A salute may be proper, but I
beg nothing more may be done: my object must be to get to the
chateau as speedily and with as little fatigue as possible.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 18: Owing to the difficulty, after the lapse of above forty
years, of obtaining the particulars of this event from any officer
present, the preceding account may be slightly inaccurate
notwithstanding our diligent inquiries, but we doubt not that it is
substantially correct.]
[Footnote 19: The 10th Royal Veteran Battalion arrived in Canada the
year following.]
[Footnote 20: Afterwards Major-General Barnard Foord Bowes, slain on the
27th June, 1812, while leading the troops to the assault of the forts of
Salamanca. Monuments in St. Paul's, to the memory of Major-General Bowes
and of Sir Isaac Brock, were voted in the House of Commons on the same
day, 20th July, 1813.]
[Footnote 21: On the passage of the 100th to Quebec, in 1805, one of the
transports was wrecked on the 21st October, on the coast of
Newfoundland; and Major Bertram, three captains, six lieutenants, the
assistant-surgeon, and about 260 men of the regiment, miserably
perished.]
CHAPTER III.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
MONTREAL, July 20, 1808.
I have written to all of you since the navigation opened, and
the only letters I have received from any of the family for
several months came from Irving, who, to do him justice, is
infinitely the most attentive and regular correspondent among
you.
My appointment to be brigadier I first announced by the March
mail. Those who feel an interest in my prosperity will rejoice
in my good fortune, as this distinguished mark of favor
affords undeniable proof that my conduct, during the period of
my command, was approved;--a great gratification, considering
the many difficulties I had to encounter. I once thought I
should be ordered to the upper province, but General Ferguson
being among the newly appointed major-generals, will not now
probably visit this country. In that case, I stand a very good
chance of succeeding him, both in rank and in the command of
Quebec, where it was intended he should be stationed.
What will be the result of our present unsettled relations
with the neighbouring republic, it is very difficult to say.
The government is composed of such unprincipled men, that to
calculate on it by the ordinary rules of action would be
perfectly absurd. We have completely outwitted Jefferson in
all his schemes to provoke us to war. He had no other view in
issuing his restrictive proclamation; but, failing in that, he
tried what the embargo would produce, and there he has been
foiled again. Certainly, our administration is deserving of
every praise for their policy on these occasions. Jefferson
and his party, however strong the inclination, dare not
declare war, and therefore they endeavour to attain their
object by every provocation. A few weeks since, the garrison
of Niagara fired upon seven merchant boats passing the fort,
and actually captured them. Considering the circumstances
attending this hostile act, it is but too evident it was
intended to provoke retaliation: these boats fired upon and
taken within musket shot of our own fort; their balls falling
on our shore, was expected to have raised the indignation of
the most phlegmatic; fortunately, the commandant was not in
the way, as otherwise it is difficult to say what would have
happened. A representation of this affair has been made at
Washington, and, for an act certainly opposed to existing
treaties, we have been referred for justice to the ordinary
course of the law! If our subjects cannot command impunity
from capture under the guns of our own forts, it were better
to demolish them at once rather than witness and suffer such
indignity. By the treaties which have expired, the navigation
of the waters that divide the two countries is regulated and
stipulated to be still in force, although every other part
should cease to be obligatory.
I get on here pretty well, but this place loses at this season
the undoubted advantage it possesses over Quebec in winter.
Great additions are making to the fortifications at Quebec,
and, when completed, the Americans will, if I mistake not,
think it prudent not to trouble the place, for they can have
no chance of making any impression upon it during the short
period which the severity of the climate only permits an enemy
to lay before it. I erected, as I believe I told you before, a
famous battery, which the public voice named after me; but Sir
James, thinking very properly that any thing so very
pre-eminent should be distinguished by the most exalted
appellation, has called it the King's Battery, the greatest
compliment, I conceive, that he could pay to my judgment.[22]
Not a desertion has been attempted by any of the 49th for the
last ten months, with the exception indeed of Hogan, Savery's
former servant. He served Glegg in the same capacity, who took
him with him to the Falls of Niagara, where a fair damsel
persuaded him to this act of madness, for the fellow cannot
possibly gain his bread by labour, as he has half killed
himself with excessive drinking; and we know he cannot live
upon love alone. The weather has been exceedingly hot the last
week, the thermometer fluctuating from 94 degrees to 100
degrees in the shade. The embargo has proved a famous harvest
to some merchants here. It is certainly the most ridiculous
measure imaginable, and was evidently adopted with the view of
pleasing France; but no half measure can satisfy Napoleon, and
this colony has been raised by it to a degree of importance
that ensures its future prosperity.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
QUEBEC, September 5, 1808.
I have been here but a few days, having been superseded at
Montreal by Major-General Drummond. I do not approve much of
the change, as being separated from the 49th is a great
annoyance to me. But soldiers must accustom themselves to
frequent movements; and as they have no choice, it often
happens that they are placed in situations little agreeing
with their inclinations. My nominal appointment has been
confirmed at home, so that I am really a brigadier. Were the
49th ordered hence, the rank would not be a sufficient
inducement to keep me in this country. In such a case, I would
throw it up willingly.
Curious scenes appear to have occurred in the Baltic. I fear
very much that Sir James (Saumarez) may be induced to return
to his retirement in Guernsey. Indeed, the navy has little
left to do, while the army has now a glorious opportunity of
distinguishing itself as much as the sister service. Valour
the British troops always possessed, but unless they evince
discipline, their fame will be blasted for a century to come.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
QUEBEC, November 19, 1808.
Yesterday Irving's letter of the 19th September reached me.
How very thankful I feel for his attention. But I have not
received that which he mentions Savery had written on the same
day, giving an account of his proceedings in Spain and
Portugal. This is a truly mortifying disappointment, as it is
impossible to discover by the public prints the mystery by
which the conduct of our officers has been influenced. The
precaution which Irving took to transcribe a part of the
letter, has proved very lucky. Notwithstanding, I look for the
original with unusual impatience, as Savery's opinion must be
formed upon what he saw in full practice in the best
disciplined army that ever, I imagine, left England. His
observations are never thrown away.
I am still confined to my room, more indeed on account of the
badness of the weather than any want of progress in my
recovery. We have had very hard gales from the East. The
Iphigenia frigate, with her convoy, could not have cleared the
land, and the greatest apprehension is entertained for her
safety. Her commander, Captain Lambert, is a friend of George
Brock. I find him an exceedingly good fellow; and I have
reason to think that he left us well satisfied with the
attention he received from me.[23]
Sir James Craig has certain intimation of the appointment of
Colonel Baron de Rottenburg, of the 60th, to be a brigadier in
this country, and he is daily looked for. This most probably
will make a change in my situation, as one must go to the
upper province, and, as he is senior, he will doubtless have
the choice. My object is to get home as soon as I can obtain
permission; but unless our affairs with America be amicably
adjusted, of which I see no probability, I scarcely can expect
to be permitted to move. I rejoice Savery has begun to exert
himself to get me appointed to a more active situation. I must
see service, or I may as well, and indeed much better, quit
the army at once, for no one advantage can I reasonably look
to hereafter if I remain buried in this inactive, remote
corner, without the least mention being made of me. Should Sir
James Saumarez return from the Baltic crowned with success, he
could, I should think, say a good word for me to some purpose.
Vincent[24] is doing extremely well. I however dread the
severity of a winter upon his shattered frame. I must
contrive to meet and dissipate the dull hours with my good
friends of the 49th. I have prevailed upon Sir James to
appoint Sergeant Robinson, master of the band, to a situation
in the commissariat at Sorel, worth 3s. 6d. a day, with
subaltern's lodging money and other allowances. He married a
Jersey lass, whose relatives may inquire for him.
* * * * *
It will be seen by the next letter and a few others which follow, that
Sir Isaac Brock was well aware of the existence among the French
Canadians of a spirit of disaffection, which, in 1837, broke out into
open rebellion, the suppression of which earned Sir John Colborne (the
present Lord Seaton) his peerage. The outbreak caused great loss of
life, and considerable expense arising not only from the hurried
dispatch to Quebec of a large body of troops from Nova Scotia and
England, but from the retention in the Canadas of about 10,000 men for a
few years, to overawe the disaffected, and to repress the piratical
incursions of the citizens of the United States in their favor.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother William_.
QUEBEC, December 31, 1809.
You will long since have been convinced that the American
government is determined to involve the two countries in a
war; they have already given us legitimate cause, but, if
wise, we will studiously avoid doing that for which they shew
so great an anxiety. Their finances, you will perceive, are
very low, and they dare not propose direct taxes. They must
have recourse to loans at a time when they have only six
frigates in commission, and about five thousand men embodied.
To what a state of poverty and wretchedness would the
accumulated expenses of war reduce them! But they look to the
success of their privateers for a supply, and contemplate the
sweeping away of all foreign debts as the means of reducing
the calls upon their treasury. Whatever steps England may
adopt, I think she cannot, in prudence, avoid sending a strong
military force to these provinces, as they are now become of
infinite importance to her. You can scarcely conceive the
quantity of timber and spars of all kinds which are lying on
the beach, ready for shipment to England in the spring: four
hundred vessels would not be sufficient to take all away.
Whence can England be supplied with these essential articles
but from the Canadas? Bonaparte, it is known, has expressed a
strong desire to be in possession of the colonies formerly
belonging to France, and now that they are become so valuable
to England, his anxiety to wrest them from us will naturally
increase. A small French force, 4 or 5,000 men, with plenty of
muskets, would most assuredly conquer this province. The
Canadians would join them almost to a man--at least, the
exceptions would be so few as to be of little avail. It may
appear surprising that men, petted as they have been and
indulged in every thing they could desire, should wish for a
change. But so it is--and I am apt to think that were
Englishmen placed in the same situation, they would shew even
more impatience to escape from French rule. How essentially
different are the feelings of the people from when I first
knew them. The idea prevails generally among them, that
Napoleon must succeed, and ultimately get possession of these
provinces. The bold and violent are becoming every day more
audacious; and the timid, with that impression, think it
better and more prudent to withdraw altogether from the
society of the English, rather than run the chance of being
accused hereafter of partiality to them. The consequence is,
that little or no intercourse exists between the two races.
More troops will be required in this country, were it only to
keep down this growing turbulent spirit. The governor will, it
is foreseen, have a difficult card to play next month with the
assembly, which is really getting too daring and arrogant.
Every victory which Napoleon has gained for the last nine
years, has made the disposition here to resist more manifest.
_Brigadier Brock to his sister-in-law, Mrs. W. Brock_.
QUEBEC, June 8, 1810.
It was my decided intention to ask for leave to go to England
this fall, but I have now relinquished the thought. Several
untoward circumstances combine to oppose my wishes. The spirit
of insubordination lately manifested by the French Canadian
population of this colony, naturally called for precautionary
measures, and our worthy chief is induced, in consequence, to
retain in this country those on whom he can best confide. I am
highly flattered in being reckoned among the number, whatever
inward disappointment I may feel. Some unpleasant events have
likewise happened in the upper country, which have occasioned
my receiving intimation to proceed thither, whether as a
permanent station, or merely as a temporary visit, Sir James
Craig has not determined. Should, however, a senior brigadier
to myself come out in the course of the summer, I shall
certainly be fixed in the upper province, and there is every
probability of such an addition very soon. Since all my
efforts to get more actively employed have failed; since fate
decrees that the best portion of my life is to be wasted in
inaction in the Canadas, I am rather pleased with the prospect
of removing upwards.
There is a lady living at Barnet for whom I feel much
interested. If you should by chance drive that way, and do not
object to form a new acquaintance, I wish you to call upon
her. She is the wife of Captain Manners, of the 49th, and the
daughter of the celebrated Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia. She has
a most amiable disposition and genteel manners. Her sister,
Mrs. Ross Cuthbert, a charming little creature, makes her
husband--my most intimate friend, and with whom I pass a
great part of my leisure hours--a most happy man.
I received the other day a long and exceedingly well written
letter from Henrietta Tupper--she is really a charming
girl. What Maria[25] (Potenger) do you begin to slacken in
your attention to your poor devoted uncle?
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving_.
QUEBEC, July 9, 1810.
I have a thousand thanks to offer you for the very great
attention you have shewn in executing my commissions: the
different articles arrived in the very best order, with the
exception of the cocked hat, which has not been received--a
most distressing circumstance, as, from the enormity of my
head[26], I find the utmost difficulty in getting a substitute
in this country.
I proposed writing to you early to-morrow, but Sir James
having this instant intimated his intention of sending me
upwards immediately, I avail myself of an hour's leisure to do
that hastily which I would gladly have done quietly, and,
consequently, more fully. If I am to remain in this country, I
care little where I am placed; but going up, as I do now,
without knowing whether I am to stay or return, is
particularly awkward, and interferes materially in all my
future arrangements: perhaps I shall be able to get the point
settled before I commence my journey.
Every thing here remains in a state of perfect quietness. It
is but too evident that the Canadians generally are becoming
daily more anxious to get rid of the English. This they cannot
effect unless a French force come to their aid, and I do not
think that Bonaparte would risk the loss of a fleet and army
for the chance of getting possession of the country. What
infatuation! No people had ever more cause to rejoice at their
fate; but they are not singular, as all mankind seems prone to
change, however disadvantageous or productive of confusion.
Savery forwarded your pamphlet to me. You have taken a very
proper view of the political dissensions which at this moment
disgrace England. Those to whom I have allowed a perusal, and
who are infinitely better judges than I can pretend to be,
speak of the purity of the language in terms of high
approbation. You have happily suited the style to the matter.
Several copies have, within a few days, been in circulation
here. Savery speaks of a letter you received, in consequence,
from Lord Melville. I hope you will not fail in sending me a
copy, as I am all anxiety for your literary fame. As you
differ in sentiment from the Edinburgh Review, I hope that you
have made up your mind to an unmerciful lashing.
I do not see the smallest prospect of my getting away from
here, as the disposition manifested by the Canadians will
occasion a large military force to be kept in the country, and
it will serve as a plea to retain all at their posts. I wish
that I could boast of a little more patience than I feel I now
possess.
The fortifications of Quebec are improving pretty rapidly, but
workmen cannot be procured in sufficient number to proceed as
fast as government would wish. Labourers now get 7s. 6d. a
day, and artificers from 12s. to 15s. Upwards of three hundred
vessels have already arrived--a prodigious number.
_Brigadier Brock to his sister-in-law, Mrs. William Brock._
QUEBEC, July 10, 1810.
I cannot allow the frigate to depart without sending my
affectionate love to you. A Guernsey vessel arrived a few days
ago, which brought me a letter from Savery of 10th May, and
nothing could be more gratifying than the contents. The May
fleet, which sailed from Portsmouth the 24th, reached this in
thirty days, but as it had not a scrape of a pen for me, its
arrival did not interest me. We have been uncommonly gay the
last fortnight: two frigates at anchor, and the arrival of
Governor Gore from the upper province, have given a zest to
society. Races, country and water parties, have occupied our
time in a continued round of festivity. Such stimulus is
highly necessary to keep our spirits afloat. I contributed my
share to the general mirth in a grand dinner given to Mrs.
Gore, at which Sir J. Craig was present, and a ball to a vast
assemblage of all descriptions.
I mentioned in a former letter my apprehensions of being
ordered to the upper province. I return this moment from
waiting upon Sir James, who sent for me, to say he regretted
he must part with me, as he found it absolutely necessary that
I should proceed upwards without delay. I am placed in a very
awkward predicament, as my stay in that country depends wholly
upon contingencies. Should a brigadier arrive I am to be
stationary, but otherwise return to Quebec. Nothing could be
more provoking and inconvenient than this arrangement. Unless
I take up every thing with me, I shall be miserably off, for
nothing beyond eatables is to be had there; and in case I
provide the requisites to make my abode in the winter in any
way comfortable, and then be ordered back, the expense will be
ruinous. But I must submit to all this without repining, and
since I cannot get to Europe, I care little where I am placed.
I have the most delightful garden imaginable, with abundance
of melons and other good things, all which I must now desert.
What am I to tell you from this out-of-the-way place. Your old
friends of the 49th are well, but scattered in small
detachments all over the country. They are justly great
favorites at head quarters. I mentioned in a former letter my
wish that, provided you could make it perfectly convenient,
you would call upon Mrs. Manners, the wife of a captain of
the 49th. I am satisfied that you would, after a short
acquaintance, approve of her much--she is all goodness. By the
last accounts they resided at Barnet.
I have no doubt that Maria and Zelia (Potenger, his nieces)
continue to conduct themselves in such a manner as to reward
you amply for the unbounded kindness you have all along shewn
them. If I am able in the fall to procure handsome skins for
muffs worth their acceptance, I shall send some to the dear
little girls: they ought, however, to write to me. There are
few here brought up with the advantages they have received;
indeed, the means for education are very limited for both
sexes in this colony. Heaven preserve you. I shall probably
begin my journey upwards in the course of a few days.
* * * * *
Brigadier Brock accordingly proceeded to the Upper Province, Baron de
Rottenburg having replaced him at Quebec, and, with the exception of a
few months in 1811, during which he visited Lower Canada, he continued
in command of the troops there till his death, Lieut.-Governor Gore at
first administering the civil government.
_Colonel Baynes, the Adjutant-General, to Brigadier Brock, at Fort
George._
QUEBEC, September 6, 1810.
The Brigadier-General (Baron de Rottenburg) is Sir James'
(Craig) senior in age by a year, but is still strong and
active, and looks much younger. I am well pleased with the
little I have seen of him, which by the bye is very little,
for I only returned yesterday from Sorel. Mrs. de
Rottenburg[27] has made a complete conquest of all hearts. She
is in reality remarkably handsome, both in face and figure,
and her manners uncommonly pleasing, graceful, and affable.
There is, I fancy, a very great disparity of years. They both
speak English very fluently, and with very little foreign
accent. Sir James (Craig) is remarkably well: we celebrated
the anniversary of his sixtieth year yesterday at a very
pleasant party at Powell Place. Our general court martial is
over, and will be published in orders to-morrow. A soldier,
who was under sentence of death for desertion from the 101st
regiment, and transferred to the 8th, and a Jonathan of the
Canadians, who is considered a ringleader, are sentenced to be
shot; the others, a dozen in number, are to be transported to
serve for life in the African corps.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers._
FORT GEORGE, Sept. 13, 1810.
My good and dear friends,--I have been of late so much upon
the move, that I had no thought of writing to you, and no
letters of yours put me in mind that I should do so. Here I am
stationed for some time, unless I succeed in the application I
mean to make shortly for permission to visit England. At
present Vincent, Glegg, and Williams, 49th, enliven this
lonesome place. They are here as members of a general court
martial, and are soon to depart, when I shall be left to my
own reflections. Should I be so lucky as to obtain leave, I
shall not commence my journey to New York until after
Christmas. Baron de Rottenburg, a senior brigadier, has
arrived at Quebec, where he remains. His presence
unquestionably diminishes my prospects in this country, and I
should stand evidently in my own light if I did not court
fortune elsewhere.
I have been as far as Detroit, a delightful country, far
exceeding any thing I had seen on this continent.
I have not had a letter from Europe since May, and wish you to
write to me by way of New York. I avail myself of an
unexpected passenger to scribble this in the presence of many
of the court, who tell me it is time to resume our labours;
therefore, my beloved brothers, adieu. I shall write again in
a few days, via New York.
_Colonel Baynes to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George._
QUEBEC, October 4, 1810.
By yesterday's post, I was favored with your letter of the 23d
ultimo. I regret that so much trouble should have been
occasioned to so little purpose, the more so as I apprehend an
example to be much called for in the 100th regiment. Murray
seems sanguine that the regiment will go on better under his
rule, and that he knows the men better. I hope his conjecture
may prove well founded, but I fear they are too wild a set to
thrive in Upper Canada.
As I felt at a loss how to introduce the subject of your
personal views and wishes, I gave Sir James your letter to
read; it did not, however, draw from him any remark on those
topics. I know that he is very strongly impressed with the
necessity of having a person like yourself for some time in
the Upper Province, that a scrutinizing eye may correct the
errors and neglect that have crept in, and put all in order
again; and, _in confidence between ourselves_, I do not think
he would be more ready to part with you from that station, in
consequence of the arrival of Colonel Murray, who is not at
all to his taste, and has managed, by a most indiscreet and
indecent conversation at his table, to blot himself out of his
good opinion. The conversation was on the subject of Cobbett,
and the colonel's the only dissenting voice, which he exerted
with the more energy in proportion to the badness of his
cause, and after defending him in a style and language highly
indecorous, and reprehensible to be held at the table of the
governor, he so completely forgot himself as to repeat and
justify the very offensive and illiberal publications of
Cobbett respecting the German troops and foreign officers,
although sitting directly opposite to General de Rottenburg.
Sir James, who was suffering extremely from the commencement
of a very severe attack of illness, could contain himself no
longer, and silenced Murray by a very severe but highly just
rebuke. Rottenburg appeared much hurt, and said to me that he
was very sorry to find that any officer, entrusted with the
honor of commanding a corps, could take a pleasure in exposing
such sentiments as he had heard from Colonel M. Colonel Kempt,
who naturally feels much interested for his young cousin,
(Mrs. Murray,) and who really deserves and merits it for her
own sake, was much mortified and vexed at Murray's
impropriety.[28]
The charms of Mrs. de Rottenburg have not effaced you from the
recollection of your friends, who very sincerely regret your
absence.
_Lieut.-Colonel Thornton[29] (Military Secretary and first Aide-de-Camp)
to Brigadier Brock_.
QUEBEC, October 4, 1810.
I was yesterday favored with your letter of the 23d ultimo,
and have not failed to communicate to Sir James your account
and your charity towards the poor old fellow, formerly of the
king's.[30] He has in consequence directed the allowance of
the ration to be authorized and continued to him, for which
purpose I must request his Christian name and the date of the
first issue, but I am to remind you of the danger of
establishing a precedent of this nature, and to request in the
general's name that you will refrain as much as possible from
indulging the natural benevolence of your disposition in this
way, as he has hitherto resisted all applications of this
sort.
Your successor, as commandant of Quebec, is certainly much to
be esteemed--a good kind of man, and devoted to his
profession--but it is vanity in the extreme to attempt to
describe the general admiration and estimation of his _cara et
dolce sposa_: she is young, (twenty-three,) fair,
beautiful,--lively, discreet, witty, affable,--in short, so
engaging, or rather so fascinating, that neither the courier
nor my paper will admit of my doing her justice; however, from
what I have said it is necessary further to add and explain,
that this is not my opinion alone but that of the public.
Two hundred volunteers for Colonel Zouch, from other veteran
battalions, have just arrived and landed: the regiment is to
be completed in this manner to one thousand.
_Colonel Baynes to Brigadier Brock._
QUEBEC, October 11, 1810.
Sir James has conversed with me fully on the subject of your
wish for leave, and prefaced it by declaring himself very
desirous on his part to forward your views as far as he could
do so with propriety, but that he had written in such strong
terms, urging the necessity of a third general officer being
kept constantly on the staff of the Canadas, and assigned as a
principal reason the advantage of an officer of that rank
being stationed in the Upper Province, that he does not
conceive himself at liberty to overset an arrangement which he
has been two years soliciting the means to carry into effect,
and the absolute necessity of which he is highly impressed
with. In reply to an observation of mine, that you regretted
the inactive prospect before you, and looked with envy on
those employed in Spain and Portugal, he said: "I make no
doubt of it, but I can in no shape aid his plans in that
respect; I would not, however, be the means of preventing
them, and although from his local knowledge I should regret
losing him in this country, yet I would not oppose it if he
could obtain an appointment to the staff on service; but in
that case I would ask for another general officer being seat
in his place immediately to Upper Canada." I tell you this, my
dear general, without reserve, and give you, as far as I can
recollect, Sir James' words. If he liked you less, he might
perhaps be more readily induced to let you go; as matters
stand, I do not think he will, although I am convinced that he
will feel very sincere regret in refusing you on a subject
upon which you appear to be so anxious.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 22: In some book of Travels in Canada, Duncan's we think, it
is stated that the highest battery in Quebec is called Brock's Battery:
we know not whether it is that erected by Sir Isaac Brock.]
[Footnote 23: "The young and gallant" Captain Henry Lambert, mentioned
above, was mortally wounded in December, 1812, in command of H.M.S.
Java, when she was captured by the American frigate Constitution, of
greatly superior force.]
[Footnote 24: The present General Vincent, colonel of the 69th foot. He
was then major of the 49th.]
[Footnote 25: His niece.]
[Footnote 26: It has been remarked, that men with very small heads are
seldom clever, and certainly the Brocks of this family had large but
well shaped heads, with full foreheads.]
[Footnote 27: The mother of Lady William Paget.]
[Footnote 28: Whatever may have been Colonel Murray's indiscretion on
this occasion, he proved himself one of the most gallant and
enterprising officers in Canada during the war, and particularly
distinguished himself in the assault and capture of Fort Niagara, in
December, 1813, where he was severely wounded. If Colonel Murray admired
Cobbett's writings he was not singular, as he was perhaps the most
forcible political writer in the English language.]
[Footnote 29: Afterwards Lieut.-General Sir William Thornton, K.C.B.,
&c.]
[Footnote 30: Sir Isaac Brock was several years in the 8th regiment, but
this old man had probably served with his brother, Lieut.-Colonel John
Brock, who was many years in the 8th, in Upper Canada.]
CHAPTER IV.
_Brigadier Brock to Lieut.-Governor Gore_.
FORT GEORGE, Jan. 6, 1811.
Having lately received a letter from Colonel Vesey, in which
he urges me to ascertain whether it be possible to secure to
his family some benefit from the grant of five thousand acres
he has so long unprofitably held, I am encouraged by the
disposition your excellency has uniformly evinced to serve
him, to renew my earnest request that your influence may be
now exerted in his behalf.
I am given to understand that there are extensive tracts of
excellent land at the disposal of the crown on Lake Erie, and
that a new township is undergoing a survey near the head of
Lake Ontario. Were it possible to ensure Colonel Vesey
eligible situations in those districts, he no longer would
hesitate in incurring the necessary expense.
Your excellency having signified your intention of visiting
England in the course of next summer, I am impelled to the
present application by the consideration that before your
return the land, which I have taken the liberty to point out,
may be disposed of, and Colonel Vesey thereby lose the fair
opportunity of acquiring property upon which he can
confidently place some value.
_Lieut.-Governor Gore to Brigadier Brock_.
YORK, January 21, 1811.
Your letter of the 6th instant should have been earlier
acknowledged, but that I was desirous to render my answer as
satisfactory as possible, and it was necessary to refer to the
offices, on the subject of the grant of land ordered for
Colonel Vesey.
I am very sorry now to be constrained to tell you, that it is
not in my power to comply with Colonel Vesey's wish in respect
of the location, without a special order from the king, as in
the case of Colonel Talbot.
The diagram by which the crown and clergy reserves are
recorded, cannot be dispensed with, so that it is now
impracticable to obtain in any township five thousand acres in
a block.
The townships lately surveyed are partial exceptions to the
general rule, for the express purpose of establishing roads
through the province, and the locations in that exception are
by an act of government expressly reserved for actual
settlers.
The utmost in my power to do for Colonel Vesey is to adopt the
latitude directed by his majesty in favor of General Arnold,
which is to permit his representative to locate his land in
any open township, and to pass the patent without his personal
attendance.
Exclusive of my very strong desire to serve Colonel Vesey, I
beg you will believe that I should have had a very particular
gratification in promoting the success of any measure for
which you are pleased to express an interest.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving._
NIAGARA, January 10, 1811.
I cannot sufficiently thank you for your constant attention to
me; you contribute largely to render my present sequestered
abode tolerable, and let me entreat you to continue the
practice you have lately adopted of sending me a letter every
fortnight. In addition to the last daily paper, send me
likewise the _Observer_, or any other weekly depository of
domestic news. You, who have passed all your days in the
bustle of London, can scarcely conceive the uninteresting and
insipid life I am doomed to lead in this retirement. My
situation obliges me to maintain some sort of establishment,
otherwise I should, from inclination, confine my intercourse
to a very limited circle. I have been for some days projecting
a jaunt into the interior of the States, and I may probably
visit New York before I return, but I shall weigh passing
events well, ere I hazard so long a journey. The heavy rains
which have fallen for the last ten days have delayed my
progress, as I did not choose to undertake the journey on
horseback. I by no means admire travelling alone in so
comfortless a manner, in which the gratification would not
repay the inconvenience.
I purpose directing my steps in the first instance to
Ballstown, a medicinal water of great celebrity, about twenty
miles north of Albany. I then expect to be joined by James
Brock, and probably by some others of the 49th. I shall wait
ten days, not only to give him full time to come up, but
likewise to try the efficacy of the waters, as I have an idea
that they will be serviceable to me. I feel at this moment
infinitely better, but am not quite the thing, without knowing
what ails me. A sound jolting and change of air will produce
wonders, and make me look once more upon a beefsteak with
appetite. At present I live very abstemiously, and scarcely
ever touch wine.
I mentioned in a former letter that the new arrangements
deprived me of the comfort of a companion. Expecting to obtain
leave to visit England, I thought it of little consequence,
but now that such an indulgence is denied me, I feel sadly the
want of a lively, communicative associate. I hardly ever stir
out, and, unless I have company at home, my evenings are
passed solus. I read much, but good books are scarce, and I
hate borrowing. I like to read a book quickly, and afterwards
revert to such passages as have made the deepest impression,
and which appear to me most important to remember--a practice
I cannot conveniently pursue unless the book be mine. Should
you find that I am likely to remain here, I wish you to send
me some choice authors in history, particularly ancient, with
maps, and the best translations of ancient works. I read in
my youth Pope's Translation of Homer, but till lately never
discovered its exquisite beauties. As I grow old, I acquire a
taste for study. I firmly believe that the same propensity was
always inherent in me, but, strange to tell, although many
were paid extravagantly, I never had the advantage of a master
to guide and encourage me. But it is now too late to repine. I
rejoice that my nephews are more fortunate.
The president's address is sufficiently hostile, and if I
thought that he would be supported to the extent of his
wishes, I should consider war to be inevitable. Congress will
hesitate before consenting to go the length he proposes. The
taking forcible possession of West Florida may provoke a war
sooner than any other act, but it is impossible to foresee how
such a step may be viewed by the Cortes. We are at this moment
in awful suspense--the king's illness, the proximity of the
armies under Massena and Wellington, and the measures our
government may deem proper to adopt to meet the hostile
proceedings of the Americans, afford serious matter for
contemplation.
I have seen "Thoughts on Political Fanaticism," in answer to
your admirable pamphlet. The author appears to me to proclaim
his servile attachment to Bonaparte, without in any degree
refuting your arguments. When you tell me that Peter Tupper is
a son of the jurat, and a member of the Junta of Valencia, you
by no means satisfy my curiosity. Is he equal to fill the
situation? Has he discretion, and is he distinguished by a
strong mind and undaunted courage, as these are qualities that
can alone be serviceable at such a crisis? I observed his name
some little time back in the public prints, without knowing
who he could be, and I suppose that he is my junior in age by
several years.[31]
_Colonel Kempt[32] (Quartermaster-General) to Brigadier Brock._
QUEBEC, January 17, 1811.
Baynes tells me that he has written to you repeatedly, and
most fully and confidentially, on the subject of your
application for leave. The letters, which I have received from
home, explicitly state that the last brevet was made so
extensive with the view of doing away with the appointment of
brigadier, so that no general officer under the rank of
major-general will be in future employed; independent of this
circumstance, you have no reason, believe me, to dread being
unemployed in any rank while you have a wish to serve,--this
opinion, my dear general, is not given rashly or upon slight
grounds,--before I came to this country I had, you must know,
several opportunities of hearing your name mentioned at head
quarters, both by General Calvert and Colonel Gordon, who
unquestionably spoke the sentiments of the then
commander-in-chief, and in such a way as to impress me with a
thorough conviction that few officers of your rank stood
higher in their estimation. In short, I have no manner of
doubt whatever that you will readily obtain employment upon
active service the moment that _you do get home_, and with
this view I recommend you to express, through Baynes, your
sense of his excellency's good intentions and wishes towards
you in respect to leave of absence, and your hopes that when
the circumstances of the country are such as will permit him
to grant six months' leave to a general officer, that this
indulgence will be extended in the first instance to you. I am
very happy to find that you are pleased with Mrs. Murray: I
have just received a long letter from her, giving me an
account of a splendid ball given by you to the _beau monde_ of
Niagara and its vicinity, and the manner in which she speaks
of your liberality and hospitality reminds me of the many
pleasant hours I have passed under your roof. _We have no such
parties now_, and the indisposition of Sir James having
prevented the usual public days at the castle, nothing more
stupid than Quebec now is can be imagined.
_Colonel Baylies to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George_.
QUEBEC, February 14, 1811.
From the sincere and lively interest which I am sure you feel
for our worthy chief, I am happy to announce to you that an
important change has taken place in his disease, from which
his medical attendants augur, with great confidence, most
essential and permanent relief. On Sunday last I received a
summons to attend immediately at the castle, where Kempt was
also called, and to our extreme astonishment he informed us
that he was then about to undergo the operation of tapping, as
he fully coincided with his medical attendants who advised it.
Sir James (Craig) proceeded with great calmness to give me
some instructions as his executor, in the event of any fatal
consequence following, which he did with a degree of
composure, and even cheerfulness, which only a mind like his
can assume. We were present, at his request, at the operation,
which appeared to me painfully tedious--but not an expression,
or even a look of impatience, escaped Sir James, whose manner
absolutely inspired spirits and fortitude to those around. At
the close he stood up for several minutes to let the water
drain from the higher parts of the body, and thirty-six pints,
weighing nearly as many pounds, were altogether drawn off.
Sir James lately received accounts of the 14th of November,
that his brother, General Peter Craig, was then so reduced
and weak from a long and severe illness, that no hopes were
entertained of him. You will conceive what a severe shock this
has been, the more so as Sir James never harboured a doubt
that his elder brother, from his apparently stronger
constitution, would have long survived him. Their mutual ties
of relationship were in a manner concentrated in each other,
for Sir James will have none left but of a very distant
degree.
I am happy to find by a long letter from Mrs. Murray to
Colonel Kempt, that you have found the means of enlivening the
solitary scene that has so long prevailed at Fort George. I
assure you that we miss you much here, and that the
fascinating Mrs. de Rottenburg, with all her charms, has not
effaced the very universal regret which your loss occasions in
Quebec.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving_.
NIAGARA, February 19, 1811.
Nothing can be more considerate, nothing more friendly, than
your constancy in writing to me. Your last letter is dated the
26th November. What can I say from this remote corner in
return for the pleasure I experience at the receipt of your
letters? I have already described my sombre kind of life, but
I am sure you will rejoice to hear that my present quiet has
been productive of the essential good of restoring my health.
I now consider myself quite re-established; therefore, my good
Irving, dispel all your alarms on my account. I once thought
of visiting Ballstown, but, as a trial of the springs there
was my chief motive, I gave up the journey the moment I found
there was no medical occasion to undertake it. I do not admire
the manners of the American people. I have met with some whose
society was every thing one could desire, and at Boston and
New York such characters are, I believe, numerous, but these
are the exceptions. Politics run very high at this moment, but
the French faction have evidently the preponderance, and they
style themselves republicans! Was ever any thing more absurd?
A dreadful crash is not far off--I hope your friends have
withheld their confidence in their public stocks. There have
been many failures at New York, and the merchants there are in
a state of great confusion and dismay.
I returned recently from York, the capital of this province,
where I passed ten days with the governor, (Gore,) as generous
and as honest a being as ever existed. His lady is perfectly
well bred and very agreeable. I found ample recompense in
their society for the inconvenience of travelling over the
worst roads I ever met with. The governor was formerly
quartered with the 44th in Guernsey, and recollects vividly
the society of those days.
I seldom hear from James Brock, who dislikes writing to such a
degree, that he hazards the loss of a friend rather than
submit to the trouble; and what is strange, when he sets
about it he expresses himself happily, and is highly
entertaining.
Sir James Craig has triumphed completely over the French
faction in the Lower Province. By their conduct they have
fully exemplified the character of their ancestors. The moment
they found they could not intimidate by threats, they became
as obsequious as they had been violent. The house of assembly
passed every bill required of them, among others one
authorizing the governor-general and three councillors to
imprison any one without assigning a cause. The state of the
country makes such a measure highly necessary. Sir James has
been very ill, and it is supposed that he cannot long survive
the fierce and frequent attacks of his disorder. His death,
whenever it comes, will be bewailed by all who possess the
feelings of Englishmen in this country. He appears determined
to keep me near his person, and I hardly know how to
accomplish my grand object of visiting England in opposition
to his wishes. You may well imagine the regret I feel in being
obliged to submit to a life of such complete idleness--but
fate will have it so.
We are all impatience and anxiety to learn the ultimate result
of the king's indisposition, and the movements of the
contending armies in Portugal. If we are to be governed by a
regent, I trust that ambition, jealousy, or party interests,
will not conspire to diminish or circumscribe his regal
powers. These are not times to slacken the reins.
Colonel Murray, 100th, went home last year, married, and
brought out a charming little creature, full of good sense and
spirit. They dined with me yesterday, and she appeared a
little dejected in consequence of an idle report of the
regiment being destined for the West Indies.
Care ought to be taken to get William Potenger introduced into
a quiet, well-behaved corps; the 49th would do very well, but
I am not partial to Canada for a young soldier; the regiment
has, however, been in it so long, that it cannot be continued
many years. Throw him into the sea rather than allow him to
join a wild Irish regiment.
This country is getting very populous and rich. Great
emigration from the States; Quakers especially come in
numbers, and bring with them large sums. Assure William of my
eternal esteem.
_Brigadier Brock to Sir James Craig, K. B_.
NIAGARA, February 27, 1811.
I have this day been honored by the receipt of your
excellency's letter, dated the 4th instant. The subject to
which it refers has occasioned serious reflection in my mind.
If unfortunately the Indians be determined to commit acts of
hostility in the spring, they are at too great a distance for
us to succeed in any effort we may be disposed to make to
avert so great a calamity. Therefore, the next consideration
is the posture we are to assume in case of such an event;
whether we are to remain in a state of strict neutrality,
which doubtless the Americans will call upon us to observe,
and thereby sacrifice our influence over the Indians; or,
unmindful of the consequences, continue to them the accustomed
supplies of food, arms, and ammunition.
I lament to think that the Indians retired from the council,
in which they declared their resolution of going to war, with
a full conviction that, although they could not look for
active co-operation on our part, yet they might rely with
confidence upon receiving from us every requisite of war.
Our cold attempt to dissuade that much-injured people from
engaging in such a rash enterprise could scarcely be expected
to prevail, particularly after giving such manifest
indications of a contrary sentiment by the liberal quantity of
military stores with which they were dismissed.
I shall not fail in reporting every circumstance that may come
to my knowledge relative to our connections with the Indians,
which I think your excellency may desire to be acquainted
with: I must look to officers commanding at the outposts for
such information, as the lieut.-governor withholds from me all
communications on the subject.
Mr. Elliott, who has the management of the Indian department
at Amherstburg, is an exceedingly good man, and highly
respected by the Indians; but, having in his youth lived a
great deal with them, he naturally has imbibed their feelings
and prejudices, and partaking in the wrongs they continually
suffer, this sympathy made him neglect the considerations of
prudence, which ought to have regulated his conduct. If he had
delayed the issue of presents until he reported their mission
to Lieut.-Governor Gore, they would have returned to their
companions, carrying with them the positive sentiments of
government.
_Brigadier Brock to Major Taylor, 100th Regiment, commanding at
Amherstburg_.
NIAGARA, March 4, 1811.
You omitted to report to me the important resolution which the
Indians formally announced last autumn in council to have been
adopted by the different nations, of going to war with the
Americans. Having however received advice of the circumstance
through other channels, I was enabled to communicate the
interesting fact to head quarters, and now transcribe, for
_your individual_ information and future guidance, extracts of
his excellency's _secret_ and _confidential_ answer, dated 4th
ultimo:
"Although the conduct of our intercourse with the Indians is
by his majesty's command vested in the civil government of the
province of Canada, and consequently the interference of
military officers, otherwise than by being present at such
councils as may be held as they are directed to be, would be
improper, I nevertheless desire that you will instruct the
officers in command at the different posts, particularly at
Amherstburg, to report confidentially to you what may pass at
those councils, as well as any other transactions in which the
Indians are concerned, and which may come to their knowledge;
these reports you will forward to me occasionally, as you may
think them of importance."
The conduct which the military are expected to pursue in their
intercourse with the Indian department is so explicitly stated
in the above, that I need not say a word more on the subject.
But I think it highly necessary to put you in possession of
the policy which Sir James Craig is very anxious may be
observed in the present uncertain state of our political
affairs.
"I am decidedly of opinion, that upon every principle of
policy our interest should lead us to use all our endeavours
to prevent a rupture between the Indians and the subjects of
the United States. Upon these considerations, I think it would
be expedient to instruct the officers of the Indian department
to use all their influence to dissuade the Indians from their
projected plan of hostility, giving them clearly to understand
that they must not expect any assistance from us. The
officers, however, should be extremely cautious in pointing
out to them that it is for their own good only that this
advice is given to them, and not from any dereliction of that
regard with which we always view their interests; it will
perhaps require some management to avoid exciting their
jealousy or resentment; the doing so must be strongly
recommended."
I wish you to comprehend clearly the sentiments of Sir James
upon this essential point; because, although I entertain great
respect for the personal character of Mr. Elliott, yet I
should be unwilling to place entire dependance in an affair
of such manifest importance, upon a judgment biased and
prejudiced as his is known to be in every thing that regards
the Indians. To act with due prudence, he participates in and
feels too keenly the grievous wrongs they have suffered.
Should you, therefore, perceive the smallest indication to
depart from the line so strongly marked by his excellency for
the government of the Indian officers, you will, without
creating suspicion of an intention of controlling their
measures, offer friendly advice, and even have recourse to
written protests to deter them from persevering in any act
that may have a tendency to irritate and expose the two
nations to endless controversy. All this you of course will do
as coming from yourself, and you will be very regular in
reporting circumstantially every occurrence that may come to
your knowledge, to enable me to conform strictly with the
instructions of the commander-in-chief.
_Colonel Baynes[33] to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George_.
QUEBEC, March 4, 1811.
Sir James desires me to tell you that he had fully intended
writing to you himself by this day's post, but, from the
arrival of the January mail and the departure of the Halifax
courier to-morrow, he finds himself so much occupied that he
has deputed me to explain to you the cause of his not
announcing to you by his own pen the resolution he finds
himself under the necessity of adopting, of returning to
England early in the summer. I think it probable that he will
leave this by the July fleet; indeed, the extremely weak and
debilitated state of his health will not admit of his
deferring his departure longer, lest it might involve him in
inconveniences attendant upon an equinoctial or fall passage.
It is with the deepest regret I observe that his strength is
visibly sinking under his disease, although the latter does
not appear to have increased in violence; on the contrary, for
this fortnight past he seems in better spirits and to suffer
less pain: the first probably arises from the prospect of his
being speedily relieved from the weight and anxiety of his
public charge, for, with regard to himself, his mind is most
perfectly made up, and resigned to a very speedy termination
of all his sufferings; and his anxiety has been latterly much
excited from the apprehension of his becoming too ill to be
able to undertake the voyage, and being obliged to linger out
the short remnant of his life in this country.
I assure you he is very far from being indifferent in regard
to forwarding your wishes; but from the necessity of his
retiring himself, and even without waiting for leave to do so,
he feels it the more indispensably necessary to leave this
country in the best state of security he can, and that, under
existing circumstances, he cannot attend to your request for
leave. He desires me to say, that he regrets extremely the
disappointment you may experience, and he requests that you
will do him the favor to accept, as a legacy and mark of his
very sincere regard, his favorite horse Alfred, and that he is
induced to send him to you, not only from wishing to secure to
his old favorite a kind and careful master, but from the
conviction that the whole continent of America could not
furnish you with so safe and excellent a horse. Alfred is ten
years old, but being a high bred horse, and latterly but very
little worked, he may be considered as still perfectly fresh.
Sir James will give him up to Heriot, whenever you fix the
mode of his being forwarded to you.
I have requested Sir James to allow me to accompany him home,
a duty I should feel a most grateful pleasure in performing;
but with a kind regard to what he thinks more to my interest,
he will not accede to my wishes, but insists on my remaining
here, as he thinks that my appointment will be considered
permanent. Kempt goes home, his private affairs requiring his
presence, and having strong ground to hope that he will be
able to resign his staff for an active brigade; although his
senior in years and length of service, I must still wait a
long time before I can direct my ambition to so desirable an
object.
You will have seen by Sir James' speech, the very complete
triumph his firmness and energy have obtained over the
factious cabal of their most contemptible assembly. Bedard
will be shortly released--that fellow alone of the whole gang
has nerve, and does not want ability or inclination to do
mischief whenever opportunity offers; the rest, old Papineau
and the blustering B----, are all white-livered runagates to a
man; but when Sir James' back is turned, they will rally and
commence the same bullying attack on his successor, who, I
trust, will follow his example.
_Colonel J.A. Vesey to Brigadier Brock._
HAMPTON COURT PARK, April 9, 1811.
I am bound to Sicily in about a fortnight, as a
brigadier-general on the staff there, and I am told that Lord
William Bentinck, who is destined to command the forces in
that island, will be the bearer of instructions to insist upon
the command of the Sicilian army likewise.
I thank you much for the interesting details of local
politics, both military and civil, which your letter contains,
for I feel a more than common wish to know what passes in
Canada, although I am certainly not partial to that
country--quite the reverse. It is a pity that the 49th should
be detained there so long, as it will interfere materially
with the promotion of your officers. I fear you will have
passed a lonely winter at Fort George, notwithstanding the
addition of my friend Murray and his nice little wife to your
society. Pray remember me kindly to them and to my old
friend, St. George. Mrs. Vesey has charged me to call her to
your recollection in the kindest manner; she and my six
children are as well as possible, and a very nice little group
they are, all as healthy as can be. I wish I had a daughter
old enough for you, as I would give her to you with pleasure.
You should be married, particularly as fate seems to detain
you so long in Canada--but pray do not marry there.
_Colonel Vesey to Brigadier Brock._
HAMPTON COURT PARK, May 9, 1811.
I received a few days ago your letter of the 22d February, for
which I thank you very much. I am very much obliged to you for
taking so much trouble about my grant of land, respecting
which I have not taken any steps whatever here, neither shall
I so long as Lord Liverpool continues to direct the affairs of
the colonial department, for he is not friendly to me, but I
will reserve my claims for a more favorable moment. I am not
the less thankful for your friendship on the occasion.
I quite feel for you, my good friend, when I think of the
stupid and uninteresting time you must have passed in Upper
Canada--with your ardour for professional employment in the
field, it must have been very painful. I did not think Sir
James (Craig) would have detained you so long against your
will. Had you returned to Europe, there is little doubt but
that you would immediately have been employed in Portugal,
and, as that service has turned out so very creditable, I
regret very much that you had not deserted from Canada. I take
it for granted that you will not stay there long, and should
the fortune of war bring us again upon duty in the same
country, I need not say how I shall hail the event with joy.
If you come to England, I would wish you to call upon the Duke
of Kent,[34] who has a high respect for you, and will be happy
to see you.
It seems determined that the Duke of York shall return to the
command of the army; it would have taken place ere now, but
for some ill-natured remarks inserted in some of the
newspapers, produced by an over zeal on the part of his
friends. Sir David (Dundas) will not be much regretted, and it
surely is time that at his advanced period of life he should
be relieved from the cares of office.
I am rejoiced to find that you live so comfortably with my
friend Murray and his nice little wife. Mrs. Vesey and myself
took a great fancy to her the morning she called here, on
their way to Portsmouth.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 31: Peter Carey Tupper, Esq., a native of Guernsey, British
consul for Valencia at this time, and afterwards for Catalonia. He
distinguished himself from 1808 to 1814, in encouraging the Spaniards to
resist the invasion of Napoleon; and his name occurs repeatedly in the
Duke of Wellington's Dispatches, recently published, as also in the
first and fourth volumes of Napoleon's Peninsular War. He died in Madrid
in 1825, in the prime of life. His youngest brother was British consul
for Caraccas, and afterwards for Riga.]
[Footnote 32: The present General Sir James Kempt, G.C.B., &c,
afterwards governor-general of British America, and subsequently
master-general of the ordnance in Earl Grey's administration.]
[Footnote 33: Owing to the communication by post between Lower and Upper
Canada being so slow at this period, we observe that many of Colonel
Baynes' letters to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George, were transmitted
through the United States. There was only a post once a fortnight
between Montreal and Kingston, and in Upper Canada the post office was
scarcely established.]
[Footnote 34: The father of her present Majesty, Queen Victoria.]
CHAPTER V.
On the 4th June, 1811, Brigadier Brock was promoted, and appointed by
the prince regent to serve from that day as a major-general on the staff
of North America. On the 19th of the same month, Sir James Craig
embarked on board his majesty's ship Amelia for England, leaving Mr.
Dunn in charge of the government of the Lower Province, and
Lieut.-General Drummond in command of the forces in the Canadas,
consisting of 445 artillery, 3,783 regular troops, and 1,226 Fencibles;
in all, 5,454 men. He seemed disgusted with the cares of a government,
in which he had experienced only crosses and mortification, as his
administration was decidedly unpopular among the great mass of the
French Canadians. His health had long been wasting away with a dropsy
and other infirmities, and he doubted whether he should live to reach
England, where he however survived several months, and met with a most
gracious reception from his immediate superiors. Sir James Craig had
been from his youth in the service of his country,[35] and he owed to
merit alone his rank and consideration in the army. He was corpulent in
person, and rather below the middle stature; his features were strong
and regular, his aspect was severe and imposing, his deportment, manly
and dignified; in society he was polite, frank, and affable. He is said
to have been positive in his opinions, and therefore prompt and decisive
in his measures. To a clear and comprehensive judgment, he united the
best qualities of the heart, and though hasty in temper, he was easily
reconciled to those who might involuntarily have incurred his
resentment. In fine, he seems to have possessed all the sterling and
undisguised virtues that distinguish the soldier, and some of the
qualities that constitute the able statesman. Although many differed
widely in opinion with respect to his government, yet few could deny him
the merit of disinterestedness and integrity in the discharge of his
public duties. He may have erred in the performance of the important and
complicated functions of his post, but he was guided by sincerity; and
it is due to his memory to add, that the objects of his administration,
however erroneous the means he pursued for their attainment, were the
concord, the happiness, and the prosperity of the people whom he
governed for nearly four years.[36]
_Major-General Vesey to Major-General Brock_.
PORTSMOUTH, June 10, 1811.
I congratulate you on your promotion, and you may return me
the compliment. I did not expect to appear in the same brevet
with you as a major-general; it has so happened, however, and
I am not at all sorry to go out to Sicily as major-general
instead of a brigadier. You have such a lot of generals in
Canada at present, that it is impossible to continue them all
upon the staff. Your wish will be to come home, I dare say,
and very glad I should be if you were in England at present,
while all the arrangements are making. It may perhaps be your
fate to go to the Mediterranean, but the Peninsula is the most
direct road to the honor of the Bath, and as you are an
ambitious man, that is the station you would prefer--so should
I, but I have been advised not to solicit for it, but to go
where I was ordered; therefore, am I proceeding. I need not
say how rejoiced I should be if you were of the party.
The return of the duke of York to the head of the army gives
general satisfaction to all military people, and indeed to
most others I fancy: his old worn-out predecessor has long
been superannuated. I still retain my appointment of deputy
barrack master-general in Nova Scotia, to the astonishment of
every body, because I suppose they do not like to take it from
me _par force_, without giving me something in lieu of it. I
have told the treasury that I would not give it up upon any
other terms than for my lieutenant-colonelcy, but that they
had the power of taking it from me if they chose to do me that
injustice: I suppose they will as soon as my back is turned.
Lord William Bentinck is expected down to-day; he goes to
Sicily in the Caledonia, with Sir Edward Pellew. As it is
possible you may have left Canada, I shall enclose this letter
to our friend Bruyeres; bid him read it and forward it if you
are yet in that country.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at Montreal_.
QUEBEC, August 3, 1811.
We were very much surprised on Thursday last by the arrival of
the Racoon, sloop of war, from Jamaica, with the duke of
Manchester on board, who is come with the view of visiting the
lions of Canada previous to his return to England; he is gone,
attended by General Drummond, to see the falls of Montmorenci,
and the general desires me to let you know that his grace
intends leaving this in the stage on Tuesday morning for
Montreal. The duke has no attendant except a Colonel Gold,
_ci-devant militaire_; he appears to be very affable, and
perfectly _sans facon_; he particularly requested that no
compliments or ceremony of any kind might be shown him, and
that he might be permitted to indulge his fancy by going about
as he pleased. His grace is not likely to have many volunteer
aides-de-camp, for he treated those who formed his suite
yesterday to a walk of half a dozen hours in the sun at
mid-day round the works, the towers, plains, &c.; and from
which he did not appear to experience the slightest
inconvenience, being in the habit, we are told, of taking
similar rambles even in the West Indies. The duke will pay you
but a very short visit, being limited for time, and anxious to
make his tour as extensive as possible. He seems to like a
glass of Madeira, and would match any of the Canadian tribe in
smoking cigars; he walks about with one in his mouth at all
hours in the day. He begs you will have the kindness to secure
for him a boat and a good Canadian crew to proceed to
Kingston, and to facilitate his progress from that place,
inasmuch as it may be in your power to do so. I apprehend that
the movement of the troops may very materially interfere with
him, but the duke will not object to embarking with any of the
detachments if no other vessel can be spared.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at William Henry, Sorel_.
QUEBEC, August 12, 1811.
I have to acknowledge and thank you for your letter of the 8th
instant. I regret much that you did not find it convenient to
remain at Montreal to receive the duke of Manchester, as I
think you would have felt gratified; and if you could have
reconciled to your own feelings the want of due preparation
for the reception of so great a personage, I am sure, from
the specimen we had of his grace here, that he would have been
perfectly satisfied, and happy to have shared your fare. He
does not appear to be a lady's man--perhaps a little too much
the contrary, and I am confident that a dinner with a few
gentlemen, and an invitation to smoke, would suit his taste in
preference to a formal fete. On an excursion to the Chaudiere,
of which Mrs. Drummond and other ladies formed part, his grace
appeared to be very little at his ease until he effected his
escape out of the frigate's barge into one of the small boats
that was in attendance with his _compagnon de voyage_ and the
commander of the sloop, when, with the aid of his favorite
cigar, he appeared to be perfectly happy. I mention these
traits in order that you may be prepared to receive him or not
on his return, as you think best. I am sure he would prefer
William Henry to sleep at in preference to Montreal.
* * * * *
After an inter-regnum of nearly three months, Sir George Prevost arrived
at Quebec in September, and assumed the government of Lower Canada,
having succeeded Sir James Craig in the chief command of the British
North American provinces. The known mildness of his character, and the
popularity of his administration in Nova Scotia, from which he had been
just promoted, afforded a hope that his government of Lower Canada would
prove more auspicious to the internal union of the people than that of
his predecessor. Sir George Prevost had moreover the advantage of
being, we believe, a Canadian born, and, as his name indicates, his
family was doubtless of French origin, a circumstance which the French
Canadians could not fail to appreciate. Soon after his arrival,
Major-General Brock, in addition to the command of the troops, was
appointed president and administrator of the government in Upper Canada,
to which office he succeeded on the 9th October, 1811, in place of
Lieut.-Governor Gore, who returned to England on leave. At the close of
the year, his royal highness the duke of York expressed at length every
inclination to gratify Major-General Brock's wishes for more active
employment in Europe, and Sir George Prevost was authorized to replace
him by another officer; but when the permission reached Canada, early in
1812, a war with the United States was evidently near at hand, and
Major-General Brock, with such a prospect, was retained both by honor
and inclination in the country.
_Lieut.-General Drummond[37] to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, August 31, 1811.
I have just been favored with your kind letter, and return
many thanks for your friendly congratulations. Under present
circumstances, it must be the wish of every military person
to seek active employment; I should most willingly sacrifice
many domestic comforts to obtain it, but I fear the rank I
have just attained will interfere with my prospects. I have
often regretted, during my residence in this country, that we
have been so much separated, which has deprived me of the
opportunity of cultivating your friendship, which I shall ever
feel anxious to possess; and be assured it will always afford
me the most sincere satisfaction to renew an acquaintance with
one for whom I have so great a regard. Captain Glegg's
appointment will be in general orders to-day. Captain and Mrs.
Fulton arrived this morning: I have not seen him yet. I
understand Sir George Prevost was to embark three days after
the Hunter sailed. I shall probably embark in the Melamphus,
for Halifax, and from thence in the packet for England: should
you have any commands, I shall be happy to charge myself with
them. Mrs. Drummond unites with me in sincere wishes for your
health and happiness.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, October 7, 1811.
I have a letter from Thornton of the 2d of August; the party
arrived at Deal on the 27th of July. Sir James (Craig) bore
the passage remarkably well, and he has received the most
flattering and satisfactory assurances that his conduct, civil
and military, has met with the most unqualified approbation.
Kempt has experienced a very honorable reception: the duke
told him he would give him a _carte blanche_ as to his future
destination; he has requested to have a brigade under Lord
Wellington, and was preparing to go to the Peninsula. Thornton
does not allude to the probability of its effecting his
present post, as he says Kempt writes to you at length, and
will tell you of himself. Ellice[38] has found great
difficulty in effecting an exchange. Dalrymple, Sir Hew's
eldest son, had no objection till he found that the duke set
his face against the continued exchange of that post, and that
he would not permit it to be made a mere stepping stone for
the brevet rank. He in consequence declined it, and Ellice is
on the hunt for a lazy married major of dragoons, who has no
objection to obtain it as a fixture. Thornton has been
appointed to a regiment, but he neglects to mention the
number, although he enters into a long explanation respecting
it, viz. that it is of two battalions, the second in Portugal
and the first in the East Indies, but, by a recent regulation,
the senior lieutenant-colonel has the option of remaining in
command of the second in Portugal if he chooses. Thornton has
obtained leave to go, in the first instance, to his corps in
Portugal, so as to endeavour to persuade his senior that India
is a more desirable quarter: if he fails in his rhetoric, he
expects shortly to travel that route himself.
The following paragraph is copied verbatim from Thornton's letter; he
is connected with Torrens and in habits of familiar intimacy, so that I
am inclined to think he draws his inference from that quarter: "Pray
give a hint in private to Generals Brock and Sheaffe, that if the former
were to ask for a brigade at home, or on European service, and the
latter to be put on the staff in Canada, I am almost certain they would
succeed."
_Lieut.-Colonel Torrens to Major-General Brock_.
HORSE GUARDS, October 17, 1811.
I have had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 6th of
July, and I beg you will be convinced that I should derive
much satisfaction from the power of complying with your wishes
as far as my situation might enable me to facilitate the
accomplishment of the object you have expressed of returning
to England.
I have made known your wishes to the commander-in-chief, and
his royal highness has expressed every inclination to comply
with them. But until another officer shall join the station,
you will be readily aware of the difficulty his royal highness
would have in withdrawing you, by leave of absence or
otherwise, during the present state of public affairs with the
American government.
Should you wish, however, to quit the Canadian staff with a
view to serve in Europe, his royal highness will not object to
your return to this country, under the arrangement of your
being immediately succeeded by another officer. And as
Major-General Sheaffe is on the spot, and has strong claims to
employment on the staff, his royal highness will have no
objection to furnish Sir George Prevost with an authority to
employ that officer in your room, provided he has not yet left
Canada.
I trust this arrangement may be acceptable to you. An official
communication to the effect of this note will be made to Sir
George Prevost.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, November 21, 1811.
We fortunately received yesterday the last batch of recruits
for the 41st regiment, as from the present state of the
weather and appearance of the river, I fear their situation
would have been very desperate. They have, poor devils, been
sixteen weeks and four days on their passage, and have
suffered much from dysentery. Four men have died, and several
are sick; but as the former detachment recovered fast when
landed and taken care of, I doubt not that these will also:
they amount to three hundred, and are in general very fine
young men. What a noble battalion they will make when brought
together; and the officers say that about 200 more were left
at the depot, for want of room in the transport.
What do you think of the president's speech? In any government
more consistent, it would mean war. I think that he has
committed himself more openly and more unjustifiably than
could have been expected, in the relation of the affair of
the Little Belt, by accusing that poor little sloop of a
wanton act of aggression by attacking a huge American frigate,
when Commodore Rodgers himself admits that he was for nearly
eight hours the chasing vessel.
Governor Gore has revived the formation of the Glengary
Fencibles, and I have shewn Sir George what passed on a former
occasion. I hope the latter will be able to provide for his
school-fellow, Major-General Sheaffe,[39] and he expresses
himself very anxious to do so.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost, Bart., at
Quebec_.
YORK, December 2, 1811.
The information contained in the message of the president to
congress, relative to the existing differences between England
and the United States, will justify, I presume to think, the
adoption of such precautionary measures as may be necessary to
meet all future exigencies. Under this impression, I beg leave
to submit to your excellency such observations as occur to me,
to enable you to form a correct judgment; of the actual state
of this province.
The military force which heretofore occupied the frontier
posts being so inadequate to their defence, a general opinion
prevailed that no opposition, in the event of hostilities, was
intended. The late increase of ammunition and every species of
stores, the substitution of a strong regiment, and the
appointment of a military person to administer the government,
have tended to infuse other sentiments among the most
reflecting part of the community; and I feel happy in being
able to assure your excellency, that during my visit last week
at Niagara, I received the most satisfactory professions of a
determination on the part of the principal inhabitants to
exert every means in their power in the defence of their
property and support of the government. They look with
confidence to your excellency for such additional aid as may
be necessary, in conjunction with the militia, to repel any
hostile attempt against this province.
I shall beg leave to refer your excellency to the
communications of Lieut.-Governor Gore with Sir James Craig,
for a correct view of the temper and composition of the
militia and Indians. Although perfectly aware of the number of
improper characters who have obtained extensive possessions,
and whose principles diffuse a spirit of insubordination very
adverse to all military institutions, I am however well
assured that a large majority would prove faithful. It is
certain that the best policy to be pursued, should future
circumstances call for active preparations, will be to act
with the utmost liberality, and as if no mistrust existed;
for, unless the inhabitants give an active and efficient aid,
it will be utterly impossible for the very limited number of
the military, who are likely to be employed, to preserve the
province.
The first point to which I am anxious to call your
excellency's attention, is the district of Amherstburg. I
consider it the most important, and, if supplied with the
means of commencing active operations, must deter any
offensive attempt on this province, from Niagara westward. The
American government will be compelled to secure their western
frontier from the inroads of the Indians, and this cannot be
effected without a very considerable force. But before we can
expect an active co-operation on the part of the Indians, the
reduction of Detroit and Michilimakinack must convince that
people, who conceive themselves to have been sacrificed, in
1794,[40] to our policy, that we are earnestly engaged in the
war. The Indians, I am made to understand, are eager for an
opportunity to avenge the numerous injuries of which they
complain. A few tribes, at the instigation of a Shawnese,[41]
of no particular note, have already, although explicitly told
not to look for assistance from us, commenced the contest. The
stand which they continue to make upon the Wabash, against
about 2,000 Americans, including militia and regulars, is a
strong proof of the large force which a general combination of
the Indians will render necessary to protect so widely
extended a frontier.
The garrisons of Detroit and Michilimakinack do not, I
believe, exceed seventy rank and file each; but the former can
be easily reinforced by the militia in the neighbourhood,
which, though not numerous, would be ample for its defence,
unless assailed by a force much superior to any we can now
command. The Americans will probably draw their principal
force, either for offence or defence, from the Ohio, an
enterprising, hardy race, and uncommonly expert on horseback
with the rifle. This species of force is formidable to the
Indians, although, according to reports which have reached me
by different channels, but not official, they lately repelled
an attack of some magnitude. Unless a diversion, such as I
have suggested, be made, an overwhelming force will probably
be directed against this part of the province. The measure
will, however, be attended with a heavy expense, especially in
the article of provision, for, not only the Indians who take
the field, but their families, must be maintained.
The numeral force of the militia in the vicinity of
Amherstburg exceeds by a trifle seven hundred rank and file;
consequently, very little assistance can be derived from that
source in any offensive operation. Should, therefore, the
aspect of affairs hereafter give stronger indications of a
rupture, I propose augmenting the garrison of Amherstburg
with two hundred rank and file from Fort George and York. Such
a measure I consider essentially necessary, were it only
calculated to rouse the energy of the militia and Indians, who
are now impressed with a firm belief, that in the event of war
they are to be left to their fate. Great pains have been taken
to instil this idea into their minds, and no stronger argument
could be employed than the weak state of that garrison.
The army now assembled upon the Wabash, with the ostensible
view of opposing the Shawnese, is a strong additional motive
in my mind in support of this measure; for I have no doubt
that, the instant their service in the field terminates, a
large portion of the regulars will be detached to strengthen
the garrison of Detroit. I have prepared Colonel Proctor for
such an event, and after weighing the inconvenience to which
the service would be exposed if the district were placed under
a militia colonel, (an event obvious, unless superseded by a
regular officer of equal rank) I have directed Lieut.-Colonel
St. George to be in readiness to repair to Amherstburg and
assume the command; and I hope his situation of inspector of
militia will not be considered a bar to the arrangement. The
state of the roads will probably stop this projected movement
until the end of this month or beginning of the next; nor do I
intend that the troops should leave their present quarters,
unless urged by some fresh circumstances. I therefore look to
receive your excellency's commands previous to their
departure.
From Amherstburg to Fort Erie, my chief dependance must rest
on a naval force for the protection of that extensive coast;
but, considering the state to which it is reduced,
extraordinary exertions and great expense will be required
before it can be rendered efficient. At present, it consists
only of a ship and a small schooner--the latter of a bad
construction, old, and in want of many repairs; yet she is the
only king's vessel able to navigate Lake Huron, whilst the
Americans have a sloop, and a fine brig capable of carrying
twelve guns, both in perfect readiness for any service. If,
consequently, the garrison of St. Joseph's is to be
maintained, and an attack on Michilimakinack undertaken, it
will be expedient to hire, or purchase from the merchants, as
many vessels as may be necessary for the purpose. The
Americans can resort to the same means, and the construction
and number of their vessels for trade will give them great
advantage: besides, their small craft, or boats, in which
troops could be easily transported, exceed ours considerably;
indeed, we have very few of that description. I therefore
leave it to your excellency's superior judgment to determine
whether a sufficient number of gun-boats for both lakes, so
constructed as to draw little water, ought not be added to our
means of offence and defence. It is worthy of remark, that the
only American national vessel on Lake Ontario, built two years
ago, and now lying in Sackett's harbour, has remained without
seamen until within the last fortnight, when the officers
began to enter men as fast as possible. A lieutenant with a
party came to Buffalo, a tolerably large village opposite Fort
Erie, and procured several hands, but, not satisfied, a petty
officer was sent to our side to inveigle others. The
magistrates, hearing of this, sent to apprehend him; but he
escaped with difficulty.
The strait between Niagara and Fort Erie is that which, in all
probability, will be chosen by the Americans for their main
body to penetrate with a view to conquest. All other attacks
will be subordinate, or merely made to divert our attention.
About three thousand militia could, upon an emergency, be
drawn by us to that line, and nearly five hundred Indians
could also be collected; therefore, with the regulars, no
trifling force could hope for success, provided a determined
resistance were made; but I cannot conceal from your
excellency, that unless a strong regular force be present to
animate the loyal and to control the disaffected, nothing
effectual can be expected. A protracted resistance upon this
frontier will be sure to embarrass the enemy's plans
materially. They will not come prepared to meet it, and their
troops, or volunteer corps, without scarcely any discipline,
so far at least as control is in question, will soon tire
under disappointment. The difficulty which they will
experience in providing provisions will involve them in
expenses, under which their government will soon become
impatient.
The car brigade will be particularly useful in obstructing
their passage; and I cannot be too urgent in soliciting the
means, both as to gunners and drivers, and likewise as to
horses, to render this arm complete for service. A small body
of cavalry would also be absolutely necessary, and I have
already offers from many respectable young men, to form
themselves into a troop. All they seem to require are swords
and pistols, which the stores below may probably be able to
furnish.
The situation of Kingston is so very important in every
military point of view, that I cannot be too earnest in
drawing your excellency's attention to that quarter. The
militia, from the Bay of Quinti down to Glengary, is the most
respectable of any in the province. Among the officers several
are on half pay, and still retain a sound military spirit.
Those from the Bay of Quinti would be properly stationed at
Kingston, but all downwards would naturally desire to be
employed to resist any predatory excursions to which their
property would be so much exposed from the opposite shore.
Besides, I have always been of opinion that a strong
detachment would follow the route of Lord Amherst, and attempt
to enter the province by Ozwegatchie.[42] The militia on the
whole of that communication cannot, therefore, be more
usefully employed than in watching such a movement; and should
the enemy direct the whole of his force by St. John's, the
greater part can with the utmost facility join the army acting
upon that frontier.
The militia act, which I have the honor to enclose, provides
for such an emergency, but your excellency will readily
observe, that among many wise and salutary provisions, there
are but few means of enforcing them. No exertions, however,
shall be wanting in my civil capacity to place that body upon
a respectable footing. Mr. Cartwright, the senior militia
colonel at Kingston, possesses the influence to which his firm
character and superior abilities so deservedly entitle him;
but as I cannot possibly give the necessary attention to so
distant an object, and as a regular officer will be
indispensable to direct the operations, one of high rank
ought, if possible, to be nominated to that command. So much
will remain to be done, and such high expenses to be incurred
in the quartermaster-general's departments, that I cannot too
earnestly request your excellency to select an officer who may
be equal to discharge the various duties of that office. A
head to the commissariat will be likewise indispensable.
I have trespassed greatly on your excellency's time, but I beg
to be permitted to entreat your excellency to honor me with
such advice and counsel as your experience may suggest, and be
assured it will ever be my utmost pride to meet your views and
to merit your approbation.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._
YORK, December 3, 1811.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
excellency's dispatch, dated the 11th ultimo, with its
enclosures.
My first care, on my arrival in this province, was to direct
the officers of the Indian department at Amherstburg to exert
their whole influence with the Indians to prevent the attack
which I understood a few tribes meditated against the American
frontier. But their efforts proved fruitless, as such was the
infatuation of the Indians, that they refused to listen to
advice; and they are now so deeply engaged, that I despair of
being able to withdraw them from the contest in time to avert
their destruction. A high degree of fanaticism, which had been
for years working in their minds, has led to the present
event.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._
YORK, December 11, 1811.
I had the honor yesterday of receiving your excellency's
letter of the 1st ultimo, stating your intention of
establishing depots of small arms, accoutrements and
ammunition, at the different posts in Upper Canada.
Since the settlement of the province, several hundred stands
have been at different times issued to the militia, and I have
given directions for collecting them, but in all probability
great deficiencies will be found; indeed, it has already been
ascertained that those delivered in 1795 by the late
Lieut.-General Simcoe are wholly lost to the service. To
obviate for the future such an extensive waste, I propose
fixing upon proper places at each post, wherein the arms may
be deposited after the militia have exercised; and I have to
request your excellency's permission to direct the field train
department to attend to their preservation, and keep them in a
state of repair, in the same manner as those remaining in
store. The expense cannot be great, and in all such cases the
infant state of the country obliges the militia to have
recourse to the military.
I have recently had occasion to report for your excellency's
information, the total want of stores at this post, beyond
those immediately necessary for the commissariat. I shall
consequently be much at a loss to find accommodation for the
2,329 French muskets which your excellency has directed to be
sent here; and as the only magazine is a small wooden shed,
not sixty yards from the king's house, which is rendered
dangerous from the quantity of powder it already contains, I
cannot but feel a repugnance to lodge the additional 13,140
ball cartridges intended for this post in a place so evidently
insecure. But as these arrangements cannot conveniently take
place until the opening of the navigation, there will be
sufficient time to contrive the best means to meet your
excellency's wishes.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, December 12, 1811.
[OFFICIAL]
I am directed to transmit herewith a copy of proposals for
raising a corps of Glengary Fencibles. The commander of the
forces has selected an officer of the king's regiment, a
Captain George M'Donnell, an avowed catholic, and a relation
of the Glengary priest of that name, to attempt the formation
of a small battalion, to be in the first instance under his
command with the rank of major; and in case a more respectable
body can be collected, a lieutenant-colonel commandant will be
appointed. Captain M'Donnell will leave this in a few days,
and he will be directed to take an early opportunity of
communicating with you as soon as he has felt his ground a
little in Glengary, and is able to form a correct idea of the
prospect and extent of success that is likely to attend his
exertions.
I shall have the honor of sending you by the next post a
regulation for the payment of clergymen performing religious
duties for the troops at the different stations in Canada. The
officiating clergyman at York will receive the garrison
allowances of a captain, together with a salary of L70 army
sterling per annum.
[PRIVATE.]
Sir George will fill up the new Glengary corps with as many
officers as he can from the line, with permanent rank, and I
have availed myself of the opportunity to propose one, in
whose advancement I know you feel an interest. He has allowed
me to note Lieutenant Shaw, of the 49th, for a company, and
you are at liberty to inform his father, the general, of Sir
George's favorable intentions towards his son.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, December 24, 1811.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 2d instant, which reached me by the courier on Saturday,
and I have not failed to give it that consideration which the
importance of the several points, to which it alludes,
entitles it.
In addition to the president's message being full of
gunpowder, the report made to congress by its committee on the
state of the foreign affairs of the United States, conveys
sentiments of such decided hostility towards England, that I
feel justified in recommending such precaution as may place
you in a state of preparation for that event; and with this
view you must endeavour to trace an outline of co-operation,
compensating for our deficiency in strength. I agree with you
as to the advantages which may result from giving, rather than
receiving, the first blow; but it is not my opinion war will
commence by a declaration of it. That act would militate
against the policy of both countries; therefore, we must
expect repeated petty aggressions from our neighbours, before
we are permitted to retaliate by open hostilities. It is very
satisfactory to observe the professions of the inhabitants of
Upper Canada in defence of their property and in support of
their government.
I will look into the correspondence you refer to, which took
place between Sir James Craig and Lieut.-Governor Gore, in
1807, 1808 and 1809, respecting the temper and disposition of
your militia, and the policy to be observed in your
intercourse with the Indians.
Your views, in regard to the line of conduct to be observed
towards the militia forces, notwithstanding some existing
circumstances unfavorable in their composition, are in my
estimation wise, and on such conceptions I have hitherto
acted.
There are too many considerations to allow me to hesitate in
saying we must employ the Indians, if they can be brought to
act with us. The utmost caution should be used in our language
to them, and all direct explanation should be delayed, if
possible, until hostilities are more certain; though whenever
the subject is adverted to, I think it would be advisable
always to intimate that, as a matter of course, we shall, in
the event of war, expect the aid of our brothers. Although I
am sensible this requires delicacy, still it should be done so
as not to be misunderstood.
I shall call the attention of the commissariat to the supply
of provisions that may be required in the Upper Province; and
I had, previously to the arrival of your letter, given
directions for the building of another schooner for Lake Erie.
[The remainder of this letter is of no interest.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 35: While Colonel Craig, he was lieutenant-governor of
Guernsey, in 1793, but only for a few months.]
[Footnote 36: Memoirs of the Administration of the Colonial Government
of Lower Canada, by Sir James Henry Craig and Sir George Prevost, from
the year 1807 until the year 1815; comprehending the Military and Naval
operations in the Canadas during the late War with the United States of
America. By Robert Christie.--Quebec, 1818.]
[Footnote 37: The present General Sir Gordon Drummond, G.C.B., colonel
of the 49th foot. He succeeded to the command of the forces in Upper
Canada in December, 1813.]
[Footnote 38: Lieut.-Colonel Ellice, inspecting field officer of
militia.]
[Footnote 39: The present General Sir Roger H. Sheaffe, Bart., colonel
of the 36th regiment, born at Boston, United States, 15th July, 1763,
and entered the British army on the 1st May, 1778.
N.B.--On the day on which the last sheet was printed, we discovered that
we had been misled by the _Times_ of 24th November, 1835, in stating our
belief that Sir George Prevost was "Canadian born." He was born at New
York, May 19, 1767--his father, a native of Geneva, settled in England,
and became a major-general in the British army--his mother was Dutch,
and as regards nativity, Sir George Prevost was certainly not an
Englishman, so that our remark at page 95 on this point applies almost
equally. Sir G. Prevost was created a baronet in 1805.]
[Footnote 40: Miami affair.]
[Footnote 41: Doubtless the afterwards celebrated Tecumseh, or his
brother.]
[Footnote 42: An American fort on the river St. Lawrence, about seventy
miles from Kingston, and one hundred and twenty-five miles from
Montreal.]
CHAPTER VI.
Our memoir having now reached the year 1812, in which the United States
of America declared war against Great Britain, we proceed to give a
brief review of the causes which led to that event; and in doing so it
will be necessary to go back to the commencement of the century.
The first president of America, the immortal Washington,[43] and his
successor, Adams, entertained friendly sentiments towards the British
government and people; but early in 1801, Jefferson succeeded the latter
functionary as president, being elected by ten of the sixteen states
then constituting the Union. Jefferson was as inimical to England as he
was favorable to France, so was his secretary of state, and successor in
the presidential chair, Madison. Although there were many intervenient
heart-burnings, it was not until the year 1807, when Jefferson was a
second time president, that the government of the United States assumed
a decidedly hostile attitude towards Great Britain. The Berlin decree,
in which the French ruler ventured to declare the British islands in a
state of blockade, and to interdict all neutrals from trading with the
British ports in any commodities whatever, produced fresh retaliatory
orders in council, intended to support England's maritime rights and
commerce, and to counteract Bonaparte's continental system. The Berlin
decree was a gross infringement of the law of nations and an outrage on
neutral rights, which especially called for resistance from the
Americans, a neutral and trading people; but they neither resisted nor
seriously remonstrated against it. Other causes of dispute arose from
the determination of the British government to exclude the Americans
from the blockaded ports of France, and from that inexhaustible source
of quarrel, the impressment of British seamen from American vessels,
especially as the difficulty of distinguishing British from American
seamen led occasionally to the impressment of American native born
citizens. In June, 1807, occurred the rencontre between his majesty's
ship Leopard and the Chesapeake, which terminated in the forcible
extraction from the American frigate of four deserters from British
ships of war. The British government instantly disavowed this act, and
recalled Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who had given the order to search the
Chesapeake. Jefferson, however, not only issued a proclamation
interdicting all British ships of war from entering the ports of the
United States, but proposed to congress to lay an embargo on American
vessels, and to compel the trading ships of every other nation to quit
the American harbours. This proposition was warmly opposed by the
federalists, or Washingtonians, but it was nevertheless adopted by large
majorities. Thus matters remained, with subsequent slight modifications,
from the month of December, 1807, to the declaration of war in 1812, an
interval which the commercial classes spent in a hopeless struggle
against bankruptcy and ruin. Attempts were not wanting on our part to
arrive at a friendly accommodation, but Jefferson demanded, as a
preliminary, the revocation of the British orders in council, and the
entire exemption of American ships from any search, or from any question
as to their crews or cargoes. The British government pledged itself to
repeal the orders in council as soon as the French decrees should cease
to exist. In 1809, Jefferson was succeeded as president by Madison, who
was compelled to yield somewhat to the popular outcry, and to repeal the
universal embargo substituting a non-intercourse act with England and
France, both which nations, it must be confessed, having by restraints
on their commerce given the Americans just grounds for dissatisfaction.
On the 23d June, 1812, the prince regent in council revoked the orders
in council as far as regarded America, with a proviso that the
revocation should be of no effect unless the United States rescinded
their non-intercourse act with England. It has been thought that the
revocation came too late, and that if it had been conceded a few weeks
earlier, there would have been no war with America; but Madison had
been treating with Bonaparte's government since the end of the year
1810, and the whole course of his conduct, with his evident desire to
illustrate his presidency by the conquest of Canada, proved his
determination to brave a war with England. He and his party nicely
calculated on which side the greater profit was to be obtained--whether
the United States would gain more by going to war with England than by
hostility against Bonaparte and his edicts. "Every thing in the United
States," says James in his naval history, "was to be settled by a
calculation of profit and loss. France had numerous allies--England
scarcely any. France had no contiguous territory; England had the
Canadas ready to be marched into at a moment's notice. France had no
commerce; England had richly-laden merchantmen traversing every sea.
England, therefore, it was against whom the death-blows of America were
to be levelled." The struggles of England against Napoleon enabled the
American government to choose its own time. On the 14th April, congress
laid an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States during the
space of ninety days, with the view of lessening the number that would
be at the mercy of England when war was finally declared, and also of
manning efficiently their ships of war and privateers. By the end of May
their fastest merchant vessels were converted into cruisers, ready to
start at a short notice. On the 18th of June, before the revocation of
the orders in council was known in the United States, a declaration of
war was carried in the house of representatives by seventy-nine to
forty-nine votes, its supporters being chiefly from the western and
southern states to Pennsylvania inclusive, while the advocates for peace
were principally from the northern and eastern states.[44]
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, January 22, 1812.
It is the opinion of the adjutant-general that you will not
wish to avail yourself of the conditional leave of absence I
have received authority to grant you. I shall hear with
particular satisfaction that Baynes is not mistaken, as I
value your services highly.
If it be the disposition of government to employ Major-General
Sheaffe, the death of Major-General Balfour, at Fredericton,
and the absence of Major-General Wilder, affords the
opportunity of doing so without depriving me of your
assistance at this critical period of affairs.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at York._
QUEBEC, January 23, 1812[45]
Sir George Prevost has commissioned me to inform you that by
the October mail, which arrived two days ago, he received a
letter from the adjutant-general, authorizing him to permit
your return to England for the purpose of being employed on
the continent, and sanctioning his appointing Major-General
Sheaffe to succeed you on the staff in Canada. But Sir George,
viewing the intention of the commander-in-chief as instigated
solely by a desire to promote your wishes and advantage, and
having learnt from me that from the tenor of your recent
correspondence I was led to believe that you would prefer
retaining your present charge, he has directed me to inform
you of the circumstance by a private letter, which will enable
you to canvass the subject with more freedom than an official
communication would admit of. Your decision to remain longer
in Canada will be highly acceptable to him. Sheaffe, I have no
doubt, will be very speedily provided for in this country,
without depriving us of your services. Sir George has asked
permission to appoint him in General Wilder's place, and there
will be two vacancies in Nova Scotia to fill up in the spring.
Sir George has great pleasure in acceding to your request to
be permitted to nominate one or two ensigns to the Glengary
Fencibles, and, if you wish, young Shaw may be immediately
provided for in that corps, and afterwards transferred to the
line.
The cold here has been severer for the last eight days than
has ever been recollected by the oldest inhabitant; the
thermometer falling as low as 33 degrees under cipher,
accompanied with high wind, and never rising during all that
time above 15 degrees below--it is at this moment 20 degrees
under cipher: fortunate you, that are in a milder climate, for
we are suffering dreadfully from excessive cold. By your
description of your pastime in shooting wild pigeons, you
certainly possess a very great advantage over us in these
respects. We have been much plagued with opthalmia, which has
been very general in the king's regiment, and the severe cold
does not prevent the contagion.
* * * * *
On the 4th February, 1812, Major-General Brock, accompanied by a
numerous suite, opened the session of the legislature at York with the
following speech to the legislative council and the house of assembly:
"Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly.
"I should derive the utmost satisfaction, the first time of my
addressing you, were it permitted me to direct your attention
solely to such objects as tended to promote the peace and
prosperity of this province.
"The glorious contest in which the British empire is engaged,
and the vast sacrifice which Great Britain nobly offers to
secure the independence of other nations, might be expected to
stifle every feeling of envy and jealousy, and at the same
time to excite the interest and command the admiration of a
free people; but, regardless of such generous impressions, the
American government evinces a disposition calculated to impede
and divide her efforts.
"England is not only interdicted the harbours of the United
States, while they afford a shelter to the cruisers of her
inveterate enemy, but she is likewise required to resign
those maritime rights which she has so long exercised and
enjoyed. Insulting threats are offered, and hostile
preparations actually commenced; and though not without hope
that cool reflection and the dictates of justice may yet avert
the calamities of war, I cannot, under every view of the
relative situation of the province, be too urgent in
recommending to your early attention the adoption of such
measures as will best secure the internal peace of the
country, and defeat every hostile aggression.
"Principally composed of the sons of a loyal and brave band of
veterans, the militia, I am confident, stand in need of
nothing but the necessary legislative provisions, to direct
their ardour in the acquirement of military instruction, to
form a most efficient force.
"The growing prosperity of these provinces, it is manifest,
begins to awaken a spirit of envy and ambition. The
acknowledged importance of this colony to the parent state
will secure the continuance of her powerful protection. Her
fostering care has been the first cause, under Providence, of
the uninterrupted happiness you have so long enjoyed. Your
industry has been liberally rewarded, and you have in
consequence risen to opulence.
"These interesting truths are not uttered to animate your
patriotism, but to dispel any apprehension which you may have
imbibed of the possibility of England forsaking you; for you
must be sensible that if once bereft of her support, if once
deprived of the advantages which her commerce and the supply
of her most essential wants give you, this colony, from its
geographical position, must inevitably sink into comparative
poverty and insignificance.
"But Heaven will look favorably on the manly exertions which
the loyal and virtuous inhabitants of this happy land are
prepared to make, to avert such a dire calamity.
"Our gracious prince, who so gloriously upholds the dignity
of the empire, already appreciates your merit, and it will be
your first care to establish, by the course of your actions,
the just claim of the country to the protection of his royal
highness.
"I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of announcing to you
from this place, the munificent intention of his royal
highness the prince regent, who has been graciously pleased to
signify that a grant of L100 per annum will be proposed in the
annual estimates, for every future missionary of the Gospel,
sent from England, who may have faithfully discharged, for the
term of ten years, the duties of his station in this province.
"Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
"I have no doubt but that, with me, you are convinced of the
necessity of a regular system of military instruction to the
militia of this province;--on this salutary precaution, in the
event of a war, our future safety will greatly depend, and I
doubt not but that you will cheerfully lend your aid, to
enable me to defray the expense of carrying into effect a
measure so conducive to our security and defence.
"I have ordered the public accounts to be laid before you, and
have no doubt but that you will consider them with that
attention which the nature of the subject may require.
"Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
"I have, without reserve, communicated to you what has
occurred to me on the existing circumstances of this province.
We wish and hope for peace, but it is nevertheless our duty to
be prepared for war.
"The task imposed on you, on the present occasion, is arduous;
this task, however, I hope and trust, laying aside every
consideration but that of the public good, you will perform
with that firmness, discretion, and promptitude, which a
regard to yourselves, your families, your country, and your
king, call for at your hands.
"As for myself, it shall be my utmost endeavour to co-operate
with you in promoting such measures as may best contribute to
the security and to the prosperity of this province."
The addresses of the provincial parliament in reply were highly
satisfactory, and in answer Major-General Brock observed:
"The congratulations offered upon my appointment to the
honorable station I hold in this province, and the confidence
you so early repose in me, are, be assured, received with
pride and heartfelt satisfaction.
"Impressed with the assurance of your support, I feel a most
perfect reliance that the exertions of this province will be
found equal to meet every emergency of this important crisis."
* * * * *
The conclusion of the following letter is descriptive of Major-General
Brock's views and intentions in the probable event of a war ensuing
between Great Britain and the United States, and which a few months
afterwards he carried into effect with a success that must have exceeded
his most sanguine expectations.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Baynes, the Adj.-General._
YORK, February 12, 1812.
The assurance which I gave, in my speech at the opening of the
legislature, of England co-operating in the defence of this
province, has infused the utmost confidence; and I have reason
at this moment to look for the acquiescence of the two houses
to every measure I may think necessary to recommend for the
peace and defence of the country. A spirit has manifested
itself, little expected by those who conceived themselves the
best qualified to judge of the disposition of the members of
the house of assembly. The most powerful opponents to Governor
Gore's administration take the lead on the present occasion.
I, of course, do not think it expedient to damp the ardour
displayed by these once doubtful characters. Some opposed Mr.
Gore evidently from personal motives, but never forfeited the
right of being numbered among the most loyal. Few, very few I
believe, were actuated by base or unworthy considerations,
however mistaken they may have been on various occasions.
Their character will very soon be put to a severe test. The
measures which I intend to propose are:
1.--A militia supplementary act. Sir George will hear the
outlines from Captain Gray.
2.--The suspension of the habeas corpus. A copy of the act now
enforced in the Lower Province.
3.--An alien law.
4.--The offer of a reward for the better apprehension of
deserters.
If I succeed in all this, I shall claim some praise; but I am
not without my fears. I shall send you the militia act the
moment it passes into a law. The more I consider the new
provisions, the more I am satisfied (giving of course every
proper allowance to the disposition of the people) they are
peculiarly calculated to meet the local situation of the
country. I have not a musket more than will suffice to arm the
active part of the militia from Kingston westward. I have
therefore to request that the number of arms may be sent,
according to the enclosed requisition, to the places therein
specified, on the communication between Glengary and Kingston.
Every man capable of carrying a musket, along the whole of
that line, ought to be prepared to act. The members of the
assembly from that part of the country are particularly
anxious that some works may be thrown up as a rallying point
and place of security for stores, &c, in the vicinity of
Johnstown. I shall request Colonel M'Donnell to examine, on
his return, the ground which those gentlemen recommend as best
suited for that purpose. Being immediately opposite
Ozwegatchie, some precaution of the sort is indispensable,
were it only to preserve a free communication between the two
provinces. I have been made to expect the able assistance of
Captain Marlow. Should he be still at Quebec, have the
goodness to direct his attention, on his way up, to that
quarter. He had better consult. Colonel Frazer and Captain
Gilkinson, men of sound judgment and well acquainted with the
country. The militia will have of course to be employed on the
works.
I must still press the necessity of an active, enterprizing,
intelligent commander being stationed on that important line
of communication. I wish Colonel Ellice[46] were here to
undertake the arduous task, as it is wholly impossible that I
can do so. Every assistance in my civil capacity I shall
always be ready to give, and to that point my exertions must
be necessarily limited. Niagara and Amherstburg will
sufficiently occupy my attention. I deliver my sentiments
freely, believing they will not be the less acceptable.
I discussed every point connected with Amherstburg so
completely with Captain Gray, that I do not find any thing
very essential was omitted. Colonel M'Donnell will be able
probably to give us further insight as to the actual state of
affairs there. He was to make every enquiry and, as far as he
was permitted, to judge himself of the relative strength of
Detroit. Lieut.-Colonel---- preceded him by some days, but in
such state of mind that forbids my placing any dependance in
his exertions. When I first mentioned my intention of sending
him to Amherstburg, he seemed diffident of his abilities, but
pleased at the distinction. However, when he received his
final instructions, his conduct in the presence of some
officers was so very improper, and otherwise so childish, that
I have since written to say, if he continued in the same
disposition, he was at liberty to return to Niagara. I did not
directly order him back, because at this time I consider an
officer of rank necessary at Amherstburg, particularly during
the absence of Messrs. Elliott and Baby, who are both here
attending their parliamentary duties. You will imagine, after
what I have stated, that it is the influence of his rank I
alone covet, and not his personal aid. He has very fortunately
given timely proof that he is in no way ambitious of military
fame, therefore unfit for so important a command. Should it
please his excellency to place the 41st and 49th at my
disposal, I propose sending the former regiment to
Amherstburg, as we cannot be too strong in that quarter. I
have already explained myself on that point, and Captain Gray
is furnished with further arguments in support of the measure.
I have delayed to the last the mention of a project which I
consider of the utmost consequence in the event of
hostilities. I set out with declaring my full conviction, that
unless Detroit and Michilimakinack be both in our possession
immediately at the commencement of hostilities, not only the
district of Amherstburg, but most probably the whole country
as far as Kingston, must be evacuated. How necessary,
therefore, to provide effectually the means of their capture.
From Amherstburg it will be impossible to send a force to
reduce Michilimakinack. Unless we occupy completely both
banks, no vessel could pass the river St. Clair. What I
therefore presume to suggest for his excellency's
consideration, is the adoption of a project which Sir James
Craig contemplated three years ago. The north-west company
undertook to transport 50 or 60 men up the Ottawa, and I make
no doubt would engage again to perform the same service. If
therefore a war be likely to occur, at the time the canoes
start from Montreal, I should recommend 40 or 50 of the 49th
light company, and a small detachment of artillery, embarking
at the same time for St. Joseph's. Should hostilities
commence, the north-west would not object to join their
strength in the reduction of Michilimakinack; and should peace
succeed the present wrangling, the 49th detachment could be
easily removed to Amherstburg.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, February 20, 1812.
Captain M'Donnell has not clearly understood the purport of
his mission to Upper Canada, and the general regrets that he
should have proceeded the length he has done without having
previously received your advice and instructions, to obtain
which was the chief object of his visit to York. It is to be
hoped, however, that sufficient patronage still remains open
to meet your wishes, as the appointment of three of General
Shaw's sons may be considered, from the sentiments of
friendship and regard you have testified for that officer, to
be almost equivalent to anticipating your own choice of them.
And Sir George has directed me to inform you, that he readily
accepts of your proposal to recruit two companies, to be added
to the Glengary Fencibles; the nomination of the officers,
viz. two captains, two lieutenants, and two ensigns, to rest
entirely with you. The general has approved of the following
quotas of men for the respective ranks: captains 30,
lieutenants 15, and ensigns 20; the commissions to be issued
on completing the quota, and such as complete their proportion
quickest, or exceed in extra number of recruits, will have
priority in regimental rank. I am not aware that Sir George
purposes nominating a lieutenant-colonel; but I am sure that
you will not feel less disposed to promote the formation of
this corps, when I inform you that it is his intention to
recommend me to the commander-in-chief for the appointment of
colonel.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, February 22, 1812.
Sir George is much pleased with the favorable account Captain
Gray has given him of your proceedings. Your speech is highly
approved of here, and we shall rejoice to find our house
following so laudable an example as your commons have shewn
them: but I am not sanguine; they have already commenced with
great illiberality and violence to vent their spleen and
resentment against Sir James (Craig) in votes of censure, and
I fancy Sir George, with all his amiable, conciliatory
mariners, will hardly succeed in keeping them within bounds.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, February--, 1812.
I cannot permit Colonel M'Donnell to return home without
giving your excellency a short account of our proceedings
here.
I had every reason to expect the almost unanimous support of
the two houses of the legislature to every measure the
government thought it necessary to recommend; but after a
short trial, I found myself egregiously mistaken in my
calculations.
The many doubtful characters in the militia made me anxious to
introduce the oath of abjuration into the bill: there were
twenty members in the house, when this highly important
measure was lost by the casting voice of the chairman.
The great influence which the numerous settlers from the
United States possess over the decisions of the lower house is
truly alarming, and ought immediately, by every practical
means, to be diminished. To give encouragement to real
subjects to settle in this province, can alone remove the
evil. The consideration of the fees should not stand in the
way of such a politic arrangement; and should your excellency
ultimately determine to promise some of the waste lands of the
crown to such Scotch emigrants as enlist in the Glengary
Fencibles, I have no hesitation in recommending, in the
strongest manner, the raising of a Canadian corps upon similar
offers, to be hereafter disbanded and distributed among their
countrymen in the vicinity of Amherstburg. Colonel M'Donnell
being in full possession of my sentiments on this subject, I
beg leave to refer your excellency to him for further
information.
The bill for the suspension of the habeas corpus, I regret to
say, was likewise lost by a very trifling majority. A strong
sentiment now prevails that war is not likely to occur with
the United States, which, I believe, tended to influence the
votes of the members; I mean of such who, though honest, are
by their ignorance easily betrayed into error.
The low ebb of their finances appears to stagger the most
desperate democrats in the States, and may possibly delay the
commencement of direct hostilities; but should France and
England continue the contest much longer, it appears to me
absolutely impossible for the United States to avoid making
their election; and the unfriendly disposition they have for
some years past evinced towards England, leaves little doubt
as to their choice. Your excellency, I am sensible, will
excuse the freedom with which I deliver my sentiments.
Every day hostilities are retarded, the greater the
difficulties we shall have to encounter. The Americans are at
this moment busily employed in raising six companies of
Rangers, for the express purpose of overawing the Indians; and
are besides collecting a regular force at Vincennes, probably
with a view of reinforcing Detroit. Indeed, report states the
arrival of a large force at Fort Wayne, intended for the
former garrison. Their intrigues among the different tribes
are carried on openly and with the utmost activity, and as no
expense is spared, it may reasonably be supposed that they do
not fail of success. Divisions are thus uninterruptedly sowed
among our Indian friends, and the minds of many altogether
estranged from our interests. Such must inevitably be the
consequence of our present inert and neutral proceedings in
regard to them. It ill becomes me to determine how long true
policy requires that the restrictions now imposed upon the
Indian department ought to continue; but this I will venture
to assert, that each day the officers are restrained from
interfering in the concerns of the Indians, each time they
advise peace and withhold the accustomed supply of ammunition,
their influence will diminish, till at length they lose it
altogether.
I find that ever since the departure of Priest Burke from
Sandwich, the L50 per annum paid from the military chest to
that gentleman have been withheld, on what account I have not
been able to ascertain. The individual at present officiating
is highly spoken of; and as several gentlemen of the Catholic
persuasion have applied to me to intercede with your
excellency to renew the allowance, I presume to submit the
case to your indulgent consideration.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, March 5, 1812.
I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of the 12th February, which I have communicated to Sir George,
who is highly pleased to find you are satisfied to retain the
important post you fill, and which you appear to govern under
such very auspicious prospects. I sincerely trust you will be
able to keep your subjects, and particularly your house of
representatives, in the same good humour and sound principles
which they have hitherto testified. You will perceive in the
main sentiments of Sir George's opening address, a perfect
accordance with your own: the answer of the assembly led to a
very violent and personal debate, which lasted with closed
doors for nearly eighteen hours. It would have been more to
their credit had they left out the allusion which has drawn
from Sir George a very appropriate retort. Your friend, James
Cuthbert, was very warm and eloquent upon the occasion, and
the demagogue party seemed sensible of the severity of his
satire, when he compared the factious cabal to AEsop's fable of
the ass kicking at the dying lion. Having vented their spleen,
they will, I believe, prove a little more tractable: the
militia bill has a prospect of being materially amended, and
they will, I think, allow a proportion of about 2,000 men, or
perhaps a few more, to be incorporated for two or three
months, for three successive years; after the second year to
be replaced by a new quota, and to be selected by ballot, and
no substitutes permitted to serve in the place of a militiaman
drawn by lot: this will be a great point gained.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Baynes._
YORK, March 9, 1812.
I received yesterday your letter dated the 20th February, and
have to express my thanks to Sir George Prevost for his
readiness in attending to my wishes.
His excellency having been pleased to authorize the raising of
two companies under my superintendence, giving me the
nomination of the officers, I have to acquaint you, for his
information, that Alexander Roxburgh, Esq., has been appointed
by me to raise men for a company, and William M'Lean,
gentleman, for an ensigncy. The former is a gentleman strongly
recommended to me by Mr. Cartwright, of Kingston; and the
latter, the son of an officer formerly in the 25th regiment,
who, having settled in this country, has become one of the
most influential characters in it. He is a member of the house
of assembly for the district of Frontenac. I have not yet
determined in respect to the remaining commissions, but will
report the instant the individuals are nominated.
Captain Dixon (royal engineers) proceeded four days ago to
Amherstburg, with the gentlemen who were returning from their
parliamentary duties.
I request you will have the goodness to inform me of the
probable time I may expect the honor of seeing Sir George
Prevost, as I shall consider it a duty, which I shall execute
with the utmost pleasure, of meeting his excellency at
Kingston.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, March 19, 1812.
I regret to find by your late letters to Sir George Prevost,
that your expectations from your legislature have not been
realised to the extent of your well grounded hopes. Sir
George, who is well versed in the fickle and untractable
disposition of public assemblies, feels more regret than
disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play with his
house of assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of
being highly charmed and delighted with his amiable
disposition and affable manners: they have even gone the
length of asserting, that these traits in his character have
afforded them the most entire confidence that in his hands the
alien act would not be abused. They have, however, taken the
precaution of stripping it of its very essence and spirit,
while last year they passed it without a division, when Sir
James, (Craig,) on whose mild and affable disposition they did
not pretend to rely, told them that it could only alarm such
as were conscious of harbouring seditious designs. They have
passed an amendment to the militia bill, which, though not
affording all that was required, is still a material point
gained. 2,000 men are to be ballotted to serve for three
months in two successive summers; one of their strongest
objections was the apprehension of the Canadians contracting
military habits and enlisting into the service.[A]
Sir George has directed me to inform you, that he will be
ready to render you any assistance in his power to strengthen
the Upper Province; but that unless reinforcements arrive from
England, (in which case you may depend upon having a due
proportion put under your immediate command,) his means of
doing so are but very limited. His excellency is not sanguine
in his expectation of receiving reinforcements this summer; on
the contrary, the appearance of hostilities beginning to abate
at Washington, and the pledge held out in the prince regent's
speech of supporting with energy the contest in Spain and
Portugal, are likely to prevent troops being sent to this
quarter, unless a more urgent necessity of doing so should
appear. I will not comment on American politics, in which we
all appear to agree that the deep-rooted jealousy and hatred
of that people must in the end lead to hostilities, and that
it behoves us not to lose sight of an event which, if not
prepared to meet, we shall find more difficult to
repel;--under this impression, Sir George is disposed to
promote the several plans you have recommended to him,
relating to the general line of conduct you would wish to
adopt in the defence of the important province committed to
your charge. If no additional forces be sent out, he will
send up the strong detachment of the 41st, composed of
uncommonly fine young men, and in very good order: the general
has it also in view to send you a strong detachment of the
Newfoundland regiment, selecting their seamen and marine
artificers, who will be most useful in the proposed works to
be carried on at York; and here I am apprehensive that the
means of augmenting your strength must be bounded, unless the
Glengary Levy can be rapidly formed, and Sir George is
sanguine in his expectations of its being speedily placed upon
a respectable footing: in that case, it could occupy Kingston
and that line of communication between the provinces, which
you deem so essential to be guarded. This corps will have the
very great advantage of starting with a better selected body
of officers than has fallen to the lot of any Fencible
regiment in Canada. I hope you will feel inclined to bring
forward Shaw as one of your captains, as without your
countenance I fear he will find it an arduous task to provide
for himself and his brother. The uniform of the corps is to be
green, like that of the 95th rifles.
Sir George expressed himself very sensible of the policy of
the line of conduct you would wish to pursue respecting the
Indians; but as other considerations of the greatest political
delicacy are so minutely interwoven with them, and as the
American government are already inclined to view every
transaction with those people with a jealous and suspicious
eye, he would recommend the utmost caution and forbearance,
lest a different line of conduct might tend to increase the
irritation between the two governments, which it is evidently
the wish of Great Britain to allay.
Our weather has been, and still continues for the season,
severer than ever was recollected by the oldest stagers, and
has rather put our Halifax friends out of conceit with the
fine climate of Canada, particularly as Lady Prevost's health
is delicate, and she is very sensible of cold. Mrs. Cator and
Mrs. Baynes beg to be most kindly remembered to you. General
Bowes accompanied Kempt to Portugal in the end of December.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, April 2, 1812.
Many thanks for the very kind and friendly note which
accompanied your letter of the 9th ultimo, and I beg you to
rest assured, that I am very sensible of your friendly
disposition towards me, and feel particularly grateful and
flattered by the kind manner in which you have the goodness to
express it.
The American papers, under the head of English news, as late
as the 20th January, give a circumstantial account of the
death of Sir James Craig, on Sunday, the 12th, at his house in
Charlotte Street. There are too many circumstances
corroborating an event which was so greatly to be apprehended,
to leave a shadow of doubt of the severe loss that all, who
were favored with his friendship, have sustained. To me, from
my earliest youth, he has been the best and kindest friend, a
steady and powerful patron; for few sons ever experienced more
truly paternal care and affectionate regard from the best of
fathers, than I have received at the hands of that best of
men. The grief that I cannot suppress is a selfish tribute to
my own irreparable loss: his release from a state of cruel,
lingering suffering, which, as I had so long witnessed, he
bore with a degree of fortitude and patient resignation
unparalleled, could have been no cause of regret to him, and
therefore ought not to be so to those who most sincerely loved
him; but I have so long been accustomed to cherish the
grateful and affectionate sentiments of a highly favored son
to the best of parents, that however I might have been
prepared for this inevitable shock, I still feel that there
are affections so rooted in our hearts, that this world's
changes can never efface the impression. His memory will long
be remembered with admiration by all who knew his merit. As a
soldier he had few equals, and no knight had a fairer claim to
the proud title of _sans peur et sans reproche_; while the
widow, the orphan, and every distressed object that claimed
his aid, will testify the generous heart that once animated
that good and honorable man.
The ladies of this house always beg to be remembered to you,
with the sincerest good wishes for your health and happiness.
Mrs. Baynes has been plotting with Mrs. Colonel Robertson to
elope and pay you a visit, pressing Heriot[47] into their
service as their knight errant.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, Commanding 2d Regiment
Norfolk Militia._
YORK, April 8, 1812.
The power which is vested in the person administering the
government, by the amended act of the militia, passed the last
session of the provincial parliament, of forming two flank
companies, to be taken indiscriminately from the battalions,
being limited to the end of the ensuing session, would almost
deter me from incurring public expense upon a system which
will cease to operate before its utility and efficacy can well
be ascertained.
But being anxious at this important crisis to organize an
armed force with a view of meeting future exigencies, and to
demonstrate by practical experience the degree of facility
with which the militia may be trained for service, I have to
request you to adopt immediate measures for forming and
completing, from among such men as voluntarily offer to serve,
two companies, not to exceed one captain, two subalterns, two
sergeants, one drummer, and thirty-five rank and file each, in
the regiment under your command.
You will have the goodness to recommend two captains, whom
you conceive the best qualified to undertake this important
duty; the nominating of the subalterns is left to your
discretion.
Such other regiments as are conveniently situated to receive
military instruction, shall have an opportunity afforded them
of shewing their ardour in the public service, which cannot
fail of creating a laudable emulation among the different
corps.
Assisted by your zeal, prudence, and intelligence, I entertain
the pleasing hope of meeting with very considerable success,
and of being able to establish the sound policy of rendering
permanent to the end of the present war, a mode of military
instruction little burdensome to individuals, and every way
calculated to secure a powerful internal defence against
hostile aggression.
Printed rules and regulations, for your future guidance, are
herewith forwarded: the most simple, and at the same time the
most useful, movements have been selected for the practice of
the militia.
Experience has shewn the absolute necessity of adopting every
possible precaution to preserve in a proper state the arms
issued to the militia, and of guarding against the heavy
defalcations which have heretofore occurred.
You will make applications to the officers commanding at Fort
Erie for the number of arms and accoutrements wanting to
complete the men actually engaged to serve in the flank
companies; and that officer will be instructed to comply with
your requisition, upon your transmitting to him duplicate
receipts, one of which is to be forwarded to head quarters,
that you may become responsible for the articles delivered to
your order: at the same time, the most liberal construction
will be given to any representation accounting for such
contingencies as are incidental to the service.
[The remaining details in this letter are omitted here.]
_Sir James Saumarez, Bart.[48] to Major-General Brock._
SPITHEAD, April 14, 1812.
Lieutenant Le Couteur[49] being ordered to join his regiment
in Canada, permit me to recommend him to your kind notice: he
is a promising young officer, and being connected with our
family, makes me interested for his welfare. I congratulate
you upon your present distinguished appointment. A few weeks
previous to my leaving town, I was informed by Lord Liverpool
that Governor Gore had leave of absence, but that if he did
not return to his command, he would be happy in taking your
services into consideration. From what his lordship was
pleased to add, I have no doubt of your succeeding to the
government, in the event of Governor Gore obtaining any other
situation.
I am on the point of returning to the Baltic, where there
appears a strong disposition on the part of Russia and some
of the other powers to resist the aggressions of Bonaparte,--I
trust with well-founded hopes of ultimate success.
_Major-General Le Couteur to Major-General Brock._
LISBON, April 16, 1812.
I am here in consequence of a mistake in orders sent to me by
Lord Palmerston, to join the army in Portugal, when his
lordship meant Jamaica. On my arrival at Lisbon I found out
the mistake, and I hope in a few days to sail for my real
destination.
My son, whom you perhaps will remember an infant when you were
in Jersey, will have the pleasure to deliver you this letter,
if the 104th regiment be in your neighbourhood. He is only
seventeen years old; very young to be sent loose on the wide
world. Allow me to recommend him to your kindness and friendly
protection; and should he be quartered at some distance from
you, permit me to request you will be so good as to introduce
him to some steady officer, or to such of your friends as
might be in his neighbourhood. I shall hope to have him soon
as my aide-de-camp.
_Sir John Dumaresq, Kt., Lieut.-Bailiff of Jersey, to Major-General
Brock_.
JERSEY, April 20, 1812.
I hope you will pardon the liberty I take of giving a letter
of introduction to you to my grandson, Lieut. John Le Couteur,
of the 104th, son of Major-General Le Couteur, who is on his
departure for Quebec with recruits. His father, who is now in
Portugal, had some hopes his son might have been allowed to be
on his staff; but it seems that could not take place until he
has served a certain time in the regiment. He is a young man
(not yet eighteen) of an excellent disposition, educated at
Marlow, where he has given the most pleasing testimonies of
early professional abilities and attention to his duty. I
shall esteem, it a great favor, as well as his father, for any
mark of attention or notice which you may have it in your
power to shew him whilst under your command.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, April 22, 1812.
I had the honor yesterday to receive your excellency's letter,
dated the 21st ultimo, and I entreat you to believe that no
act within my control shall afford the government of the
United States a legitimate pretext to add to a clamour which
has been so artfully raised against England.
We have received the account of the renewal of the embargo,
and that the most rigorous measures have already been adopted
to prevent the least infringement of it upon the Niagara
river. Armed men, in coloured clothes, are continually
patroling along the shore. These troops are stated to have
recently arrived, but I have not been able to ascertain
whether they belong to the new levy or to the militia. They
are reported to amount to about 300. Colonel Proctor has
doubtless written fully on the subject, but unfortunately the
letters, by some negligence, were left at Niagara. The
accounts which have reached me are not therefore so
satisfactory as could be wished. An idle boy is stated to have
wantonly fired with ball at the guard opposite Queenstown, and
it appears that the Americans were guilty of a similar outrage
by firing during the night into a room in which a woman was
sitting. Luckily no mischief followed. Being detained here
upon civil business, I have sent Captain Glegg over to see how
matters stand, and to arrange with both civil and military the
best means of preventing a recurrence of a practice which may
easily lead to serious consequences. I hope to be at Niagara
myself the day after to-morrow.
I beg leave to assure your excellency, that I receive with no
small degree of pride the praise bestowed on my endeavours to
improve the militia system of this province; and as the bill
underwent some alterations after the departure of Colonel
M'Donnell, particularly in limiting its operation to the end
of the ensuing session, I shall have the honor to forward for
your excellency's information the law as now enforced. I have,
by partial and gentle means, already commenced to give it
operation, and I make not the least doubt that a sufficient
number will be found ready to volunteer to complete the flank
companies; and I here beg leave to call your excellency's
attention to the clause which authorizes the training of the
flank companies six times in each month; but as no provision
is made for remunerating the men, I presume to submit for your
excellency's indulgent consideration, that the commissaries be
instructed to issue rations for the number actually present at
exercise. These companies I expect will be composed of the
best description of inhabitants, who in most cases will have
to go a great distance to attend parade; and, unless this
liberal provision be allowed, will be liable to heavy expense,
or be subject to considerable privations. According to my
present arrangements, the number embodied will not exceed 700,
and when the companies are completed throughout the province,
they must be calculated at 1,800; and, as during harvest and
the winter months few or no parades will take place, the total
expense attending the measure can be of no material
consequence in a pecuniary point of view, and may in a
political light be productive, at this juncture, of
considerable benefit.
I have likewise to request that such portion of clothing as
your excellency can conveniently spare from the king's stores,
may be forwarded, to enable me to clothe such companies as are
the most likely to be called upon duty.
I am anxious to hear the real object of the embargo; should it
be directed solely against England, the probability is that it
leads to a war; but should France be included in its
operation, nothing of the kind need be dreaded.
In the expectation of having the honor of seeing your
excellency shortly at York, I limit, for the present, the
works of the military artificers at this place, to preparing a
temporary magazine for the reception of the spare powder at
Fort George and Kingston, and the excavation of the ditch for
the proposed fortifications of the spot on which the
government house stands.
I transmit, for your excellency's perusal, a detailed account
of the transactions which led to the unjustifiable censure
passed by the house of assembly upon Chief Justice Scott. It
is written by Mr. Nichol himself; and the warmth with which he
has expressed his indignation at the wanton exercise of a
power yet undefined, as far as regards this province, is not
therefore surprising. I am convinced that whenever the
business is brought legally before the judges, they will
refuse to sanction the enormous power, under the name of
privilege, which the house arrogates to itself. The executive
will in that case be placed in a very awkward predicament: Mr.
Nichol having commenced civil actions against the speaker and
sergeant at arms for false imprisonment, will, should he
succeed in obtaining damages, bring the question with double
force on the _tapis_. The violence and ignorance which, in all
probability, will mark the proceedings of the house, cannot
fail of producing a dissolution. I apply forcibly to ministers
for instructions, but should they be contrary to the opinion
which the judges of the court of king's bench have formed of
the law, I am led to believe they will not influence the
members; therefore, one of two alternatives must be resorted
to, either the appointment of more docile judges, or the
decision of the question by a British act of parliament. I
trust, for the tranquillity and prosperity of the province,
that the latter mode may be preferred. I have thus freely, and
perhaps with rather too much haste to be sufficiently
explicit, stated the difficulties which in all likelihood I
shall have to encounter at the next meeting of the
legislature.
Should the effect of the embargo appear to be directed solely
at Great Britain, I shall avail myself of the confidence
placed in me, and order the purchase of horses, to enable the
car brigade to act in case of necessity. This, being a service
which requires infinite trouble and practice to bring to any
degree of perfection, cannot be too soon attended to.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, April 30, 1812.
I have just heard from Mr. Foster that the secretary at war,
at Washington, has transmitted orders to Governor Tompkins, of
New York, to send 500 of the state militia to Niagara, 500 to
the mouth of the Black River, opposite to Kingston, and 600 to
Champlain, in consequence of the hostile appearances in
Canada. Mr. Foster is of opinion the government of the United
States calculates that something will happen on the part of
these men to produce a quarrel with the British troops, which
may lead to retaliation on both sides, and occasion
hostilities to commence, as in this way alone, it seems
thought, an unjust war can be forced on the American people,
who are represented as really averse to it. We must,
therefore, use every effort in our power to prevent any
collision from taking place between our forces and the
American.
I have also received information that the American garrison at
Fort Chicago, not exceeding 60 men, has been ordered to
Detroit, in consequence of apprehensions from the Indians.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 14, 1812.
I have great satisfaction in telling you that I have reported
the Glengary light infantry more than complete to the
establishment of 400 rank and file, and have received Sir
George Prevost's commands to recruit for a higher
establishment; indeed, the quotas the officers have engaged to
fulfil will nearly amount to double that number; and from the
very great success that has attended our exertions, I have no
doubt of succeeding by the end of this year. Two officers have
divided Nova Scotia and New Brunswick for their hunting
ground, and are permitted to recruit Acadians; and Lieutenant
Ronald M'Donnell, of the Canadians, proceeds in a few days to
Pictou and the highland settlements on the coast and gulf: he
is an officer that appears to be eminently qualified for that
service, and he is sanguine that the proffer of lands in the
Scotch settlements of Upper Canada will induce great numbers
to enter. I am assured from various channels that the men I
have got are generally young, rather too much so, and of a
good description, there being very few Yankees amongst them.
I have long letters from my friends at home, giving me a
detailed account of the death of my excellent and best of
friends: the duke of York sat by his bedside for half an hour
the day before he died, and, Somerville says, was extremely
affected. Sir James, (Craig,) on the contrary, rallied from
the pleasure he experienced from this condescending kindness.
Sir James had a codicil written fair for his signature, the
chief object of which was to add a legacy for a female cousin
whom he did not know to be in existence, and to direct the
sale of the priory and freehold, which cost 12,000 guineas, to
enable the payment of the legacies: this instrument, not
having been executed, will lead to what he most deprecated and
wished to avoid, a lawsuit. The heirs at law will possess the
freehold; and Wilkie, who, besides L6,000, is left the two
houses in London, furniture, &c, as residuary legatee, will be
stripped of the whole that is not given by special bequest, to
make up the legacies: he will however, I believe, have at
least L10,000 left--very ample payment for his services.
Sir George has announced his intention of recommending
Battersby to be lieutenant-colonel of the Glengary corps, and
ordered him to take the command of the recruits assembled at
Three Rivers. Your major of brigade[50] will be recommended to
succeed to his majority in the king's regiment.
_Major-Gencral Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, May 16, 1812.
I have this day been honored with your excellency's
confidential communication, dated the 30th ultimo.
I have long since thought that nothing but the public voice
restrained the United States government from commencing direct
hostilities; and it is but reasonable to expect that they will
seek every opportunity to influence the minds of the people
against England, in order to bring them the more readily into
their measures. It will be my study to guard against every
event that can give them any just cause of complaint; but the
proximity of the two countries will in all probability produce
collisions which, however accidentally brought about, will be
represented as so many acts of aggression. It would not
surprise me if their first attempt to excite irritation were
the seizing of the islands in the channel, to which both
countries lay claim: such was represented to Sir James Craig
on a former occasion to be their intention.
In addition to the force specified by your excellency, I
understand that six companies of the Ohio militia are intended
for Detroit. Our interests with the Indians will materially
suffer in consequence of these extensive preparations being
allowed to proceed with impunity. I have always considered
that the reduction of Detroit would be a signal for a cordial
co-operation on the part of the Indians; and if we be not in
sufficient force to effect this object, no reliance ought to
be placed in them.
About forty regulars were last week added to the garrison of
Niagara, and by all accounts barracks are to be immediately
constructed at Black Rock, almost opposite Fort Erie, for a
large force.
I returned three days ago from an excursion to Fort Erie--the
Grand River, where the Indians of the Six Nations are
settled--and back by the head of the lake. Every gentleman,
with whom I had an opportunity of conversing, assured me that
an exceedingly good disposition prevailed among the people.
The flank companies, in the districts in which they have been
established, were instantly completed with volunteers, and
indeed an almost unanimous disposition to serve is daily
manifested. I shall proceed to extend this system now I have
ascertained that the people are so well disposed--but my means
are very limited.
I propose detaching 100 rank and file of the 41st regiment to
Amherstburg, almost immediately.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 21, 1812.
Sir George has allowed me to make the following extracts from
a dispatch of Mr. Foster's, dated the 28th April, which I do
in the minister's own words: "The American government affect
now to have taken every step incumbent on the executive as
preparatory to war, and leave the ultimate decision to
congress, as vested by the constitution in that body, which is
fluctuating as the sea: there is a great party in the house of
representatives for war, composed principally of the western
and southern states--members who have little to lose, and may
gain, while the northern and eastern states are vehement
against it. The embargo seems to have been resolved upon,
because at the moment they did not know what else to do. The
cabinet wished only sixty days--the senate made it ninety. Our
government leaves no room to expect a repeal of the order in
council, yet they wait for the return of the Hornet. Something
decisive must then be known; perhaps when they become
completely convinced of Bonaparte's playing upon them, it will
end in declaring against France. The question of adjournment
was lost, notwithstanding there was an absolute majority known
a few minutes before in its favor. The ruling party are split
into many; the old revolutionists, jealous of younger men
taking a lead. The army cannot, I conceive, soon be filled
up--they get few recruits."
You will have heard, long ere you receive this, that the 49th
regiment is ordered home; the 41st are by the same authority
to return to Europe, but Sir George will not, under existing
circumstances, attempt to relieve the posts in Upper Canada,
so that there will be no immediate change in your quarter. Sir
George regrets that he has not field officers of the
description you require to command at Kingston and
Amherstburg. The only prospect of relief in that respect which
he has in view, is from the arrival of the absent inspecting
field officers.
The arrangement you propose respecting the unfortunate
delinquents of the 41st regiment, will perfectly meet the
approbation of Sir George, who approved of your not forwarding
the resignation of the younger members, or indeed of any, if
they are worthy of consideration.
Kempt has brought his name into notice in the assault of La
Picurina, an outwork at Badajoz, where he commanded, being on
duty in the trenches. The Glengary levy goes on swimmingly.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 27, 1812.
I was much pleased to find, by your letter of the 22d ultimo,
you had taken precautions to prevent any act occurring within
your control that should afford the government of the United
States a legitimate pretext to add to the clamour artfully
raised by it against England.
The circumstance which happened to the guard stationed
opposite to Queenstown, arrived here much exaggerated. Your
account of it silenced the idle reports in circulation.
I agree with you in deploring the limitation, until the end of
the ensuing session, in the operation of the militia act for
Upper Canada; but as in the event of hostilities it might not
be possible to convene the legislature, then the bill would in
all probability continue in force during the war, provided you
were not induced to make an exertion for a more perfect law.
Colonel Baynes having informed me he had an opportunity of
communicating with you more expeditiously than by post, I
desired him to make you acquainted with the peaceful
intelligence I had just received from Mr. Foster; but although
it comes with a good deal of reservation, still it warrants me
in recommending the most rigid economy in carrying on the
king's service, and in avoiding all expense that has not
become absolutely necessary, as it is with the utmost
difficulty money can be raised for the ordinary service.
I am apprehensive that I cannot look forward to the pleasure
of seeing you before the end of August, as my presence in the
province is become indispensably necessary during the first
operation of the new militia law.
Many thanks for the particulars of the transaction which led
to the censure passed by the house of assembly on Chief
Justice Scott.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 43: He died at Mount Vernon, on the 14th December, 1799, in
the sixty-eighth year of his age, leaving a widow but no issue.]
[Footnote 44: Pictorial History of England.]
[Footnote 45: This and a few of the subsequent letters from Colonel
Baynes are partly in cipher of figures, but of course we have not the
key.]
[Footnote 46: The present Lieut.-General Ellice, colonel of the 24th
regiment of foot. He is the officer mentioned at page 97, but was deputy
adjutant-general in Canada, and not inspecting field officer of militia
as we supposed.]
[Footnote 47: The late Major-General Heriot, C.B., then Captain Heriot,
of the 49th.]
[Footnote 48: The late Admiral Lord de Saumarez, G.C.B., &c.]
[Footnote 49: The present Colonel Le Couteur, Militia Aide-de-Camp to
the Queen, in Jersey. In the _United Service Journal_ for October, 1831,
Colonel Le Couteur has described the winter march of the 104th regiment,
early in 1813, from New Brunswick to Canada.]
[Footnote 50: The present Major-General Thomas Evans, C.B., then a
captain of the 8th foot.]
CHAPTER VII.
It will be assisting the reader, ere we proceed to detail the operations
at the commencement of hostilities, to give a brief description, not
only of the lakes and straits which constitute the water boundaries of
Upper Canada, and of the towns and military posts distributed along
them, as existing in the year 1812, but also of the territory of
Michigan, which was surrendered, with Detroit, to Major-General Brock.
The distances are given in British statute miles.
The most remote piece of water on this frontier worthy of notice is Lake
Superior, a body of fresh water unequalled by any upon the face of the
globe. Lake Superior is of a triangular form; in length 381, in breadth
161, and in circumference about 1,150 miles. Among its islands is one
nearly two-thirds as large as Jamaica. Out of Lake Superior a very rapid
current flows, over immense masses of rock, along a channel of 27 miles
in length, called St. Mary's River, into Lake Huron, at the head of
which is the British island of St. Joseph, containing a small garrison.
This isolated post is distant about 350 miles by water from Amherstburg,
which contained the nearest British garrison.
Lake Huron is in length, from west to east, 218 miles; in breadth, 180;
and in circumference, through its numerous curvatures, 812 miles. Except
the island of St. Joseph, and one or two trading establishments
belonging to the north-west company, the shores of this lake were in a
state of nature, or inhabited only by Indians. When the Americans were
allowed to obtain the dominion of Lake Erie, which they did in 1813, it
was determined at the close of the following year to create a naval
force on Lake Huron in the ensuing season, (1815,) as possessing much
greater security for the construction of vessels than Lake Erie, where
the enemy could at any time destroy them, in the same manner as their
vessels ought to have been previously destroyed by the British. Lake
Michigan, which belongs wholly to the United States, is connected with
Lake Huron at its western angle by a short and wide strait, in the
centre of which is the island of Michilimakinack, belonging to the
United States. This island is about 9 miles in circumference, and, like
St. Joseph, its neighbour, it possessed a small fort and garrison. Lake
Huron flows through the river St. Clair, which is in length about 60
miles, into Lake St. Clair, a small circular lake 30 miles in diameter.
The beautiful river Thames, in Upper Canada, opens into Lake St. Clair,
and it was along the banks of this river that Major-General Proctor
retreated in 1813. From Lake St. Clair, the stream, through the Detroit,
navigable for vessels not drawing more than fourteen feet water,
pursues a course of nearly 40 miles into Lake Erie.
Upon the western side of the Detroit is situate the American town of
that name. About 5 miles below Detroit, upon the opposite side of the
strait, is the British village of Sandwich, then containing scarcely
fifty houses; and 18 miles lower, and within four of the termination of
the strait, is the British village of Amherstburg, then containing about
one hundred houses, and a fort where a small garrison was maintained,
and where the principal vessels for the service of Lake Erie were
constructed. The American village of Brownstown stands nearly opposite
to Amherstburg, which is distant from Quebec by the nearest route by
water 815 miles, from Fort Erie about 250 miles, and from York 315
miles.
Lake Erie, from Miamis Bay to the entrance of the straits of Niagara, is
in length 257 miles, in breadth 64 miles, and in circumference 658
miles. The greatest depth of water is between forty and forty-five
fathoms, but a very rocky bottom renders the anchorage unsafe in blowing
weather. Except Amherstburg, the British have no harbour or naval depot
upon Lake Erie, while the Americans have two or three excellent ones.
_Presqu'ile_ harbour is situate on the southern side of the lake, not
far from the entrance to the Niagara. It is a safe station, but has a
seven feet bar at its entrance, as indeed have all the other harbours on
this lake. The town, named Erie, is situate on the south side of the
harbour, and contains a dock yard, in which the Americans built their
Lake Erie fleet. To the eastward of the town stands a strong battery,
and on the point of the Peninsula forming the harbour, a block house,
for the protection of this naval depot. The rivers Raisin, Sandusky, and
Miami, the scenes of important operations during the war, discharge
themselves into Lake Erie.
On the north-western side of the entrance to the Niagara river stands,
at a distance of 565 miles from Quebec, the British fort Erie, at best a
very inconsiderable work. Near to the same outlet from Lake Erie is
Buffalo Creek, on the border of which is built the American village of
Buffalo; and about 2 miles beyond it, Black Rock, where there is a
battery, and a ferry, about 800 yards across, to Bertie, in Upper
Canada. The Niagara proceeds at a quick rate past several small and one
large island, called _Grande Isle_, 10 miles long; about 2 miles below
which, on the American side, and distant 2 miles from the Falls, is the
site of Fort Schlosser. At about the same distance from the Falls, on
the opposite side, standing on the northern bank of the river Chippewa,
is the British village of the same name, distant from Fort Erie 17
miles. Chippewa consisted chiefly of store houses; and near it was a
small stockaded work, called Fort Chippewa. At the distance of 23 miles
from the entrance to the Niagara, is Goat Island, about half a mile
long, and which extends to the precipice that gives rise to the
celebrated Falls. The larger body of water flows between Upper Canada
and Goat Island, at the upper end of which island the broken water, or
_rapids_, commence. Here the stream passes on both sides of the island,
over a bed of rocks and precipices, with astonishing rapidity; till,
having descended more than fifty feet in the distance of half a mile, it
falls, on the British side 157, and on the New York side 162, feet
perpendicularly.
From the cataract, the river is a continued rapid, half a mile in width,
for about 7 miles. At this point stand, opposite to each other, the
villages of Queenstown and Lewistown. The latter, situate upon the
American side, contained, till destroyed as a retaliatory measure,
between forty and fifty houses. At about six miles and a half from
Queenstown, near to the river side, stands Fort George, then constructed
of earthen ramparts and palisades of cedar, and mounting no heavier
metal than 9-pounders. About half a mile below Fort George, and close to
the borders of Lake Ontario, stood the beautiful and flourishing village
of Newark, which was burnt by the Americans.
Directly opposite to Newark, upon a neck of land projecting partly
across the mouth of the river, which is here 875 yards in width, stands
the American fort of Niagara, the scene of so many conflicts. It was
built by the French in 1751; taken by us in 1759;[51] and, along with
several other frontier posts, ceded to the United States in 1794; and,
though since taken, has again been ceded to the same power. Fort
Niagara, unlike any of the Canadian forts along that frontier, is a
regular fortification, built of stone, on the land side, with breast
works, and every necessary appendage. It mounts between twenty and
thirty heavy pieces of ordnance, and contains a furnace for heating
shot.
The strait of Niagara is about 36 miles in length; and its shores, on
both sides, were, more or less, the scenes of active warfare during the
whole period of hostilities. Lake Ontario, to which the strait leads, is
in length, from west to east, 171, in breadth 50, and in circumference
467 miles. The depth of water varies much, it being in some places three
or four, in others fifty fathoms: towards the centre three hundred
fathoms of line have, it is said, not found the bottom. York harbour
lies on the north side of Lake Ontario; is nearly circular, of about a
mile and a half in diameter, and formed by a narrow peninsula extending
to Gibraltar Point, upon which a blockhouse has been erected. The town
of York, (now called Toronto,) the infant capital of Upper Canada, is in
lat. 43 deg. 35' north, and long. 78 deg. 30' west, and is distant from Fort
George by water about 30 miles. The public buildings consisted of a
government house, the house of assembly, a church, court-house, and a
gaol, with numerous stores belonging to government. Kingston harbour is
situate at the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario. It contains good
anchorage in three fathoms water, and was defended by a small battery of
9-pounders on Mississaga Point, and another, of the same metal chiefly,
on Point Frederick. The town, which was the largest and most populous in
the Upper Province, contained about 370 houses; including several
buildings and stores belonging to government. Its distance from York is
145, from Montreal, in an opposite direction, 198, and from Quebec 378
miles. Opposite to, and distant about half a mile from, the town, is a
long low peninsula, forming the west side of Navy Bay, the principal
naval depot of the British on this lake, and where the ships of war were
constructed.
Of the American military posts on Lake Ontario, the principal one is
Sackett's harbour, distant from Kingston, by the ship channel, 35 miles.
The harbour is small but well sheltered. From the north-west runs out a
low point of land, upon which was the dock yard with large store houses,
and all the buildings requisite for such an establishment. Upon this
point there was a strong work called Fort Tompkins, having within it a
blockhouse two stories high: on the land side it was covered by a strong
picketing, in which there were embrasures; at the bottom of the harbour
was the village, containing about seventy houses; and, to the southward
of it, a large barrack, capable of containing 2,000 men, and generally
occupied by the marines belonging to the fleet. Towards the middle of
1814, there were three additional works, Fort Virginia, Fort Chauncey,
and Fort Kentucky, as well as several new blockhouses; and the guns then
mounted upon the different forts exceeded sixty.[52]
The greatest length of the Michigan territory, from south-east to
north-west, is 500 miles, and the number of square miles both of land
and water is estimated at 150,000. The country was then chiefly in the
possession of the Indians, and the white population amounted by the
previous census to about 5,000. It includes two peninsulas of unequal
size, in addition to which are numerous islands, constituent parts of
the territory. The most important of these is Michilimakinack, already
described. This island, while in the former possession of the British,
was the general rendezvous of the North-West traders and the Indians
they supplied. Here the outfits were furnished for the countries of Lake
Michigan and the Mississippi, Lake Superior and the North-West; and here
the returns of furs were collected and embarked for Montreal. Detroit,
the chief town of the territory, is situated on the right bank of the
strait, 10 miles below Lake St. Clair and 28 miles above Lake Erie. It
then contained above two hundred houses, many of brick, and upwards of
1,200 inhabitants. In the rear of the fort was an extensive common,
skirted by boundless and almost impenetrable forests. We learn from
Morse's American Geography, on the acknowledged authority of Governor
Hull, that Fort Detroit, in 1810, was a regular work of an oblong
figure, "covering about an acre of ground. The parapets were about
twenty feet in height, built of earth and sods, with four bastions, the
whole surrounded with pallisadoes, a deep ditch, and glacis. It stood
immediately back of the town, and had strength to withstand a regular
siege, but did not command the river." And as the American government
had been for some time secretly preparing for war, it may be safely
inferred, that in the meanwhile this fort had been rather strengthened
than permitted to fall to decay; and that it was at least as tenable in
1812 as when Governor Hull, two years before, gave the preceding
description of its defences. The town of Detroit is in lat. 42 deg. 15'
north, and long. 82 deg. 33' west.
About the year 1763, Detroit, then indeed the far west, and containing a
garrison of 300 men, was nearly captured by stratagem by Pontiac, the
celebrated Indian chief of that day, who waged war against the British,
and whose alliance, before the capture of Quebec by Wolfe, in 1759, was
anxiously courted by both the French and English.[53]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 51: The 49th British regiment assisted at the reduction of
this fort in July, 1759.]
[Footnote 52: James' Military Occurrences of the late War between Great
Britain and the United States, 2 vols. London, 1818.]
[Footnote 53: For a description of the deeds of Pontiac, or Pondiac, as
she spells his name, see Mrs. Grant's "Memoirs of an American Lady,"
vol. ii.]
CHAPTER VIII.
The discussions which had been so long pending between Great Britain and
the United States, assumed, during the winter of 1811-12, a very serious
aspect. But many did not believe that the latter power was inclined to
proceed to extremities; while others, who foresaw that it only awaited a
favorable moment to invade the Canadas, which were supposed ripe for
revolt and would therefore fall an easy conquest, were prepared to
expect what soon after followed, a declaration of war against Great
Britain.
As this was not the first time that the American government had
proceeded to menaces, and as the northern and eastern states were known
to be averse to hostilities, the British ministry were deluded into a
belief that peace would yet be maintained. Mr. Foster, the English
minister at Washington, seems to have partaken of this delusion, for it
does not appear that he had taken any precautionary measures to convey
to the governor of the British North American Provinces the earliest
intelligence of the declaration of war on the 18th June, 1812; and, had
it not been for the prudent foresight of some British merchants at New
York, it is possible that the first intimation would have been received
from the mouths of the American cannon. To Upper Canada Mr. Foster sent
no notice whatever of the war, and Major-General Brock was left to learn
it officially through the circuitous and dilatory channel of the
governor-general. Happily, individual diligence made up for this
unpardonable neglect; and the war was known by private expresses at
Montreal, in Lower, and at Fort George, in Upper Canada, on the 24th of
June, or in six days after its declaration at Washington.
At this period the exigencies of the Peninsular war, which depended
chiefly upon English arms and English money, required the almost
undivided attention and energies of the British ministry, who are thus
entitled to some excuse for their neglect of North American affairs; but
they will still remain amenable to the charge of having been guilty of
the folly of too much despising the new enemy arrayed against them at
that most busy and critical moment. The want of a sufficient force for
the protection of the Canadas[54] might have proved fatal, at least to
the Upper Province, had not Major-General Brock, from the first moment
of being placed at the head of his government, been convinced that war
was inevitable; and that in consequence every exertion should be used to
place the province in as respectable a state of defence as his very
limited means would admit. The instant the navigation opened in the
spring, a supply of ordnance and other stores was hurried up to fort St.
Joseph; and its commandant, Captain Roberts, was instructed to be
constantly on his guard. Similar precautions were adopted relative to
Amherstburg, to which post Major-General Brock paid a visit early in
June, and fortunately took with him a reinforcement of 100 men of the
41st regiment. But in the execution of his plans he had to encounter
many obstacles, among which the subordinate nature of his command was
not the least formidable. Even as late as the 27th May, Sir George
Prevost does not seem to have considered hostilities so near, as on that
day he recommended to Major-General Brock the most rigid economy in
carrying on the public service, and in avoiding all expense that was not
absolutely necessary, on the plea of the great difficulty of raising
money. Sir George has, however, been wrongly accused of not sending any
instructions whatever to Major-General Brock for some weeks after he
received intimation of the war, as he did so from Montreal on the 7th
and 10th of July, or in less than a fortnight afterwards; but, either
from his dispatches not being transmitted by express, or from some other
unexplained cause, they did not reach their destination until the 29th
of July, or exactly five weeks after the declaration of war was known
in Upper Canada.
On the breaking out of hostilities, the regular force in Upper Canada
amounted to barely 1,500 men, including seamen, as under:
41st Regiment 900
10th Veterans 250
Newfoundland Regiment 250
Royal Artillery 50
Provincial Seamen 50
====
Total 1500 men.
This force had to occupy the forts St. Joseph, Amherstburg, and
Chippewa--Fort Erie and Fort George--and York and Kingston--to maintain
the superiority on the lakes; to preserve the communication and escort
convoys between Coteau de Lac and Kingston; and to defend an assailable
frontier of nearly 800 miles, reckoning from the confines of Lower
Canada to Amherstburg, and excluding the British coast from the Detroit
to Fort St. Joseph. With this very inadequate force, it was the opinion
of the highest authorities that the country could not be maintained.
Major-General Brock was well aware that, in carrying on the war along so
extensive a frontier, uncovered by a single fortress of strength, and
with such a handful of regular troops, he could only expect success in
the aid and zealous co-operation of the people. But the province had
long been torn by intestine disputes, and the prevailing factionwhich
had been originally established by one of the judges, and which after
his departure was fostered by one of his zealous supporters--had been
for years hostile to the measures of the government. We have already
given Major-General Brock's speech to the provincial parliament, on his
meeting it for the first time; the session, although obstructed by party
dissensions and unlooked-for opposition, terminated better than was
anticipated, as the rancorous spirit of many was subdued by his frank
and conciliatory demeanour; and laws were passed which enabled him to
organize the flank companies of the militia, unaccompanied, however, by
the desired oath of abjuration, so as to exclude settlers from the
United States and persons of doubtful loyalty. A troop of volunteer
cavalry was also incorporated, and on his return to York from
Amherstburg, about the 20th of June, Major-General Brock was gratified
by the offer of a company of farmers' sons with their draft horses for
the equipment of a car brigade, under Captain Holcroft, of the royal
artillery, which offer he gladly accepted.
Major-General Brock was at York when he received intelligence of the
war--an event which he had long anticipated, and which therefore did not
take him by surprise. After assembling his council and summoning an
extra session of the legislature, he hastened with his brigade major,
Evans, and his aide-de-camp, Captain Glegg, to Fort George, on the
Niagara frontier, where he immediately established his head quarters.
It was at first his intention to capture the opposite American fort
Niagara; but the high responsibility he was about to assume, of acting
without instructions or an official communication, being represented to
him, he confined himself to collecting and preparing his small force for
offensive or defensive operations. Early in July he procured a "National
Intelligencer," which contained the act of congress declaratory of war,
and the message of the president accompanying it, and this information
was of course decisive.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, June 25, 1812.
Sir George Prevost desires me to inform you that he has this
instant received intelligence from Mr. Richardson, by an
express to the north-west company, announcing that the
American government had declared war against Great Britain.
This dispatch left New York on the 20th instant, and does not
furnish any other circumstance of intelligence whatever. His
excellency is induced to give perfect and entire credit to
this report, although it has not yet reached through any
official channel. Indeed, the extraordinary dispatch which has
attended this courier, fully explains his not having received
the minister's letters, of which he will not fail to give you
the earliest intimation.
Mr. Richardson informs his excellency that it is the intention
of the company to send six large canoes to receive their furs
by the Grand River, (or Ottawa,) and should it be thought
expedient to reinforce the post of St. Joseph, that they will
be able to carry six soldiers in each boat.[55] Anxious as Sir
George feels to render you every aid in his power, and to
afford every possible assistance and protection to the
north-west company, who have on their part assured his
excellency of their ready and active co-operation to the
utmost of their ability, his excellency, nevertheless, does
not think it advisable, under existing circumstances, to
weaken the 49th regiment, which occupies so important and
critical a station; nor can he hold out any certain prospect
of any further reinforcement until the arrival of the troops
he has been led to expect from England, but directs me to
assure you of his cordial wish to render you every efficient
support in his power.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 3, 1812.
I have been anxiously expecting for some days to receive the
honor of your excellency's commands in regard to the measures
the most proper to be pursued on the present emergency.
The accounts received, first through a mercantile channel, and
soon after repeated from various quarters, of war having been
declared by the United States against Great Britain, would
have justified, in my opinion, offensive operations. But the
reflection that at Detroit and Michilimakinack the weak state
of the garrisons would prevent the commanders from
accomplishing any essential service, connected in any degree
with their future security, and that my means of annoyance on
this communication were limited to the reduction of Fort
Niagara, which could easily be battered at any future period,
I relinquished my original intention, and attended only to
defensive measures. My first object has been the calling out
of the flank companies of militia, which has produced a force
on this line of about 800 men. They turned out very
cheerfully, but already shew a spirit of impatience. The
king's stores are now at so low an ebb, that they scarcely
furnish any article of use or comfort. Blankets, hammocks and
kettles, are all to be purchased; and the troops, when
watching the banks of the river, stand in the utmost need of
tents. Mr. Couche has adopted the most efficacious means to
pay the militia in paper currency. I cannot positively state
the number of militia that will be embodied, but they cannot
exceed throughout the province 4,000 men.
The Americans are very active on the opposite side, in the
erection of redoubts; we are not idle on our part, but
unfortunately, having supplied Amherstburg with the guns which
that post required from Fort George, depending upon getting
others from Kingston to supply their place, we find ourselves
at this moment rather short of that essential arm. I have,
however, every reason to think that they are embarked on board
the Earl Moira, which vessel, according to Major M'Pherson's
report, was to have sailed on the 28th ultimo. The Americans
have, I believe, about 1,200 regulars and militia between Fort
Niagara and Black Rock, and I consider myself at this moment
perfectly safe against any attempt they can make. About 100
Indians from the Grand River have attended to my summons; the
remainder promise to come also, but I have too much reason to
conclude that the Americans have been too successful in their
endeavours to sow dissension and disaffection among them. It
is a great object to get this fickle race interspersed among
the troops. I should be unwilling, in the event of a retreat,
to have three or four hundred of them hanging on my flank. I
shall probably have to sacrifice some money to gain them over,
and the appointment of a few officers with salaries will be
absolutely necessary.
The Americans make a daily parade of their force, and easily
impose on the people on this side in regard to their numbers.
I do not think they exceed 1,200, but they are represented as
infinitely more numerous.
For the last fortnight every precaution has been taken to
guard against the least communication, and to this day we are
ignorant whether the president has sanctioned the war
resolutions of the two houses of congress; that is, whether
war be actually declared.
The car brigade has been completed for service with horses
belonging to gentlemen, who spared them free of expense.
I have not been honored with a line from Mr. Foster, nor with
all my endeavours have I been able to obtain information of
any consequence. The Prince Regent made her first voyage this
morning, and I purpose sending her to Kingston this evening,
to bring such articles as are absolutely necessary, which we
know have arrived from Quebec. I trust she will out-sail the
Oneida brig.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, July 4, 1812.
We have a report here of your having commenced operations by
levelling the American fort at Niagara. The general is most
anxious to hear good and recent intelligence from your
quarter. There is no considerable assembly of troops in our
neighbourhood as yet; the flank companies, embodied under
Colonel Young, are on their march, and the 2,000 militia will
form a chain of posts from St. John's to La Prairie. The town
militia of this and Quebec, to the amount of 3,000 in each
city, have volunteered being embodied and drilled, and will
take their proportion of garrison duty to relieve the troops.
The proclamation for declaring martial law is prepared, and
will be speedily issued. All aliens will be required to take
the oath of allegiance, or immediately quit the province. Our
cash is at its last issue, and a substitute of paper must per
force be resorted to. This has been Sir George's principal
object in calling the legislature together. You have a very
arduous and difficult card to play, and have our sincere and
confident wishes for your success. Sir George strongly
recommends extreme moderation in the use of the Indians, and
to keep them in control as much as possible.
[This letter contains the details of a large and armed assembly at La
Chine, near Montreal, of French Canadians, who refused to serve in the
embodied militia. They were dispersed by the light company of the 49th,
and a detachment of artillery with two field pieces, under the command
of Major Plenderleath, of the 49th, but not before one Canadian was
killed and another dangerously wounded.]
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 7, 1812.
It was only on my arrival at Montreal that I received Mr.
Foster's notification of the congress of the United States
having declared war against Great Britain; the fact had been
previously ascertained through mercantile channels.
I am convinced you have acted wisely in abstaining from
offensive operations, which in their effect might have united
a people governed by public opinion, and among whom too much
division exists, at this moment, to admit of its influence in
promoting vigorous measures against us.
The manner of the flank companies of militia turning out must
have been very satisfactory to you. I hope your supplies of
ordnance and ordnance stores, on their way from Kingston, have
arrived safe.
I have caused arms, accoutrements and ammunition, to be
forwarded for the use of the Cornwall, Stormont, and Dundas
battalions of militia. Camp equipage for 500 men shall be sent
to you as soon as possible, together with muskets.
We are on the eve of substituting paper for bullion. I am
aware of the Canadian prejudice against such a circulating
medium, but it must give way to the imperious necessity of the
times.
It is highly proper you should secure the services of the
Indians; but restrain and control them as much as you can.
Whatever appointments you deem indispensably necessary you are
authorized to make, as well as the sacrifice of some money to
gain them over. It is proper we should maintain our ascendancy
over the Indians, and feed with proper food their predeliction
for us.
Colonel Lethbridge, an inspecting field officer, is under
orders for Kingston, and there to wait your commands.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 8, 1812.
I was highly gratified yesterday in receiving your letters of
the 3d July, for we have felt extremely anxious about you ever
since we have learnt the unexpected declaration of war, which
had been so long threatened that no one believed it would
ever seriously take place; and even now it is the prevailing
opinion that, from the opposition testified by the eastern
states, offensive measures are not likely to be speedily
adopted against this country. Sir George is inclined to let
these sentiments take their course, and as little advantage
would accrue by more active measures on our part, our present
plans are all defensive. General de Rottenburg is arrived, and
the flank companies embodied are on their way: this corps,
with the embodied militia, will form a chain from La Prairie
to St. John's, with a light corps advanced in their front. We
have reports of the 103d regiment being in the river, and, it
is added, recruits for the 100th regiment.
Sir George has had applications from so many quarters for
militia below Kingston, that to insure a general arrangement
and to adopt the best system that circumstances will admit, he
has directed Colonel Lethbridge, the inspecting field officer
here, to proceed through the line of settlements to see the
several colonels and corps of militia so as to fix their
quotas, and afterwards to proceed to Kingston and assume the
command of that post, if necessary: he will be placed under
your orders, but you will perhaps not wish to bring him in
contact with the 41st regiment, as he is senior to Colonel
Proctor.
Sir George desires me to say, that he does not attempt to
prescribe specific rules for your guidance--they must be
directed by your discretion and the circumstances of the
time: the present order of the day with him is forbearance,
until hostilities are more decidedly marked.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 10, 1812.
Colonel Lethbridge's departure for Kingston affords me an
opportunity of replying more fully and confidentially to your
letter of the 3d instant, than I could venture to have done
the day before, yesterday by an uncertain conveyance. That
officer has been desired to transmit to you, together with
this dispatch, a copy of the instructions given to him for his
guidance until the exigencies of the service make it necessary
in your estimation to substitute others, or to employ the
colonel in any other situation of command. In them you will
find expressed my sentiments respecting the mode of conducting
the war on our part, suited to the existing circumstances; and
as they change, so must we vary our line of conduct, adapting
it to our means of preserving entire the king's provinces.
Our numbers would not justify offensive operations being
undertaken, unless they were solely calculated to strengthen a
defensive attitude. I consider it prudent and politic to avoid
any measure which can in its effect have a tendency to unite
the people in the American States. Whilst disunion prevails
among them, their attempts on these provinces will be feeble;
it is, therefore, our duty carefully to avoid committing any
act which may, even by construction, tend to unite the eastern
and southern states, unless, by its perpetration, we are to
derive a considerable and important advantage. But the
government of the United States, resting on public opinion for
all its measures, is liable to sudden and violent changes; it
becomes an essential part of our duty to watch the effect of
parties on its measures, and to adapt ours to the impulse
given by those possessed of influence over the public mind in
America.
Notwithstanding these observations, I have to assure you of my
perfect confidence in your measures for the preservation of
Upper Canada. All your wants shall be supplied as fast as
possible, except money, of which I have so little, as to be
obliged to have recourse to a paper currency.
The adjutant-general has reported to you the aid we have
afforded, in arms and ammunition, to your militia at Cornwall,
Glengary, Dundas, and Stormont.
To prevent an interruption to the communication between the
two provinces, it is fit a system of convoy should be
established between Montreal and Kingston; and as
Major-General de Rottenburg is to remain here in command of a
cordon of troops, consisting of regulars and militia,
(established in this neighbourhood to prevent an irruption for
the plunder of Montreal,) whilst I attend to parliamentary
duties at Quebec, on that subject you may communicate direct
with the major-general, as he has my instructions to
co-operate with you on preserving this important object.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 12, 1812.
With the exception of occasional firing from the opposite
shore, (the unauthorized act of an undisciplined militia,)
nothing of a hostile nature has occurred on this communication
since I last had the honor of addressing your excellency.
The enemy is busy constructing batteries at different points
in the river, but he does not appear to have yet received
cannon to place in them. We are doing all we can on this side
to counteract his views, and the arrival this morning of the
Royal George and the vessels under her convoy, bringing
various pieces of ordnance, will give us in this respect a
decided superiority.
The militia, which assembled here immediately on the account
being received of war being declared by the United States,
have been improving daily in discipline; but the men evince a
degree of impatience under their present restraint, that is
far from inspiring confidence. So great was the clamour to
return and attend to their farms, that I found myself in some
measure compelled to sanction the departure of a large
proportion; and I am not without my apprehensions that the
remainder will, in defiance of the law, which can only impose
a fine of L20, leave the service the moment the harvest
commences. There can be no doubt that a large portion of the
population in this neighbourhood are sincere in their
professions to defend the country; but it appears likewise
evident to me that the greater part are either indifferent to
what is passing, or so completely American as to rejoice in
the prospect of a change of government. Many who now consider
our means inadequate, would readily take an active part were
the regular troops increased. These cool calculators are
numerous in all societies.
The alacrity and good temper with which the militia, in the
first instance, marched to the frontiers, have tended to
infuse in the mind of the enemy a very different sentiment of
the disposition of the inhabitants, who, he was led to believe
would, upon the first summons, declare themselves an American
state. The display for several days of a large force was made,
I have every reason to believe, in that expectation.
Nearly the whole of the arms at my disposal have been issued.
They are barely sufficient to arm the militia immediately
required to guard the frontier. Were I furnished with the
means of distributing arms among the people, in whom
confidence can be placed, they would not only overawe the
disaffected, but prove of essential use in the event of
invasion. The militia assembled in a wretched state in regard
to clothing; many were without shoes, an article which can
scarcely be provided in the country.
After the cannon, which have arrived this morning, are
mounted, I shall consider my front perfectly secure. I do not
imagine the enemy will hazard a water excursion with a view to
turn my flanks. He probably will wait until winter, when the
ice will enable him to cross with the utmost facility to any
part between Fort Erie and as far as Long Point. My situation
will then depend upon the force the enemy may bring to invade
the province. Should the troops have to move, the want of
tents will be severely felt.
A person who left Sandwich yesterday week, pretends that the
enemy was then in the act of cannonading the place. I have not
heard from Lieut.-Colonel St. George since my last letter to
your excellency.
An officer is so absolutely necessary to command in the
eastern district, that I have consented to Major-General Shaw
proceeding thither in that capacity. I have full confidence in
his judgment, and his conduct in the field is undoubted. He of
course will assume the command in virtue of his militia rank,
and will be liable to be superseded by any lieutenant-colonel
your excellency may be pleased to appoint.
The expense of defending this province will unquestionably be
great; upon a rough calculation, and supposing that 4,000
militia be constantly embodied, it cannot be estimated at less
than L140,000 per annum. However great the sum, it will be
applied to very considerable advantage, provided your
excellency be enabled to send reinforcements, as without them
it is scarcely possible that the government of the United
States will be so inactive or supine as to permit the present
limited force to remain in possession of the country. Whatever
can be done to preserve it, or to delay its fall, your
excellency may rest assured will be exerted.
Having been suddenly called away from York, I had not time to
close my dispatch, giving your excellency an account of my
proceedings during my stay at Amherstburg. I now have the
honor to forward two documents, detailing the steps taken by
the Indian department to prevail on that unfortunate people to
accommodate their differences with the American government.
_Extract from an American Newspaper_.
BUFFALO, July 14, 1812.
Major-General Brock is at present at Newark, superintending
the various defences on the river. He is stated to be an able
and experienced officer, with undoubted courage. He came from
Little York soon after hearing the declaration of war, and, it
was believed, with a serious intention of attacking Fort
Niagara, but, contrary to what has been reported, he made no
demand of a surrender.
Expecting a descent from the American army, the Canadians
have, for ten days past, been removing their families and
effects from the river into the interior. At Newark,
Queenston, and other villages on the river, there are no
inhabitants except a few civilians and officers and soldiers.
It is even said, that an immense quantity of specie, plate,
&c, from various parts of the province, have been boxed up,
and destined for Quebec.
The British are understood to have about six or seven hundred
regular troops stationed between the lakes, from Fort George
to Fort Erie. These men are generally those who have "seen
service" in various parts of the world. The militia of the
province are ordered out _en masse_.
It is stated by gentlemen of intelligence at Lewistown, that
the government of Canada have in their employment, under pay,
about 250 Indians, armed complete: a part of them are mounted.
Brigadier-General William Wadsworth, from Genesee, commands
the troops on our frontiers. His aids are Major Adam Hoops and
Major W. H. Spencer. His head quarters are now at Lewistown.
It is impossible to state the precise number of troops under
his command, because the militia ordered on the lines are
returning, and the companies composing the regiments under his
command have not all arrived; but from what we learn, there
are in regular troops, volunteers, and detached militia, above
4,000 stationed at Rock, Lewistown, Youngstown, and Fort
Niagara. The troops are in excellent health, in good spirits,
and well supplied. They appear quite impatient for want of
employment. There has been some firing from the sentries on
both sides of the river.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 54: At this time, the British regular force in the Canadas
consisted of the 8th, 41st, 49th, and 100th regiments, a small
detachment of artillery, the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, and the
Canadian, Newfoundland, and Glengary Fencibles; amounting, in the whole,
to 4,450 men. These were distributed along the different posts from the
telegraph station, about 250 miles below Quebec, to St. Joseph's, but so
unequally divided, that, in the Upper Province, whose front extends to
nearly 1,300, out of the 1,700 miles, there were but 1,450 men.--_James'
Military Occurrences_.]
[Footnote 55: In answer to Major-General Brock's suggestions on the
subject, see page 127.]
CHAPTER IX.
The American government, in anticipation of its declaration of war, had
detached from the state of Ohio to the Michigan territory an army of
about 2,500 men, under the command of Brigadier-General Hull, who, said
President Madison in his message to congress, "possessing discretionary
authority to act offensively, passed into Canada with a prospect of easy
and victorious progress." The enemy evidently confided in the very
limited defensive means of the Upper Province, and in the impossibility
of its receiving early assistance from the mother country. They relied
also on the supposed disaffection of many of its inhabitants, and they
expected confidently that, weak and divided, it would fall an easy prey
to the invaders; but they were soon undeceived. Having crossed over to
the Canadian village of Sandwich on the 12th July, Brigadier-General
Hull issued on that day the following insidious but able proclamation,
which was doubtless written at Washington. It will be seen that the
American general was made to say, that he did not ask the assistance of
the Canadians, as he had no doubt of eventual success, because he came
prepared for every contingency with a force which would look down all
opposition, and that that force was but the vanguard of a much greater!
Inhabitants of Canada!--After thirty years of peace and
prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms. The
injuries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great
Britain, have once more left them no alternative but manly
resistance or unconditional submission.
The army under my command has invaded your country, and the
standard of union now waves over the territory of Canada. To
the peaceable, unoffending inhabitant, it brings neither
danger nor difficulty. I come to _find_ enemies, not to _make_
them. I come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an immense ocean, and an extensive wilderness
from Great Britain, you have no participation in her councils,
no interest in her conduct. You have felt her tyranny, you
have seen her injustice--but I do not ask you to avenge the
one or redress the other. The United States are sufficiently
powerful to afford you every security, consistent with their
rights and your expectations. I tender you the invaluable
blessings of civil, political, and religious liberty, and
their necessary result, individual and general
prosperity--that liberty which gave decision to our councils
and energy to our conduct in our struggle for independence,
and which conducted us safely and triumphantly through the
stormy period of the revolution--that liberty which has raised
us to an elevated rank among the nations of the world, and
which has afforded us a greater measure of peace and security,
of wealth and improvement, than ever yet fell to the lot of
any people.
In the name of my country, and by the authority of my
government, I promise protection to your persons, property
and rights. Remain at your homes--pursue your peaceful and
customary avocations--raise not your hands against your
brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and
independence we now enjoy. Being children, therefore, of the
same family with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the
arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by you with a
cordial welcome. You will be emancipated from tyranny and
oppression, and restored to the dignified station of freemen.
Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your
assistance; but I do not. I come prepared for every
contingency. I have a force which will look down all
opposition, and that force is but the vanguard of a much
greater. If, contrary to your own interests and the just
expectation of my country, you should take part in the
approaching contest, you will be considered and treated as
enemies, and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk
before you. If the barbarous and savage policy of Great
Britain be pursued, and the savages be let loose to murder our
citizens, and butcher our women and children, this war will be
a war of extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, the
first attempt with the scalping knife, will be the signal of
one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man, found
fighting by the side of an Indian, will be taken
prisoner--instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates
of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the
employment of a force which respects no rights and knows no
wrong, it will be prevented by a severe and relentless system
of retaliation.
I doubt not your courage and firmness--I will not doubt your
attachment to liberty. If you tender your services
voluntarily, they will be accepted readily. The United States
offer you peace, liberty, and security. Your choice lies
between these and war, slavery and destruction. Choose, then,
but choose wisely; and may He who knows the justice of our
cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of nations, guide
you to a result the most compatible with your rights and
interests, your peace and prosperity.
W. HULL.
By the General, A.F. HULL.
Capt. 13th Regt. U.S. Infantry, and
Aide-de-Camp.
Head Quarters,
Sandwich, July 12, 1812.
The following counter-proclamation was published by Major-General Brock,
"a proclamation as remarkable for the solid reasoning and dignity of its
language, as that of the American for its presumption."[56]
The unprovoked declaration of war by the United States of
America against the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and its dependencies, has been followed by the actual
invasion of this province, in a remote frontier of the western
district, by a detachment of the armed force of the United
States.
The officer commanding that detachment has thought proper to
invite his majesty's subjects, not merely to a quiet and
unresisting submission, but insults them with a cell to seek
voluntarily the protection of his government.
Without condescending to repeat the illiberal epithets
bestowed in this appeal of the American commander to the
people of Upper Canada, on the administration of his majesty,
every inhabitant of the province is desired to seek the
confutation of such indecent slander in the review of his own
particular circumstances. Where is the Canadian subject who
can truly affirm to himself that he has been injured by the
government, in his person, his property, or his liberty? Where
is to be found, in any part of the world, a growth so rapid in
prosperity and wealth, as this colony exhibits? Settled, not
thirty years, by a band of veterans, exiled from their former
possessions on account of their loyalty, not a descendant of
these brave people is to be found, who, under the fostering
liberality of their sovereign, has not acquired a property and
means of enjoyment superior to what were possessed by their
ancestors.
This unequalled prosperity would not have been attained by the
utmost liberality of the government, or the persevering
industry of the people, had not the maritime power of the
mother country secured to its colonists a safe access to every
market, where the produce of their labour was in request.
The unavoidable and immediate consequences of a separation
from Great Britain must be the loss of this inestimable
advantage; and what is offered you in exchange? To become a
territory of the United States, and share with them that
exclusion from the ocean which the policy of their government
enforces; you are not even flattered with a participation of
their boasted independence; and it is but too obvious that,
once estranged from the powerful protection of the United
Kingdom, you must be reannexed to the dominion of France, from
which the provinces of Canada were wrested by the arms of
Great Britain, at a vast expense of blood and treasure, from
no other motive than to relieve her ungrateful children from
the oppression of a cruel neighbour. This restitution of
Canada to the empire of France, was the stipulated reward for
the aid afforded to the revolted colonies, now the United
States; the debt is still due, and there can be no doubt but
the pledge has been renewed as a consideration for commercial
advantages, or rather for an expected relaxation in the
tyranny of France over the commercial world. Are you prepared,
inhabitants of Canada, to become willing subjects, or rather
slaves, to the despot who rules the nations of continental
Europe with a rod of iron? If not, arise in a body, exert your
energies, co-operate cordially with the king's regular forces
to repel the invader, and do not give cause to your children,
when groaning under the oppression of a foreign master, to
reproach you with having so easily parted with the richest
inheritance of this earth--a participation in the name,
character, and freedom of Britons!
The same spirit of justice, which will make every reasonable
allowance for the unsuccessful efforts of zeal and loyalty,
will not fail to punish the defalcation of principle. Every
Canadian freeholder is, by deliberate choice, bound by the
most solemn oaths to defend the monarchy, as well as his own
property; to shrink, from that engagement is a treason not to
be forgiven. Let no man suppose that if, in this unexpected
struggle, his majesty's arms should be compelled to yield to
an overwhelming force, the province will be eventually
abandoned; the endeared relations of its first settlers, the
intrinsic value of its commerce, and the pretensions of its
powerful rival to repossess the Canadas, are pledges that no
peace will be established between the United States and Great
Britain and Ireland, of which the restoration of these
provinces does not make the most prominent condition.
Be not dismayed at the unjustifiable threat of the commander
of the enemy's forces to refuse quarter, should an Indian
appear in the ranks. The brave bands of aborigines which
inhabit this colony were, like his majesty's other subjects,
punished for their zeal and fidelity, by the loss of their
possessions in the late colonies, and rewarded by his majesty
with lands of superior value in this province. The faith of
the British government has never yet been violated--the
Indians feel that the soil they inherit is to them and their
posterity protected from the base arts so frequently devised
to over-reach their simplicity. By what new principle are they
to be prohibited from defending their property? If their
warfare, from being different to that of the white people, be
more terrific to the enemy, let him retrace his steps--- they
seek him not--and cannot expect to find women and children in
an invading army. But they are men, and have equal rights
with all other men to defend themselves and their property
when invaded, more especially when they find in the enemy's
camp a ferocious and mortal foe, using the same warfare which
the American commander affects to reprobate.
This inconsistent and unjustifiable threat of refusing
quarter, for such a cause as being found in arms with a
brother sufferer, in defence of invaded rights, must be
exercised with the certain assurance of retaliation, not only
in the limited operations of war in this part of the king's
dominions, but in every quarter of the globe; for the national
character of Britain is not less distinguished for humanity
than strict retributive justice, which will consider the
execution of this inhuman threat as deliberate murder, for
which every subject of the offending power must make
expiation.
ISAAC BROCK,
Major-Gen, and President.
Head Quarters,
Fort George, July 22, 1812.
By order of his honor the president.
J.B. GLEGG,
Captain and Aide-de-Camp.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 20, 1812.
My last to your excellency was dated the 12th instant, since
which nothing extraordinary has occurred on this
communication. The enemy has evidently diminished his force,
and appears to have no intention of making an immediate
attack.
I have herewith the honor of enclosing the copy of two letters
which I have received from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, together
with some interesting documents found on board a schooner,
which the boats of the Hunter captured on her voyage from the
Miami to Detroit.
From the accompanying official correspondence between General
Hull and the secretary at war, it appears that the collected
force which has arrived at Detroit amounts to about 2,000 men.
I have requested Colonel Proctor to proceed to Amherstburg,
and ascertain accurately the state of things in that quarter.
I had every inclination to go there myself, but the meeting of
the legislature on the 27th instant renders it impossible.
I receive this moment a dispatch dated the 15th instant, from
Lieut.-Colonel St. George, giving an account of the enemy
having landed on the 12th and immediately after occupied the
village of Sandwich. It is strange that three days should be
allowed to elapse before sending to acquaint me of this
important fact. I had no idea, until I received Lieut.-Colonel
St. George's letter a few days ago that General Hull was
advancing with so large a force.
The militia, from every account, behaved very ill. The
officers appear the most in fault. Colonel Proctor will
probably reach Amherstburg in the course of to-morrow. I have
great dependence in that officer's decision, but fear he will
arrive too late to be of much service. The enemy was not
likely to delay attacking a force that had allowed him to
cross the river in open day without firing a shot.
The position which Lieut.-Colonel St. George occupied is very
good, and infinitely more formidable than the fort itself.
Should he therefore be compelled to retire, I know of no other
alternative than his embarking in the king's vessels and
proceeding to Fort Erie.
Were it possible to animate the militia to a proper sense of
their duty, something might yet be done--but I almost despair.
Your excellency will readily perceive the critical situation
in which the reduction of Amherstburg will place me.
I do not imagine General Hull will be able to detach more than
I,000 men, but even with that trifling force I much fear he
will succeed in getting to my rear. The militia will not act
without a strong regular force to set them the example; and as
I must now expect to be seriously threatened, I cannot in
prudence make strong detachments, which would not only weaken
my line of defence, but, in the event of a retreat, endanger
their safety.
I am now given to understand that General Hull's insidious
proclamation, herewith enclosed, has already been productive
of considerable effect on the minds of the people. In fact, a
general sentiment prevails, that with the present force
resistance is unavailing. I shall continue to exert myself to
the utmost to overcome every difficulty. Should, however, the
communication between Kingston and Montreal be cut off, the
fate of the troops in this part of the province will be
decided. I now express my apprehensions on a supposition that
the slender means your excellency possesses will not admit of
diminution; consequently, that I need not look for
reinforcements. It is evidently not the intention of the enemy
to make any attempt to penetrate into the province by this
strait, unless the present force be diminished. He seems much
more inclined to work on the flanks, aware that if he succeed
every other part must very soon submit.
My last official communication from the Lower Province is
dated the 25th ultimo, when the adjutant-general announced the
receipt of intelligence, by a mercantile house, of war being
declared by the United States against Great Britain.
_Major-General Sir Thomas Saumarez, Kt.,[57] to Major-General Brock._
HALIFAX, July 22, 1812.
Being this moment informed that an express is to be dispatched
immediately from hence to Quebec, I have great pleasure in
having an opportunity to inquire after your health and
welfare, and to acquaint you that your relation, Lady
Saumarez, and myself, arrived here about a month since. I
assure you we consider ourselves particularly fortunate in not
having fallen into the enemy's bands, as the Americans had
declared war a week before we reached this. We came out in a
very valuable ordnance store ship, which would have been a
great acquisition to the enemy, at the breaking out of a war
especially; and the loss to us would have been seriously felt
here, as all the stores on board were very much required.
Another ship with naval stores accompanied us; they were much
wanted by our squadron, and possibly as much so by the ships
of the enemy. Our squadron on this station has been very
active. Prizes arrive here daily, I could almost say hourly.
The Emulous brig brought in ten yesterday, and 30,000 dollars
were found on board some of them. Mr. Foster, late ambassador
to the American States, has been here nearly a week; he is to
sail for England to-day. According to the best information we
can obtain here, the Northern and Eastern States of America
are extremely inimical to, and dissatisfied with, the war; so
much so, that there is reason to suppose they will dissolve
the Union shortly, and declare themselves totally independent
of the Southern and Western States.
The American privateers are extremely numerous and daring in
this neighbourhood; and, I am sorry to add, they have proved
but too successful, having captured several of our vessels
bound to Quebec and New Brunswick, and some to this port. I
received a note about an hour ago from Lieut.-Colonel Pearson,
who sailed from hence last Sunday, with his wife and family,
for Quebec, being appointed inspecting field officer in
Canada, to inform me that he had been made prisoner by an
American privateer. Most of our ships are looking out for the
squadron the Americans have at sea, under Commodore Rodgers,
who is supposed to have sailed from New York with a view to
intercept our West India fleet homeward bound.
We are as busy here as possible in placing all our outposts in
the best state of defence. I suppose you are not less so.
A transport, with 140 men of the Royals, from the West Indies
to Quebec, was boarded by the Essex American frigate about ten
days ago, and permitted to proceed, on condition that the
master of the vessel promised to pay a ransom of 12,000
dollars for her; and that the officer commanding considered
himself on parole, and gave his assurance that the troops
would not fight against the Americans during the war. The
transport arrived here yesterday, and the remainder of the
battalion is supposed to have reached Quebec.
You have probably heard of the many improvements in our little
island. An excellent road was finished from town to Vazon Bay,
and from Fort George to Rocquaine; also one from town to
Lancresse. The Braye du Valle is now under a state of
cultivation. Roads of communication were nearly finished; one
of them from what is called the Long Store passes Amherst
Barracks and my house, and joins the great road to the Forest
and St. Martin's: the opening of all these have discovered
many beautiful views, which we did not know the island
possessed.
If there should be any thing I can do for you or my nephew
James Brock, I beg that you will afford me the pleasure of
executing your commissions. I have not time to add more, but
to assure you both of Lady S.'s and my best wishes and
regards.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 25, 1812.
Since my dispatch to your excellency of the 20th instant, I
have received information of the enemy having made frequent
and extensive inroads from Sandwich up the river Thames. I
have in consequence been induced to detach Capt. Chambers with
about 50 of the 41st regiment to the Moravian town, where I
have directed 200 militia to join him. From the loud and
apparently warm professions of the Indians residing on the
Grand River, I made no doubt of finding at all times a large
majority ready to take the field and act in conjunction with
our troops; but accounts received this morning state that they
have determined to remain neutral, and they had consequently
refused, with the exception of about fifty, to join Captain
Chambers' detachment.
I meditated a diversion to the westward, the moment I could
collect a sufficient number of militia, in the hope of
compelling General Hull to retreat across the river; but this
unexpected intelligence has ruined the whole of my plans. The
militia, which I destined for this service, will now be
alarmed, and unwilling to leave their families to the mercy
of 400 Indians, whose conduct affords such wide room for
suspicion; and really to expect that this fickle race will
remain in a state of neutrality in the midst of war, would be
truly absurd. The Indians have probably been led to this
change of sentiment by emissaries from General Hull, whose
proclamation to the Six Nations is herewith enclosed.
I have not deemed it of sufficient consequence to commence
active operations on this line, by an attack on Fort Niagara.
It can be demolished, when found necessary, in half an hour,
and there my means of annoyance would terminate. To enable the
militia to acquire some degree of discipline without
interruption, is of far greater consequence than such a
conquest. Every thing in my power shall be done to overcome
the difficulties by which I am surrounded; but without strong
reinforcements, I fear the country cannot be roused to make
exertions equal to meet this crisis.
I proceed immediately to York, to attend the meeting of the
legislature, and I hope to return on Wednesday. The charge of
this frontier will in the mean time devolve on Lieut.-Colonel
Myers, who appears worthy of every confidence. The actual
invasion of the province has compelled me to recall that
portion of the militia whom I permitted to return home and
work at harvest. I am prepared to hear of much discontent in
consequence; the disaffected will take advantage of it, and
add fuel to the flame. But it may not be without reason that
I may be accused of having already studied their convenience
and humour, to the injury of the service.
I should have derived much consolation in the midst of my
present difficulties had I been honored, previously to the
meeting of the legislature, with your excellency's
determination in regard to this province. That it cannot be
maintained with its present force is very obvious; and unless
the enemy be driven from Sandwich, it will be impossible to
avert much longer the impending ruin of the country. Numbers
have already joined the invading army; commotions are excited;
and the late occurrences at Sandwich have spread a general
gloom. I have not heard from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, or
from any individual at Amherstburg, since I last had the honor
of addressing your excellency, which makes me apprehensive
that Colonel Proctor has been detained on his journey too long
for the good of the service.
The enemy's cavalry, amounting to about fifty, are led by one
Watson, a surveyor from Montreal of a desperate character.
This fellow has been allowed to parade with about twenty men
of the same description as far as Westminster, vowing as they
went along the most bitter vengeance against the first
characters in the province. Nothing can shew more strongly the
state of apathy which exists in most parts of the country; but
I am perhaps too liberal in attributing the conduct of the
inhabitants to that cause.
Mr. Couche has represented to the head of his department the
total impracticability of carrying on the public service
without a remittance of specie, or a government paper
substitute. He was in expectation of making arrangements with
some individuals that would have enabled him to proceed, but I
much fear that the whole project has fallen to the ground. The
militia on this communication were so clamorous for their pay,
that I directed Mr. Couche to make the necessary advances, and
this has drained him of the little specie in his possession.
My present civil office not only authorizes me to convene
general courts martial for the trial of offenders belonging to
the militia, but likewise the infliction of the sentence of
death; whilst, in regard to the military, my power is limited
to the mere assembling of the court. I beg leave to submit to
the consideration of your excellency, whether in times like
the present I ought not to be invested with equal authority
over each service.
I herewith have the honor to transmit two letters, one from
Captain Roberts, commanding at St. Joseph's, and the second
from Mr. Dickson, a gentleman every way capable of forming a
correct judgment of the actual state of the Indians. Nothing
can be more deplorable than his description; yet the United
States government accuse Great Britain of instigating that
people to war. Is not the true cause to be found in the state
of desperation to which they are reduced by the unfriendly
and unjust measures of that government towards them?
* * * * *
On the 27th of July, Major-General Brock returned to York from Fort
George, on which day, accompanied by a numerous suite, he opened the
extra session of the legislature, and delivered the following speeches.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
The urgency of the present crisis is the only consideration
which could have induced me to call you together at a time
when public, as well as private duties elsewhere, demand your
care and attention.
But, gentlemen, when invaded by an enemy whose avowed object
is the entire conquest of the province, the voice of loyalty,
as well as of interest, calls aloud to every person in the
sphere in which he is placed to defend his country.
Our militia have heard that voice, and have obeyed it; they
have evinced, by the promptitude and loyalty of their conduct,
that they are worthy of the king whom they serve, and of the
constitution which they enjoy; and it affords me particular
satisfaction, that while I address you as legislators, I speak
to men who, in the day of danger, will be ready to assist, not
only with their counsel, but with their arms.
We look, gentlemen, to our militia, as well as to the regular
forces, for our protection; but I should be wanting to that
important trust committed to my care, if I attempted to
conceal (what experience, the great instructor of mankind, and
especially of legislators, has discovered,) that amendment is
necessary in our militia laws to render them efficient.
It is for you to consider what further improvements they
still may require.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
From the history and experience of our mother country, we
learn that in times of actual invasion or internal commotion,
the ordinary course of criminal law has been found inadequate
to secure his majesty's government from private treachery as
well as from open disaffection; and that at such times its
legislature has found it expedient to enact laws restraining
for a limited period the liberty of individuals, in many cases
where it would be dangerous to expose the particulars of the
charge; and although the actual invasion of the province might
justify me in the exercise of the full powers reposed in me on
such an emergency, yet it will be more agreeable to me to
receive the sanction of the two houses.
A few traitors have already joined the enemy, have been
suffered to come into the country with impunity, and have been
harboured and concealed in the interior; yet the general
spirit of loyalty which appears to pervade the inhabitants of
this province, is such as to authorize a just expectation that
their efforts to mislead and deceive will be unavailing. The
disaffected, I am convinced, are few--to protect and defend
the loyal inhabitants from their machinations, is an object
worthy of your most serious deliberation.
Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
I have directed the public accounts of the province to be laid
before you, in as complete a state as this unusual period will
admit; they will afford you the means of ascertaining to what
extent you can aid in providing for the extraordinary demands
occasioned by the employment of the militia, and I doubt not
but to that extent you will cheerfully contribute.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
We are engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By unanimity
and dispatch in our councils, and by vigour in our operations,
we may teach the enemy this lesson, that a country defended by
_free men_ enthusiastically devoted to the cause of their king
and constitution, can never be conquered!
The invasion of the western district by Brigadier-General
Hull, and the artful and threatening language of his
proclamation, were productive at the outset of very
unfavourable effects among a large portion of the inhabitants
of Upper Canada; and so general was the despondency, that the
Norfolk militia, consisting, we believe, chiefly of settlers
of American origin, peremptorily refused to march. The
majority of the members of the house of assembly were
impressed with the same gloomy forebodings, and that body
appeared by its proceedings rather to court the favor of the
enemy than fearlessly to perform its duty. It was therefore
prorogued upon passing the money bills, as no advantage could
result from its remaining longer in session. The state of the
province required the most prompt and decisive measures for
its preservation, and Major-General Brock considered its
situation at this moment as extremely critical. With the
concurrence of his council, to whom he represented his many
difficulties, he is said to have resolved on exercising
martial law whenever he should find it necessary, although the
house of assembly had rejected its enactment, even in a
modified form. Not only among the militia was a disposition
evinced to submit tamely, but five hundred in the western
district sought the protection of the enemy. It is true that
the people then were far removed from the seat of government,
and the more subject to hostile influence, as they were
principally composed of French Canadians and of the natives of
the United States, or their immediate descendants; but even
the Indians, who were located on the Grand River, in the heart
of the province, positively refused, with a few exceptions, to
take up arms; and they announced their intention, after the
return of some of their chiefs from General Hull, to remain
neutral, as if they wished the authorities to believe that
they would remain in peace in the midst of war. Major-General
Brock had not long administered the government of the
province, but where he was individually known, and where his
personal influence extended, a better feeling prevailed; and
his counter-proclamation served not only to animate the well
disposed, but to counteract the machinations of the
disaffected. The confident tone of his address to the
provincial parliament was also productive of the best effects,
whatever inward misgivings he might feel; and those who were
dastardly enough to join the invaders of their native or
adopted country, were quickly taught to repent of their
baseness and treason.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 56: Christie's Memoirs, already cited at page 90.]
[Footnote 57: General Sir Thomas Saumarez, now in his 85th year, and
brother of the late Admiral Lord de Saumarez.]
CHAPTER X.
We have mentioned that Major-General Brock had in the spring provided
for the protection of Fort St. Joseph, a small British post, distant by
water nearly 700 hundred miles from York, and situate about 40 miles,
also by water, to the north-east of the American island and fort of
Michilimakinack, or Makinack, which island is in latitude 45 deg. 35' north,
and longitude 84 deg. 30' west; and one of his first cares, on hearing of
the declaration of the war, was to send, on the 26th of June, a
notification of it to Captain Roberts, who was stationed at St. Joseph
with a detachment of the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, accompanied by
orders to make an immediate attack upon Michilimakinack, if practicable;
or, in the event of an attack by the Americans upon St. Joseph, to
defend it to the utmost. Captain Roberts received at the same time
another letter from Major-General Brock, dated the 27th June, suspending
the orders for the attack from the uncertainty he was under of the
declaration of war. In a third letter, dated Fort George, the 28th June,
Major-General Brock, being sufficiently informed of such a declaration,
directed Captain Roberts to adopt the most prompt and effectual
measures to possess himself of Michilimakinack, and for this purpose to
summon to his assistance the Indians within his influence, as well as
the gentlemen and dependants of the British fur companies near his post.
On the day that Captain Roberts received this letter, another reached
him from Sir George Prevost, dated Quebec, 25th of June, by which he was
directed to take every precaution to secure his post against any attempt
by the enemy, and, in case of necessity, to effect his retreat.[58] This
contrariety of instructions from the two general officers did not fail
to perplex Captain Roberts, who, however, with great promptitude and
decision made preparations for the attack. By another dispatch of the
4th of July, from Major-General Brock, Captain Roberts was left at his
own discretion to adopt either offensive or defensive measures, as
circumstances might dictate. On the 16th July, he accordingly set out
with a flotilla of boats and canoes, in which were embarked 45 officers
and men of the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, about 180 Canadians, and
nearly 400 Indians, the whole convoyed by the Caledonia brig, belonging
to the North-West company; and on the ensuing morning, the British force
effected a landing before Michilimakinack,[59] the garrison of which,
consisting only of 61 officers and men, immediately surrendered by
capitulation. A quantity of military stores and seven hundred packs of
furs were found in the fort, and its surrender had a very favorable
effect upon the Indians, a large number of whom now joined in open
hostility against the Americans. It will be found by a letter of the
12th August, from Sir George Prevost, who appears to have seen no safety
but in defensive measures, that he would _not_ have approved of the
attack on Michilimakinack if it had occurred prior to Hull's invasion!
And yet that officer, in his official dispatch relative to the capture
of his army and the surrender of Detroit, attributed his disasters
partly to the fall of Michilimakinack, which he said opened the northern
hive of Indians against him!
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, July 29, 1812.
I have the honor to transmit herewith a dispatch this instant
received from Captain Roberts, announcing the surrender by
capitulation, on the 17th instant, of Fort Michilimakinack.
The conduct of this officer since his appointment to the
command of that distant post, has been distinguished by much
zeal and judgment, and his recent eminent display of those
qualities your excellency will find has been attended with the
most happy effect.
The militia stationed here volunteered this morning their
services to any part of the province without the least
hesitation. I have selected 100, whom I have directed to
proceed without delay to Long Point, where I purpose
collecting a force for the relief of Amherstburg. This
example, I hope, will be followed by as many as may be
required. By the militia law, a mail refusing to march may be
fined L5, or confined three months; and although I have
assembled the legislature for the express purpose of amending
the act, I much fear nothing material will be done. Your
excellency will scarcely believe, that this infatuated house
of assembly have refused, by a majority of two, to suspend for
a limited time the habeas corpus.
The capture of Michilimakinack may produce great changes to
the westward. The actual invasion of the province justifies
every act of hostility on the American territory.
It was not till this morning that I was honored with your
excellency's dispatches, dated the 7th and 10th instant. Their
contents, I beg to assure your excellency, have relieved my
mind considerably. I doubt whether General Hull had
instructions to cross to this side of the river; I rather
suspect he was compelled by a want of provisions. I embark
immediately in the Prince Regent for Fort George. I return
here the day after to-morrow, and shall probably dissolve the
legislature.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, July 31, 1812.
I have received your letter of the 20th instant, accompanied
by the copy of two letters from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, who
is in command at Amherstburg, and some interesting documents
found on board a schooner, which had been taken by the boats
of the Hunter.
In consequence of your having desired Colonel Proctor to
proceed to Amherstburg, and of your presence being necessary
at the seat of government to meet the legislature of Upper
Canada, I have taken upon myself to place Major-General
Sheaffe on the staff, to enable me to send him to assist you
in the arduous task you have to perform, in the able execution
of which I have great confidence. He has been accordingly
directed to proceed without delay to Upper Canada, there to
place himself under your command.
I believe you are authorized by the commission under which you
administer the government of Upper Canada, to declare martial
law in the event of invasion or insurrection; it is therefore
for you to consider whether you can obtain any thing
equivalent to that power from your legislature. I have not
succeeded in obtaining a modification of it in Lower Canada,
and must therefore, upon the occurrence of either of those
calamities, declare the law martial unqualified, and of course
shut the doors of the courts of civil law.
The report transmitted by Captain Dixon, of the Royal
Engineers, to Lieut.-Colonel Bruyeres, of the state of defence
in which he had placed Fort Amherstburg, together with the
description of the troops allotted for its defence, give me a
foreboding that the result of General Hull's attempt upon that
fort will terminate honorably to our arms.
If Lieut.-Colonel St. George be possessed of the talents and
resources required to form a soldier, he is fortunate in the
opportunity of displaying them. Should General Hull be
compelled to relinquish his operations against Amherstburg, it
will be proper his future movements should be most carefully
observed, as his late march exhibits a more than ordinary
character of enterprize.
Your supposition of my slender means is but too correct;
notwithstanding, you may rely upon every exertion being made
to preserve uninterrupted the communication between Kingston
and Montreal, and that I will also give all possible support
to your endeavours to overcome every difficulty.
The possession of Malden, which I consider means Amherstburg,
appears a favorite object with the government of the United
States. I sincerely hope you will disappoint them.
Should the intelligence, which arrived yesterday by the way of
Newfoundland, prove correct, a remarkable coincidence will
exist in the revocation of our orders in council as regards
America, and the declaration of war by congress against
England, both having taken place on the same day in London and
at Washington, the 17th June.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, August 1, 1812.
Sir George yesterday received your letter of the 20th with its
several enclosures, which are, I assure you, highly
interesting to all, and doubly so to those who feel warmly and
sincerely attached to you; and few, I believe, possess more
friends and well wishers than yourself. 100 effective of the
Newfoundland, and 50 picked men of the Veterans, left this in
boats on Thursday, and, as it has blown a gale of east wind
ever since, have I trust made great progress: they were
intended to reinforce the garrison of Kingston, and to relieve
the company of the 49th that escorted stores to that place.
Sir George regrets extremely his inability to render you a
more efficient aid, but, under existing circumstances, he does
not feel himself warranted to do more. I regret to find your
militia at Sandwich so lukewarm, to call it by no harsher
name; but I fear that little can be expected from those
recently settled, or of American extraction, and with our
Canadians we have found a very reluctant compliance. I trust
we may still look to considerable reinforcements from home
this year. We are led to expect the 1st battalion of the
Royals from the West Indies immediately, destined indeed to
relieve the 41st. I hope we shall not be disappointed, as our
militia will feel bold if well backed; and I am sure Sir
George will rejoice in receiving the means of rendering you
further assistance. It appears to be credited that the orders
in council were rescinded, in as far as regarded America, on
the 17th June, the day the war vote was carried: this will
strengthen the oppositionists in the States, and the timid
will feel alarmed, not without reason, when they read the
glorious and judicious exploit of Captain Hotham, in the
Northumberland, 74, in destroying, under circumstances of
great difficulty and peril, two French 44-gun frigates and a
sloop, which received a superior degree of protection from
batteries on the shore than can be afforded to Commodore
Rodgers in any harbour of the States.
The Americans are forming depots in the neighbourhood of the
Montreal frontier and building batteries on the lake, but they
have not brought forward any considerable shew of
strength;--on this appearance of weakness we cannot rely, as
it would answer no good end making a parade before they
intended to attack. If they be serious in their views on this
province, the attempt will be probably backed by predatory
incursions on various points. A corps of militia is kept on
the Point Levi side.
Our legislature meet this day to terminate the session. One
great object has been accomplished in the house, adding the
provincial security to the army money note bill; the province
pays the interest accruing upon the notes and the expense of
the establishment, and they are constituted a legal tender.
Without this step we were completely at a stand, for we could
not obtain money to pay the last month's subsistence to the
troops: great benefit is expected to accrue from the operation
of the bill. The clergy have engaged to promote the
circulation of the notes, all of which above twenty-five
dollars bear interest, and all under are payable on demand.
Adieu, my dear generals--may every success and good fortune
attend you in the arduous task before you: we cannot command
success, but I am sure you will not fail to merit it.
_Lieut.-Colonel Bruyeres, Royal Engineers, to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, August 1, 1812.
I take the favorable advantage of this being delivered to you
by General Sheaffe, to assure you of the sincere interest I
feel in the very arduous and important position you are now
placed in to protect and defend a chain of posts, and a
country that has been so long neglected. This difficult task
placed in any other hands, I should consider very
discouraging; but I acknowledge that I look with a certain
degree of confidence to your abilities and perseverance in
surmounting every difficulty that must unavoidably occur in a
service of this nature. I most fervently and earnestly hope
that every possible success may attend all your proceedings. I
trust that you will always meet with zeal and activity in the
officers of my department, to perform every part of the duty
allotted to their charge. It is very difficult at this
distance to suggest any ideas that might be useful, as every
operation in which you are engaged must depend so entirely
upon local circumstances, and the conduct which the enemy may
pursue towards attaining the object he has in view. I am glad
to find that the new arrival of the Royals, expected at Quebec
to-morrow, will give you the reinforcement of the 49th
regiment, which, with the detachments of the Newfoundland and
Veterans, and gun-boat No. 7, will add something to your
present strength.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, August 2, 1812.
Last evening an officer of the 98th regiment arrived here
express from Halifax, the bearer of dispatches to me, dated on
the 22d ultimo, from Mr. Foster, who was then in Nova Scotia.
I lose no time in making you acquainted with the substance of
this gentleman's communication. He informs me that he had just
received dispatches from England, referring to a declaration
of ministers in parliament, relative to a proposed repeal of
the orders in council, provided the United States government
would return to relations of amity with us, the contents of
which may possibly induce the American government to agree to
a suspension of hostilities as a preliminary to negotiations
for peace;--that he proposed sending his majesty's hired armed
ketch Gleaner to New York, with letters to Mr. Baker, whom he
had left at Washington in a demi-official capacity, with
directions to communicate with the American minister and to
write to me the result of his interview. Should the president
of the United States think proper to signify that hostile
operations should cease on the American side, Mr. Foster
suggests the expediency of my being prepared to make a similar
signification on our part.
As I propose sending Colonel Baynes immediately into the
United States, with a proposal for a cessation of hostile
operations, I enclose for your information the copy of my
letter to General Dearborn, or the commander-in-chief of the
American forces.
Mr. Foster also submits the propriety of our abstaining from
an invasion of the United States territory, as only in such an
event could the American government be empowered to order the
militia out of the States. I am led to believe from this, that
General Hull, in possessing himself of Sandwich, has exceeded
his instructions; particularly as Mr. Foster informs me that
Mr. Monroe had told him Fort Maiden (Amherstburg) would not be
attacked, but that General Hull had stated to a friend of his,
some time ago, that he would attempt it.
A report has been made to me that a frigate and six
transports, with the Royal Scots (1st battalion) on board,
from the West Indies, are just below Bic;--in consequence of
this reinforcement, I have ordered the company of the 49th
regiment, sent to Kingston, to remain there; and in addition
to the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and a detachment of an
officer and 50 Veterans most fit for service, now on their
route to that station, I shall order Major Ormsby, with three
companies of the 49th regiment, to proceed from Montreal to
the same post, to be disposed of as you may find it necessary.
Lieut.-General Sir J.C. Sherbrooke has informed me that one of
the transports, with part of the Royals on board, has been
captured by the United States frigate the Essex; that she has
been ransomed and the officers and troops allowed to proceed,
upon condition that they are not to serve against America
until regularly exchanged. The vessel and troops had arrived
at Halifax, and will shortly be sent hither.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._
YORK, August 4, 1812.
I have the honor to enclose a statement made by me yesterday
to his majesty's executive council, which will fully apprize
your excellency of my situation. The council adjourned for
deliberation, and I have no doubt will recommend the
prorogation of the assembly and proclamation declaring martial
law, but doubts occurred in contemplation of such an event,
which I take the liberty to submit to your excellency, and
request the aid of your experience and superior judgment.
1.--In the event of declaring martial law, can I, without the
sign manual, approve and carry into effect the sentence of a
general court martial?
2.--Can I put upon a general court martial, after martial law
is proclaimed, any person not a commissioned officer in his
majesty's regular forces? In other words, can officers of
militia sit in conjunction with those of the line?
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, August 12, 1812.
Your letter of the 4th instant, enclosing the proceedings of
the executive council of the 3d.; Captain Glegg's letter of
the 5th instant, transmitting copies of letters from Colonel
Proctor to you of 26th and 30th July, with the correspondence
between Brigadier-General Hull and Lieut.-Colonel St. George,
and the intercepted correspondence of the former, together
with your letter to Colonel Baynes, of the 4th instant, were
all delivered to me on my arrival at this place yesterday. The
information they contain is highly interesting, and I lose no
time in dispatching to you Brigade Major Shekleton, as the
bearer of this letter, and for the purpose of receiving
whatever communication you may have to make in return. Being
fully aware of the necessity of affording you such
reinforcements as the exigencies of the service in other parts
of the two provinces would permit, I had, previous to the
receipt of your letter, made arrangements for that purpose.
Major Ormsby, with three companies of the 49th regiment,
protecting a considerable supply of ordnance and ordnance
stores, left La Chine on the 6th instant for Kingston and Fort
George, taking with him L2,500 for the payment of the regular
and militia forces. Major Heathcote, with one company of the
49th regiment, about 110 men of the Newfoundland regiment, and
50 picked Veterans, are to leave La Chine on the 13th instant.
With this detachment, an additional supply of ordnance stores
and camp equipage for 500 men will be forwarded for Upper
Canada; and as soon as a sufficiency of bateaux can again be
collected at La Chine, Colonel Vincent is under orders to
proceed to Kingston with the remainder of the 49th regiment,
and a subaltern of the royal artillery and ten gunners, with
two 3-pounders.
When these reinforcements reach you, they will, I trust,
enable you successfully to resist the internal, as well as
external, enemies opposed to you, and materially aid the able
measures you have adopted for the defence of Upper Canada.
With regard to the queries you have submitted to me on the
subject of martial law, I have to observe, that it has not
fallen within my experience to see martial law proclaimed,
except in those places where it has been declared under the
authority of a provincial legislature, which of course
regulated the mode in which it was to be executed. As the
martial law which you purpose declaring is founded on the
king's commission, and upon the extreme case of invasion
alluded to in it, I am inclined to think that whatever power
is necessary for carrying the measure into effect, must have
been intended to be given you by the commission, and
consequently, that the power of assembling courts martial and
of carrying their sentence into execution, is included in the
authority for declaring martial law. The officers of militia
becoming themselves subject to martial law when it is
declared, I conceive they may sit upon courts martial with
officers of his majesty's regular forces; but upon both these
points I desire not to be understood as speaking
decisively--extreme cases must be met by measures which, on
ordinary occasions, would not perhaps be justified. Your
situation is such as to warrant your resorting to any step
which, in your judgment, the public safety may require. I
should therefore think, that after taking the best opinions
you can obtain from the first law characters you have about
you respecting the doubts you entertain on this subject, you
need not hesitate to determine upon that line of conduct which
you shall think will best promote the good of the service,
trusting, if you do err, to the absolute necessity of the
measures you may adopt, as your justification for them to his
majesty's government.
Your letters of the 26th, 28th and 29th July, with the several
enclosures and papers accompanying them, were received by me
shortly previous to my leaving Quebec; the last containing
Captain Roberts' official account of the capture of Fort
Michilimakinack. Great credit is certainly due to that
officer for the zeal and promptitude with which he has
performed this service; at the same time I must confess, my
mind has been very much relieved by finding that the capture
took place at a period subsequent to Brigadier-General Hull's
invasion of the province, as, had it been prior to it, it
would not only have been in violation of Captain Roberts'
orders, but have afforded a just ground for the subsequent
conduct of the enemy, which, I now plainly perceive, no
forbearance on your part would have prevented. The capture of
this place will, I hope, enable the Indian tribes in that
quarter to co-operate with you in your present movements
against the enemy, by threatening his flanks, a diversion
which would greatly alarm him, and probably have the effect of
compelling him to retreat across the river.
I send you enclosed a copy of the official repeal of the
orders in council, which I received last night by express from
Quebec. Although I much doubt whether this step on the part of
our government will have any effect upon that of the United
States, the circulation of the paper evincing their
conciliatory disposition may tend to increase and strengthen
the divisions which subsist amongst the people upon the
subject of the war. I therefore recommend to you to have a
number of copies struck off and distributed.
Colonel Baynes is still absent upon his mission to the enemy's
camp. Your letter to him of the 29th ultimo was received at
the same time with those I have last acknowledged. Colonel
Lethbridge I have directed to return to Montreal.
The issue of army bills has taken place at Quebec, and I hope
to be able shortly to send you a supply of them.
* * * * *
We have previously alluded (page 206) to that part of the preceding
letter which relates to the capture of Michilimakinack. This capture
appears to have been effected _contrary_ to Sir George Prevost's orders,
as Fort St. Joseph being nearly 350 miles from Detroit and Sandwich, and
as the expedition left the fort only four days after Hull's invasion, it
was scarcely possible that Captain Roberts was then aware of that
circumstance. Neither in his letter to the adjutant-general, announcing
the capture, does he excuse himself by stating that he had heard of the
invasion. In his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, written exactly a fortnight
after the preceding letter, and dated Montreal, August 26, Sir George
Prevost, in communicating the surrender of Detroit, expressed himself in
very altered language, as he said:
"In these measures he[60] was most opportunely aided by the
fortunate surrender of Fort Michilimakinack, which, giving
spirit and confidence to the Indian tribes in its
neighbourhood, part of whom assisted in its capture,
determined them to advance upon the rear and flanks of the
American army, as soon as they heard that it had entered the
province."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 58: This order strikes us as an unmilitary interference on the
part of Sir George Prevost with Major-General Brock's authority, Captain
Roberts being under the immediate command of the latter general.]
[Footnote 59: See Captain Roberts' Dispatch, Appendix A, Sec. 1, No. 2.]
[Footnote 60: Major-General Brock.]
CHAPTER XI.
Whilst Major-General Brock impatiently lingered on the Niagara frontier,
so as to give time to the legislature to assemble at York, he dispatched
Colonel Proctor, of the 41st regiment, with such reinforcements as could
be spared, to assume the command at Amherstburg. General Hull, after
crossing to Sandwich, remained for some time inactive, under pretext of
making preparations for the reduction of Amherstburg, or Malden, as the
Americans called it, which lay but eighteen miles below him, and was not
in a condition to withstand a regular siege. During the delay, three
detachments of his army were on three successive days beaten back by a
small number of the 41st regiment and a few Indians. Michilimakinack had
fallen since the invasion, and the Indians from that quarter were
flocking to the British standard. Our naval force being superior on the
lake, Colonel Proctor pushed over to Brownstown, an American village,
about 25 miles from Detroit, and nearly opposite to Amherstburg, a small
detachment of the 41st regiment, and some Indians under the celebrated
Tecumseh, who, with 70 of the latter, awaited in ambush near that
village a party of 200 Americans, under Major Van Home, on their
march[61] from Detroit to the River Raisin, (40 miles south of Detroit,)
to meet a detachment of volunteers from Ohio, with a convoy of
provisions for Hull's army. The Indians, firing suddenly, killed 20,
including 5 officers, and wounded about the same number of the
Americans, who hastily retreated, and were pursued seven miles by the
warriors alone, not a British soldier being engaged. In this affair,
General Hull's dispatches and the correspondence of his troops fell into
the hands of Tecumseh, and it was partly the desponding nature of their
contents which afterwards induced Major-General Brock to attempt the
capture of the American army. Foiled in the reduction of Fort
Amherstburg; disappointed in his hope of a general insurrection of the
Canadians; and, "above all, dismayed at the report of General Brock's
resolution to advance against him,"[62] Hull's schemes of conquest
vanished; and he who, less than a month before, had landed in Canada
boastful of his strength and with threats of extermination, now saw no
other alternative than a hasty return to Detroit, under the pretence of
concentrating his forces; and after re-opening his communication with
the rivers Raisin and Miami, through which he received his supplies, of
resuming offensive operations. Accordingly, on the 7th and 8th of August
the American army re-crossed the river, with the exception of a garrison
of 250 men left in charge of a small fortification they had thrown up on
the British side, a little below Detroit, and which they evacuated and
destroyed before the arrival of Major-General Brock.[63] On the 9th of
August, a body of 600 Americans, sent to dislodge the British from
Brownstown and to open a communication with the Rivers Raisin and Miami,
was met by the white troops and Indians under Captain Muir, of the 41st,
at Maguaga, between Brownstown and Detroit, but, after a severe
conflict, Captain Muir was compelled to retreat.
From the moment that Major-General Brock heard of the invasion of the
western district, he determined on proceeding thither in person after he
had met the legislature and dispatched the public business. Having
expressed a wish of being accompanied by such of the militia as might
voluntarily offer their services, 500, principally the sons of veteran
soldiers who had settled in the province, cheerfully came forward for
that purpose. The threatening attitude, however, of the enemy on the
Niagara frontier, obliged the general to content himself with half this
number; and he left York on the 6th of August for Burlington Bay, whence
he proceeded by land for Long Point, on Lake Erie. In passing the
Mohawks' village, on the Grand River, or Ouse, he desired the Indians
there to tell him who were, and who were not, his friends; and at a
council held on the 7th of August, they promised that about 60 of their
number should follow him on the ensuing Monday, the 10th. At Long Point,
a few regulars and nearly 300 militia embarked with him on the 8th of
the same month in boats of every description, collected among the
neighbouring farmers, who usually employed them for transporting their
corn and flour. The distance from Long Point to Amherstburg is about 200
miles along the shore, which in many parts is a high precipitous bank of
red clay, with scarcely a creek for shelter. The little flotilla
encountered heavy rain and tempestuous weather, but nothing could for a
moment retard its progress, or diminish the confidence of the men in
their indefatigable leader. Among his general orders from the
commencement of hostilities, the only one relating to this voyage is the
following, which, from the singularity of the circumstances attending
it, is thought worthy of being preserved:
G.O. Head Quarters, Pointe au Prince, Aug. 12, 1812.
It is Major-General Brock's intention, should the wind
continue fair, to proceed during the night; officers
commanding boats will therefore pay attention to the order of
sailing, as directed yesterday; the greatest care and
attention will be required to prevent the boats from
separating or falling behind. A great part of the banks of
the lake, where the boats will this day pass, is much more
dangerous and difficult of access than any we have passed; the
boats will, therefore, not land except in the most extreme
necessity, and then great care must be taken to choose the
best place for beaching.
The troops being now in the neighbourhood of the enemy, every
precaution must be taken to guard against surprise. By Order.
J.B. GLEGG, Aide-de-Camp.
After five days and nights of incessant exertion, the little squadron
reached Amherstburg[64] shortly before midnight on the 13th, and in a
rough sketch in the handwriting of Major-General Brock, he observed: "In
no instance have I seen troops who would have endured the fatigues of a
long journey in boats, during extremely bad weather, with greater
cheerfulness and constancy; and it is but justice to this little band to
add, that their conduct throughout excited my admiration."
Soon after their landing at Amherstburg, the attention of the troops was
suddenly roused by a straggling fire of musketry, which in a few minutes
became general, and appeared to proceed from an island in the Detroit
river. Colonel Elliott, the superintendent of the Indians, quickly
explained that the firing arose from the Indians attached to the
British cause, who thus expressed their joy at the arrival of the
reinforcement under their white father. Major-General Brock, aware of
his scarcity of the munitions of war, sent Colonel Elliott to stop this
waste of powder, saying: "Do, pray, Elliott, fully explain my wishes and
motives, and tell the Indians that I will speak to them to-morrow on
this subject." His request was promptly attended to, and Colonel Elliott
returned in about half an hour with the Shawanee chief, Tecumseh, or
Tecumpthe, already mentioned. Captain Glegg,[65] the aide-de-camp, being
present, had an opportunity of closely observing the traits of that
extraordinary man, and we are indebted to him for the following graphic
particulars: "Tecumseh's appearance was very prepossessing; his figure
light and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be about five and
thirty;[66] in height, five feet nine or ten inches; his complexion,
light copper; countenance, oval, with bright hazle eyes, beaming
cheerfulness, energy, and decision. Three small silver crowns, or
coronets, were suspended from the lower cartilage of his aquiline nose;
and a large silver medallion of George the Third, which I believe his
ancestor had received from Lord Dorchester, when governor-general of
Canada, was attached to a mixed coloured wampum string, and hung round
his neck. His dress consisted of a plain, neat uniform, tanned deer
skin jacket, with long trousers of the same material, the seams of both
being covered with neatly cut fringe; and he had on his feet leather
mocassins, much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the
porcupine.
"The first and usual salutation of shaking hands being over, an allusion
was made to the late firing of musketry, and Tecumseh at once approved
of the reason given by Major-General Brock for its discontinuance. It
being late, the parties soon separated, with an understanding that a
council would be held the following morning. This accordingly took
place, and was attended by about a thousand Indians, whose equipment
generally might be considered very imposing. The council was opened by
General Brock, who informed the Indians that he was ordered by their
great father to come to their assistance, and, with their aid, to drive
the Americans from Fort Detroit. His speech was highly applauded, and
Tecumseh was unanimously called upon to speak in reply. He commenced
with expressions of joy, that their father beyond the great salt lake
(meaning the king of England) had at length awoke from his long sleep,
and permitted his warriors to come to the assistance of his red
children, who had never ceased to remain steady in their friendship, and
were now all ready to shed their last drop of blood in their great
father's service. After some speeches from other chiefs, and replies
thereto, the council broke up. General Brock, having quickly discovered
the superior sagacity and intrepidity of Tecumseh, and his influence
over the Indians, and not deeming it prudent to develop before so mixed
an assemblage the views which were at that moment uppermost in his
thoughts, and intended to be carried so quickly into execution, directed
Colonel Elliott to inform this Shawanee chief that he wished to see him,
accompanied by a few of the oldest chiefs, at Colonel Elliott's
quarters. There the general, through the medium of interpreters,
communicated his views, and explained the manner in which he intended to
carry into execution his operations against Fort Detroit. The chiefs
listened with the most apparent eagerness, and expressed their unanimous
assent to the proposed plan, assuring General Brock that their
co-operation, as pointed out, might be depended on. On General Brock
asking whether the Shawanee Indians could be induced to refrain from
drinking spirits, Tecumseh assured him that his warriors might be relied
on, adding, that before leaving their country on the Wabash river, they
had promised him not to taste that pernicious liquor until they had
humbled the "big knives," meaning the Americans. In reply to this
assurance, General Brock briefly said: 'If this resolution be persevered
in, you must conquer.'"
In a general order on the 14th of August, at Amherstburg, in announcing
his arrival in the western district, Major-General Brock observed: "The
major-general cannot avoid expressing his surprise at the numerous
desertions which have occurred from the ranks of the militia, to which
circumstance the long stay of the enemy on this side of the river must
in a great measure be ascribed. He is willing to believe that their
conduct proceeded from an anxiety to get in their harvest, and not from
any predeliction for the principles or government of the United States."
The next day, the American commander was startled by a summons to
surrender; and so resolute a demand seems to have struck him with
dismay, as at the worst he had never contemplated a pursuit into his own
territory.
Head Quarters, Sandwich, Aug. 15, 1812.
The force at my disposal authorizes me to require of you the
immediate surrender of Fort Detroit.[67] It is far from my
inclination to join in a war of extermination; but you must be
aware, that the numerous body of Indians who have attached
themselves to my troops, will be beyond my control the moment
the contest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into
such conditions as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of
honor. Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell and Major Glegg are fully
authorized to conclude any arrangement that may lead to
prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
Brigadier-General Hull.
Hull refused to see Captain Glegg, who carried the summons, and, after
detaining him upwards of two hours, returned the following answer:
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 15, 1812.
I have received your letter of this date. I have no other
reply to make than to inform you, that I am prepared to meet
any force which may be at your disposal, and any consequences
which may result from any exertion of it you may think proper
to make.
W. HULL, Brigadier-General,
Commanding the N.W. Army of the U.S.
Nothing daunted, and contrary to the advice of some of his officers,
Major-General Brock at once determined on crossing the river, with the
view of attempting, by a sudden and resolute attack, the annihilation of
the enemy's power in that quarter. In the afternoon, a fire was opened
from a battery of five guns, erected opposite to Detroit, under the
direction of Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers: this cannonade was
returned from seven 24-pounders, but the British general, perceiving
that little effect was produced by either fire, gave orders that his
should cease. The troops retired to their bivouac and lay on their arms,
with orders to cross the strait, or river, which is here about
three-fourths of a mile in width, on the following morning. Accordingly,
at the first blush of dawn, on Sunday, the 16th of August, when the fire
from the British battery was resumed, 330 regulars and 400 militia were
embarked, with five pieces of light artillery, in boats and canoes of
every description, and soon effected a landing without opposition, near
Springwell, four or five miles below Detroit. About 600 Indians, under
Colonel Elliott, had crossed the river during the night, and were
ordered to be so placed as to take the enemy in flank and rear, should
he attempt to oppose the landing. The white troops marched towards the
fort, while the Indians moved through the woods, and covered the left
flank, the right resting upon the river, and protected by the Queen
Charlotte, colonial vessel of war. The enemy's effective force was
estimated at nearly 2,500 men, and, supported as they were by a
neighbouring fortress, it required no little daring to pursue them on
their own ground with such unequal numbers. Contrary to Major-General
Brock's expectation, the Americans abandoned a favorable position,
strengthened by pickets and two 24-pounders, and retreated into the fort
on the advance of the British, who halted in a ravine within a mile,
and, discovering the weakness of the works on the land side, prepared
for its assault. While the various columns were forming for that
purpose, a flag of truce, borne by Captain Hull, was unexpectedly seen
emerging from the fort,--Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell and Captain Glegg
accompanied him back; and shortly after the British troops marched in
with Major-General Brock at their head, the American general having
assented to a capitulation, by which the Michigan territory, Fort
Detroit, with thirty-three pieces of cannon,[68] the Adams vessel of
war,[69] and about 2,500 troops, including one company of artillery,
some cavalry, and the entire 4th U.S. regiment of infantry, with a stand
of colours, were surrendered to the British arms. An immense quantity of
stores and the military chest were also taken; and as there was a great
deficiency of arms in the Upper Province wherewith to equip the militia,
the 2,500 stand of American became a valuable acquisition. To this
surrender the after preservation of Upper Canada, at least, may in a
great measure be ascribed, as it caused a delay of nearly a whole year
in the meditated invasion,[70] and secured the support of some of the
Indian tribes, who were hesitating as to the side they should espouse.
It was the more fortunate that Major-General Brock acted with so much
promptitude and vigour, because large reinforcements were on their way
to General Hull; and not only would that officer's reverse otherwise
have been spared, but the western districts of Upper Canada would
probably have fallen before the overwhelming numbers which would soon
have been brought against them.
The surrender of Detroit was so unexpected, that it produced an almost
electrical effect throughout the Canadas: it was the first enterprize in
which the militia had been engaged, and its success not only imparted
confidence to that body, but it inspired the timid, fixed the wavering,
and awed the disaffected. Major-General Brock from this moment became
the idol of the great mass of those whom he governed; and when he
returned to York, whither he arrived on the 27th of August, he was
received amidst the heartfelt acclamations of a grateful people, rescued
by his promptitude from the ignominy of submitting to a conqueror. They
remembered that in the short space of nineteen days he had, not only met
the legislature and settled the public business of the province under
the most trying circumstances that a commander could encounter, but,
with means incredibly limited, he had gone nearly 300 miles in pursuit
of an invading enemy of almost double his own force and compelled him to
surrender, thus extending the British dominion without bloodshed over an
extent of country almost equal to Upper Canada.[71]
The conduct of the American general in so tamely surrendering is
inexplicable, as Detroit contained an ample supply of ammunition and
provisions for nearly a month, besides an abundance of wheat in the
territory, with mills to grind any quantity into flour. One of his
officers, Colonel Cass, in a long letter to the Honorable William
Eustis, the secretary of war at Washington, said: "I have been informed
by Colonel Findley, who saw the return of the quartermaster-general the
day after the surrender, that their whole force, of every description,
white, red, and black, was 1,030.[72] They had twenty-nine platoons,
twelve in a platoon, of men dressed in uniform. Many of these were
evidently Canadian militia. The rest of their militia increased their
white force to about 700. The number of Indians could not be ascertained
with any degree of precision--not many were visible. And in the event of
an attack upon the town and fort, it was a species of force which could
have afforded no material advantage to the enemy.... That we were far
superior to the enemy, that upon any ordinary principles of calculation
we would have defeated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of every
man there will testify.... I was informed by General Hull, the morning
after the capitulation, that the British forces consisted of 1,800
regulars, and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion of human
blood. That he magnified their regular force nearly five-fold, there can
be no doubt. Whether the philanthropic reason assigned by him is a
sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified town, an army, and
a territory, is for the government to determine. Confident I am, that
had the courage and conduct of the general been equal to the spirit and
zeal of the troops, the event would have been brilliant and successful
as it is now disastrous and dishonorable." Hull's behaviour, then, can
only be accounted for by the supposition that the boldness of his
adversary's movements led him to believe he had to contend with far
greater numbers; or, that having threatened to refuse quarter to the
white man found fighting by the side of the Indian, he was
apprehensive, in the event of defeat, that this threat would be visited
with severe retaliation, particularly by the Indians, whose fury, in a
successful assault, it might have been very difficult to restrain. To
their honor, however, be it said, that although they took a few
prisoners on the advance, the enemy sustained no loss of life beyond
that caused by the British batteries; and in general orders, at Detroit,
they were told, that in nothing could they testify more strongly their
love to the king, their great father, than in following the dictates of
honor and humanity by which they had hitherto been actuated.
"The news of the surrender of Detroit," says the American historian,
Brown, "was so unexpected, that it came like a clap of thunder to the
ears of the American people. No one would believe the first report. The
disastrous event blasted the prospects of the first campaign, and opened
the northern and western frontiers of Ohio to savage incursions.
"Previous to the surrender of Detroit, the governors of Ohio and
Kentucky, in obedience to the directions of the war department, had
detached powerful reinforcements to the aid of General Hull. Had he
deferred the capitulation but a few days longer, his army, Detroit, and
the Michigan territory, would have been saved.
"The forces advancing to his support consisted of 2,000 militia, under
Brigadier-General Payne, and a battalion of mounted riflemen, under
Colonel R.M. Johnson, from Kentucky; a brigade of Ohio militia, under
the orders of Brigadier-General Tupper;[73] and nearly 1,000 regulars,
under the command of General Winchester. They had reached the St. Mary's
River when the news of the capture of Detroit was received. But for the
well-timed arrival of the above force a wide scene of flight and misery,
of blood and desolation, must have ensued. Nearly half of the territory
of Ohio must have been depopulated, or its inhabitants fallen victims to
the scalping knife."
"The chagrin felt at Washington," observes James in his Military
Occurrences, "when news arrived of the total failure of this the first
attempt at invasion, was in proportion to the sanguine hopes entertained
of its success. To what a pitch of extravagance those hopes had been
carried, cannot better appear than in two speeches delivered upon the
floor of congress, in the summer of 1812. Dr. Eustis, the secretary at
war of the United States, said: 'We can take the Canadas without
soldiers; we have only to send officers into the provinces, and the
people, disaffected towards their own government, will rally round our
standard.' The honorable Henry Clay seconded his friend, thus: 'It is
absurd to suppose we shall not succeed in our enterprize against the
enemy's provinces. We have the Canadas as much under our command as she
(Great Britain) has the ocean; and the way to conquer her on the ocean
is to drive her from the land. I am not for stopping at Quebec, or any
where else; but I would take the whole continent from them, and ask them
no favors. Her fleets cannot then rendezvous at Halifax, as now; and,
having no place of resort in the north, cannot infest our coast as they
have lately done. It is as easy to conquer them on the land, as their
whole navy would conquer ours on the ocean. We must take the continent
from them. _I wish never to see a peace till we do._ God has given us
the power and the means: we are to blame if we do not use them. If we
get the continent, she must allow us the freedom of the sea.' This is
the gentleman who, afterwards, in the character of a commissioner--and
it stands as a record of his unblushing apostacy--signed the treaty of
peace."
Tecumseh, who was slain the year following, headed a party of his
warriors on this occasion, and in the rough sketch already mentioned,
Major-General Brock remarked: "Among the Indians whom I found at
Amherstburg, and who had arrived from distant parts of the country,
there were some extraordinary characters. He who most attracted my
attention was a Shawanee chief, Tecumseh, the brother of the prophet,
who for the two last years has carried on, contrary to our
remonstrances, an active war against the United States. A more sagacious
or a more gallant warrior does not, I believe, exist. He was the
admiration of every one who conversed with him. From a life of
dissipation he has not only become in every respect abstemious, but he
has likewise prevailed on all his nation, and many of the other tribes,
to follow his example." Previously to crossing over to Detroit,
Major-General Brock inquired of Tecumseh what sort of a country he
should have to pass through in the event of his proceeding further.
Tecumseh, taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground,
drew forth his scalping knife, and with the point presently edged upon
the back a plan of the country, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and
roads--a plan which, if not as neat, was fully as intelligible as if a
surveyor had prepared it. Pleased with this unexpected talent in
Tecumseh, with his defeat of the Americans near Brownstown, and with his
having, by his characteristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his
own tribe, to cross the river prior to the embarkation of the white
troops, Major-General Brock, soon after Detroit was surrendered, took
off his sash and publicly placed it round the body of the chief.
Tecumseh received the honor with evident gratification, but was the next
day seen without the sash. The British general, fearing that something
had displeased the Indian, sent his interpreter for an explanation.
Tecumseh told him, that not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction
when an older, and, as he said, an abler warrior than himself was
present, he had transferred the sash to the Wyandot chief,
Roundhead.[74]
The unfortunate General Hull, on his return to the United States, was
tried by a court martial and condemned to death; but the sentence was
remitted by the president, in consideration of his age and services
during the war of independence.[75] His name was, however, struck off
the rolls of the army. His son, and aide-de-camp at Detroit, Captain
Hull, was killed in July, 1814, in the hard-fought battle near the Falls
of Niagara.
Major-General Brock's services throughout this short campaign, closed by
an achievement which his energy and decision crowned with such
unqualified success, were highly appreciated by the government at home,
and were immediately rewarded with the order of the bath, which was then
confined to one degree of knighthood only. He was gazetted to this mark
of his country's approbation, so gratifying to the feelings of a
soldier, on the 10th of October; but he lived not long enough to learn
that he had obtained so honorable a distinction, the knowledge of which
would have cheered him in his last moments. Singularly enough his
dispatches, accompanied by the colours of the U.S. 4th regiment, reached
London early on the morning of the 6th of October, the anniversary of
his birth. His brother William, who was residing in the vicinity, was
asked by his wife why the park and tower guns were saluting. "For
Isaac, of course," he replied; "do you not know that this is his
birth-day?" And when he came to town he learnt, with emotions which may
be easily conceived, that what he had just said in jest was true in
reality; little thinking, however, that all his dreams, all his
anticipations of a beloved brother's increasing fame and prosperity
would that day week, one short week, be entombed
"Where Niagara stuns with thundering sound."
* * * * *
In one of his letters to his brothers, (page 63,) Major-General Brock
said that he had visited Detroit, the neighbourhood of which was a
delightful country, far exceeding any thing he had seen on that
continent, and a cursory description of it, as it appeared in 1812, may
prove interesting.
The Detroit river, which connects Lake St. Clair and Lake Erie, extends
from about latitude 41 deg. 48' to 42 deg. 18' north, and divides that part of
Canada from the United States. Possessing a salubrious climate, a
productive soil, and a water communication with the upper and lower
lakes and the river St. Lawrence, we can scarcely conceive any thing
more favorable than the geographical position of the adjacent country.
Michigan afforded a rich field for "fowling" and fishing, and its
forests were plentifully supplied with various kinds of game. It was the
opinion of a former governor of Upper Canada, Simcoe, that the
peninsula of that province formed by Lakes Huron, St. Clair, Erie,
Ontario, Rice, and Simcoe, would alone furnish a surplus of wheat
sufficient for the wants of Great Britain. The banks of the Detroit were
in many places thickly peopled and in a fair state of cultivation. The
inhabitants on the Canadian side were chiefly of French origin, who
began to occupy the country when Canada was still under the dominion of
France. They still retained that urbanity of manners which distinguishes
them from the peasantry of most countries. Further back, the country was
settled principally by Americans, partial to the United States. Three or
four years after the war, the houses were so numerous and so close
together upon the banks of the Detroit, that there was an appearance of
a succession of villages for more than ten miles. The farms were very
narrow in front, extending a long way back, and were allotted in this
awkward and inconvenient form, that their respective occupants might be
able to render each other assistance when attacked by the Indians, who
were at one time very numerous and troublesome in this vicinity.
The banks of the river Detroit are the Eden of Upper Canada, in so far
as regards the production of fruit. Apples, pears, plums, peaches,
grapes, and nectarines, attain the highest degree of perfection, and
exceed in size, beauty, and flavour, those raised in any other part of
the province. Cider abounds at the table of the meanest peasant, and
there is scarcely a farm that has not a fruitful orchard attached to it.
This fineness of the fruit is one consequence of the amelioration of
climate, which takes place in the vicinity of the Detroit river and Lake
St. Clair. The seasons there are much milder and more serene than they
are a few hundred miles below, and the weather is likewise drier and
less variable. Comparatively little snow falls during the winter,
although the cold is often sufficiently intense to freeze over the
Detroit river so strongly, that persons, horses, and even loaded
sleighs, cross it with ease and safety. In summer, the country presents
a forest of blossoms, which exhale the most delicious odours; a cloud
seldom obscures the sky; while the lakes and rivers, which extend in
every direction, communicate a reviving freshness to the air, and
moderate the warmth of a dazzling sun; and the clearness and elasticity
of the atmosphere render it equally healthy and exhilarating.[76]
The fort of Detroit was originally constructed to overawe the
neighbouring Indian nations, and its military importance as the key of
the upper lakes appears to have been well known to them. But, neither
possessing battering cannon nor understanding the art of attacking
fortified places, they could only reduce them by stratagem or famine,
and Detroit could always be supplied with provisions by water. In the
year 1763, the Indian chief, Pontiac, whose name has already appeared,
(page 164), formed a powerful confederacy of the different tribes, for
the purpose of revenging their past wrongs and of preventing their total
extirpation, which they were erroneously led to believe was
contemplated. In a sudden, general, and simultaneous irruption on the
British frontier, they obtained possession, chiefly by stratagem, of
Michilimakinack,[77] Presqu'ile, and several smaller posts; but there
still remained three fortresses formidable alike by their strength and
position, which it was necessary the Indians should subdue before they
could reap any permanent advantage from their successes. These were
Detroit, Niagara, and Pittsburg; and the first and last, although so
remote from each other, were invested almost at the same moment. The
consummate address, which the Indians displayed in this alarming war,
was supported by a proportionate degree of courage, determination, and
perseverance; nor ever did they approve themselves a more stubborn and
formidable enemy than in this final stand against the encroachments of
European dominion and civilization in North America. General Amherst,
sensible of the danger, sent immediate succours to those two western
garrisons, and thus prevented their fall. Captain Dalzell, after
conducting, in July, a strong reinforcement to Detroit, was induced to
think that he could surprise the Indian force encamped about three miles
from the fort, and he sat out at night with 270 men, adopting the most
judicious precautions for the secrecy and good order of his march. But
the Indians, apprized of his design, were prepared to defeat it, and
every step from the fort only conducted the English troops further into
the jaws of destruction. Their advance was suddenly arrested by a sharp
fire on their front, which was presently followed by a similar discharge
on their rear, and then succeeded by destructive vollies from every
side. In the darkness neither the position nor the numbers of the
Indians could be ascertained. Dalzell was slain early, and his whole
detachment was on the brink of irretrievable confusion and ruin when
Captain Grant, the next in command, perceiving that a retreat, now the
only resource, could only be accomplished by a resolute attack, promptly
rallied the survivors, who, steadily obeying his orders, charged the
Indians with so much spirit and success as to repulse them on all sides
to some distance. Having thus extricated themselves from immediate
peril, the British hastily regained the shelter of the fort, with the
loss of 70 killed and 40 wounded; and the Indians, unable to reduce the
fort by a regular siege, and pausing long enough to ascertain that the
garrison was completely on its guard against stratagem and surprise,
broke up their camp and abandoned the vicinity of Detroit.
The Indians, thus grievously disappointed in their designs on Detroit
and Pittsburg, now closely beleaguered Niagara, which they justly
considered as not less important. They hoped to reduce it by famine, and
on the 14th of September, surrounding a convoy of provisions which had
nearly reached its destination, they succeeded in making it their prey
by a sudden attack, in which 70 of the British soldiers were slain.
Shortly after, as a schooner was crossing Lake Erie with supplies for
Detroit, she was attacked by a numerous fleet of canoes, in which were
nearly 400 Indians. But this attempt was less successful, and, after a
warm engagement, the Indian flotilla was repulsed with considerable
loss, as, in a conflict with an armed vessel, they were exposed to the
same disadvantages which attended their operations against fortified
places. Niagara having at length been powerfully reinforced and well
supplied, the Indians abandoned all hope of reducing it, and thenceforth
confined themselves to their wonted predatory hostility. In the spring
and summer of the following year, the British troops attacked them with
such vigour and success, that they were compelled to propose, in Indian
phrase, to _bury the hatchet_; and in September a treaty of peace was
concluded, the conditions of which were dictated by the English.[78]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 61: The captain of the spies was killed and scalped on the
march. "Thus fell the brave, generous, and patriotic McCulloch, captain
of the spies,"--and in a foot note a few pages before--"Captain
McCulloch, of the spies, scalped an Indian, whom he killed in the
engagement," in Upper Canada! We quote from Brown's-American History, so
it appears that at least one patriotic American could _scalp_ as well as
the Indians!]
[Footnote 62: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 63: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 64: The American historian, Brown, observes: "In the
meanwhile, Michilimakinack surrendered to the British without
resistance. The indefatigable Brock, with a reinforcement of 400
regulars, arrived at Maiden; and several Indian tribes, before
hesitating in the choice of sides, began to take their ground and array
themselves under the British standard." Vol. i, page 64.--100 regulars!]
[Footnote 65: Now Colonel Glegg, of Thursteston Hall, Cheshire.]
[Footnote 66: His age was then about forty.]
[Footnote 67: The American historian, Thomson, in his "Sketches of the
War," says that General Hull surrendered "to a body of troops inferior
in _quality_ as well as number!" and he adds: "When General Brock said
that the force at his disposal authorized him to require the surrender,
he must have had a very exalted opinion of the prowess of his own
soldiers, or a very mistaken one of those who were commanded by the
American general."]
[Footnote 68: Including four brass field pieces, captured with General
Burgoyne, at Saratoga, in 1777, and which were retaken by the Americans,
at the battle of the Thames, in October, 1813.]
[Footnote 69: Afterwards named the Detroit.]
[Footnote 70: Appendix A, Section 2, No. 1. Jefferson's Correspondence.]
[Footnote 71: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 72: Doubtless an error for 1330, the entire British force.]
[Footnote 73: There is a tradition in the editor's family, that one of
its members removed from Guernsey to England early in the seventeenth
century, and that a son of his, a clergyman, settled in the island of
Barbadoes, whence he or his family emigrated to the then British
provinces of North America, now the United States.]
[Footnote 74: James' Military Occurrences.]
[Footnote 75: For his revolutionary services, see Appendix A, Section 2,
No. 2.]
[Footnote 76: Howison's Upper Canada. London, 1821.]
[Footnote 77: The British garrison was surprised, not being aware of the
war, and the Indians butchered nearly all the whites, in number about
100. An English trader, concealed in the house of one of the French
inhabitants, beheld the massacre from an aperture which afforded him a
view of the area of the fort. He describes it as follows: "I beheld, in
shapes the foulest and most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of
barbarian conquerors. The dead were scalped and mangled; the dying were
writhing and shrieking under the insatiated knife and tomahawk, and from
the bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood
scooped up in the hollows of joined hands, and quaffed amid shouts of
rage and victory."]
[Footnote 78: Grahame's History of the United States.]
CHAPTER XII.
The following letters[79] relate chiefly to the enterprize against
Detroit, and, although not in the chronological order we have hitherto
observed, will form the subject of this chapter.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812.
I hasten to apprize your excellency of the capture of this
very important post: 2,500 troops have this day surrendered
prisoners of war, and about 25 pieces of ordnance have been
taken without the sacrifice of a drop of British blood. I had
not more than 700 troops, including militia, and about 600
Indians, to accomplish this service. When I detail my good
fortune, your excellency will be astonished. I have been
admirably supported by Colonel Proctor, the whole of my staff,
and I may justly say, every individual under my command.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 17, 1812.[80]
I have had the honor of informing your excellency, that the
enemy effected his passage across the Detroit river, on the
12th ultimo, without opposition; and that, after establishing
himself at Sandwich, he had ravaged the country as far as the
Moravian town. Some skirmishes occurred between the troops
under Lieut.-Colonel St. George and the enemy, upon the river
Canard, which uniformly terminated in his being repulsed with
loss. I judged it proper to detach a force down the river
Thames, capable of acting in conjunction with the garrison of
Amherstburg offensively, but Captain Chambers, whom I had
appointed to direct this detachment, experienced difficulties
that frustrated my intentions. The intelligence received from
that quarter admitting of no delay, Colonel Proctor was
directed to assume the command, and his force was soon after
increased with 60 rank and file of the 41st regiment.
In the mean time, the most strenuous measures were adopted to
counteract the machinations of the evil-disposed, and I soon
experienced the gratification of receiving voluntary offers of
service from that portion of the embodied militia the most
easily collected. In the attainment of this important point,
gentlemen of the first character and influence shewed an
example highly creditable to them; and I cannot, on this
occasion, avoid mentioning the essential assistance I derived
from John M'Donell, Esq., his majesty's attorney-general, who,
from the beginning of the war, has honored me with his
services as my provincial aide-de-camp. A sufficiency of boats
being collected at Long Point for the conveyance of 300 men,
the embarkation took place on the 8th instant, and in five
days we arrived in safety at Amherstburg.
I found that the judicious arrangements which had been adopted
immediately upon the arrival of Colonel Proctor, had compelled
the enemy to retreat, and take shelter under the guns of his
fort: that officer commenced operations by sending strong
detachments across the river, with a view of cutting off the
enemy's communication with his reserve. This produced two
smart skirmishes on the 5th and 9th instant, in which the
enemy's loss was considerable, whilst ours amounted to 3
killed and 13 wounded; amongst the latter, I have particularly
to regret Captain Muir and Lieutenant Sutherland, of the 41st
regiment; the former an officer of great experience, and both
ardent in his majesty's service. Batteries had likewise been
commenced opposite Fort Detroit, for one 18-pounder, two 12,
and two 5-1/2-inch mortars, all of which opened on the evening
of the 15th; (having previously summoned Brigadier-General
Hull to surrender;) and although opposed by a well-directed
fire from seven 24-pounders, such was their construction,
under the able direction of Captain Dixon, of the Royal
Engineers, that no injury was sustained from its effect.
The force at my disposal being collected in the course of the
15th, in the neighbourhood of Sandwich, the embarkation took
place a little after daylight on the following morning; and by
the able arrangements of Lieutenant Dewar, of the
quartermaster-general's department, the whole was in a short
time landed without the smallest confusion at Spring Well, a
good position, three miles west of Detroit. The Indians, who
had in the mean time effected their landing two miles below,
moved forward and occupied the woods, about a mile and a half
on our left.
The force, which I instantly directed to march against the
enemy, consisted of 30 artillery, 250 41st regiment, 50 royal
Newfoundland regiment, 400 militia, and about 600 Indians, to
which were attached three 6-pounders and two 3-pounders. The
services of Lieutenant Troughton, commanding the royal
artillery, an active and intelligent officer, being required
in the field, the direction of the batteries was entrusted to
Captain Hall and the marine department, and I cannot withhold
my entire approbation of their conduct on this occasion.
I crossed the river, with an intention of waiting in a strong
position the effect of our force upon the enemy's camp, and in
the hope of compelling him to meet us in the field; but
receiving information upon landing, that Colonel M'Arthur, an
officer of high reputation, had left the garrison three days
before with a detachment of 500 men, and hearing, soon
afterwards, that his cavalry had been seen that morning three
miles in our rear, I decided on an immediate attack.
Accordingly, the troops advanced to within one mile of the
fort, and having ascertained that the enemy had taken little
or no precaution towards the land side, I resolved on an
assault, whilst the Indians penetrated his camp.
Brigadier-General Hull, however, prevented this movement, by
proposing a cessation of hostilities, for the purpose of
preparing terms of capitulation. Lieut.-Colonel J. M'cDonell
and Captain Glegg were accordingly deputed by me on this
mission, and returned within an hour with the conditions,
which I have the honor herewith to transmit. Certain
considerations afterwards induced me to agree to the two
supplementary articles.
The force thus surrendered to his majesty's arms cannot be
estimated at less than 2,500 men. In this estimate, Colonel
M'cArthur's detachment is included, as he surrendered,
agreeably to the terms of capitulation, in the course of the
evening, with the exception of 200 men, whom he left escorting
a valuable convoy at some little distance in his rear; but
there can be no doubt the officer commanding will consider
himself equally bound by the capitulation.
The enemy's aggregate force was divided into two troops of
cavalry; one company of artillery, regulars; the 4th United
States' regiment; detachments of the 1st and 3d United States'
regiments, volunteers; three regiments of the Ohio militia;
one regiment of the Michigan territory.
Thirty-three pieces of brass and iron ordnance have already
been secured.
When this contest commenced, many of the Indian nations were
engaged in active warfare with the United States,
notwithstanding the constant endeavours of this government to
dissuade them from it. Some of the principal chiefs happened
to be at Amherstburg, trying to procure a supply of arms and
ammunition, which for years had been withheld, agreeably to
the instructions received from Sir James Craig, and since
repeated by your excellency.
From that moment they took a most active part, and appeared
foremost on every occasion; they were led yesterday by Colonel
Elliott and Captain M'Kee, and nothing could exceed their
order and steadiness. A few prisoners were taken by them
during the advance, whom they treated with every humanity; and
it affords me much pleasure in assuring your excellency, that
such was their forbearance and attention to what was required
of them, that the enemy sustained no other loss in men than
what was occasioned by the fire of our batteries.
The high sense I entertain of the abilities and judgment of
Lieut-Colonel Myers, induced me to appoint him to the
important command at Niagara; it was with reluctance I
deprived myself of his assistance, but I had no other
expedient; his duties, as head of the quartermaster-general's
department, were performed to my satisfaction by
Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, quartermaster-general of the militia.
Captain Glegg, my aide-de-camp, will have the honor of
delivering this dispatch to your excellency; he is charged
with the colours taken at the capture of Fort Detroit, and
those of the 4th United States' regiment.
Captain Glegg is capable of giving your excellency every
information respecting the state of this province, and I shall
esteem myself highly indebted to your excellency, to afford
him that protection to which his merit and length of service
give him a powerful claim.[81] I have the honor to be, &c.
P.S.--I have the honor to enclose a copy of a proclamation
which I issued immediately on taking possession of this
country.
I should have mentioned in the body of my dispatch, the
capture of the Adams; she is a fine vessel, and recently
repaired, but without arms.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Aug. 30, 1812.
I received on the 25th, whilst at St. John's, your dispatch,
by express from Detroit, of the 16th instant. I do most
sincerely congratulate you upon the complete success which has
attended your measures for the preservation of Amherstburg.
The surrender of Detroit, the capture of General Hull's army
with so large a proportion of ordnance, are circumstances of
high importance to our country, and which have evinced your
talents as an officer in command, and reflect honor upon you,
and upon Lieut.-Colonel St. George and Colonel Proctor.
I propose sending an aide-de-camp to England with your short
dispatch, together with such details as I am in possession of,
respecting Brigadier-General Hull's previous invasion of Upper
Canada and of his foiled attempts to invest Amherstburg; but I
shall delay his departure from hence until the 1st of
September, in hopes of obtaining from you before that time
further particulars of the operations which led to General
Hull's disgrace.
Well aware of the difficulties you have surmounted Tor the
preservation of your government entire, I shall endeavour to
do justice to your merit in my report to his majesty's
minister upon the success which has crowned your energy and
zeal.
A warrant, giving to you more extensive power over the
sentence of such general courts martial as you may be called
on to assemble, was signed by me ten days since, and has I
hope reached you.
I am in hourly expectation of receiving from General Dearborn
intelligence respecting the reception of the proposed
suspension of hostilities, in consequence of the revocation of
the orders in council, which are the plea for war in the
American cabinet; and also whether Mr. Baker has been allowed
to assume, _pro tempore_, the character of a charge d'affaires
at Washington, where Mr. Foster had left him in a
demi-official capacity. I consider the arrangement entered
into by General Dearborn with Colonel Baynes, requiring the
confirmation of the president, to establish its sacredness.
The king's government having most unequivocally expressed to
me their desire to preserve peace with the United States, that
they might, uninterrupted, pursue, with the whole disposable
force of the country, the great interest committed in Europe,
I have endeavoured to be instrumental in the accomplishment of
their views; but I consider it most fortunate to have been
enabled to do so without interfering with your operations on
the Detroit.
I have sent you men, money, and stores of every kind.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Aug. 31, 1812.
I had scarcely closed the letters I addressed to you
yesterday, when an aide-de-camp from Major-General Dearborn
made his appearance, and delivered to me the dispatch herewith
transmitted. It will expose to your view the disposition of
the president of the United States on the provisional measure
temporarily agreed upon between the American
commander-in-chief and myself, in consequence of an earnest
desire not to widen the breach existing between the two
countries, the revocation of the orders in council having
removed the plea used in congress for a declaration of war
against Great Britain.
I am much disappointed that the particulars of the surrender
of Detroit have not as yet reached me, particularly as my
aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, is to leave Montreal this evening
for Quebec, where a ship of war is on the point of sailing for
Halifax, from whence I expect the admiral will give him a
conveyance for England.
Being unacquainted with the conditions attached to the
surrender of Brigadier-General Hull's army, and giving scope
to your expression of prisoners of war, I have made
arrangements for increasing their security against any attempt
to rescue them, by ordering Captain Gray to proceed with two
flank companies to Prescot.
[The dispatch from General Dearborn, dated Greenbush, August 26, was to
announce the discontinuance of the temporary armistice agreed to between
him and Colonel Baynes, in four days after the receipt of the
communication at the frontier posts in Canada. The American general
added: "If a suspension of offensive operations shall have been mutually
consented to between General Hull and the commanding officer of the
British forces at and near Detroit, as proposed, they will respectively
be authorized, at the expiration of four days subsequent to their
receiving copies of this communication, to consider themselves released
from any agreement thus entered into."]
* * * * *
As we have already commented on Sir George Prevost's management of the
war, and shall have occasionally to do so again, we gladly give him
credit for the very handsome manner in which he spoke of Major-General
Brock, in his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, one of his majesty's principal
secretaries of state, announcing the surrender of Detroit, and dated
Montreal, 26th August, 1812.
"It was under these circumstances at this critical period, and
when the enemy were beginning to consult their security by
entrenching themselves, that General Brock entered
Amherstburg with a reinforcement, which he was fortunately
enabled to do on the 13th instant, without the smallest
molestation, in consequence of our decided naval superiority
on the lakes. To his active and intelligent mind, the
advantages which his enemy's situation afforded him over them,
even with his very inferior force, became immediately
apparent; and that he has not failed most effectually to avail
himself of those favorable circumstances, your lordship will,
I trust, be satisfied, from the letter which I have the honor
of transmitting.
"Having thus brought to your lordship's view the different
circumstances which have led to the successful termination of
the campaign on the western frontier of Upper Canada, I cannot
withhold from Major-General Brock the tribute of applause so
justly due to him for his distinguished conduct on this
occasion; or omit to recommend him, through your lordship, to
the favorable consideration of his royal highness the prince
regent, for the great ability and judgment with which he
planned, and the promptitude, energy, and fortitude with which
he has effected, the preservation of Upper Canada, with the
sacrifice of so little British blood in accomplishing so
important a service.
"My aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, will have the honor of
delivering to your lordship this dispatch; and as he is well
qualified to give your lordship information respecting the
military resources of this command, I shall beg leave to
refer your lordship to him for farther particulars."
At the same time, truth compels us to add, that Sir George Prevost took
credit to himself, to which he was not entitled, when he wrote to Lord
Bathurst: "General Brock, relying upon the strong assurances I had given
him of a reinforcement as prompt and as effectual as the circumstances
by which I was placed by this new war would permit me to send, adopted
the most vigorous measures for the safety of that part of the frontier
which had been attacked." And again: "The certainty of the expected
reinforcements, and the weakness of the enemy on the Niagara frontier,
had in the mean time induced General Brock," &c. The last dispatch
which, we believe, Major-General Brock had received from Sir George
Prevost, when on the 6th of August he left York for Detroit, was dated
the 10th and received on the 29th July; and in that dispatch (see page
178) no reinforcements were promised, and indeed offensive operations
were deprecated. The first reinforcement which left Lower for Upper
Canada, appears to have consisted of about 100 men of the Newfoundland
regiment and 50 of the Veterans, which left Quebec on the 30th of July
for Kingston, to strengthen that post; and the adjutant-general, on the
1st of August, (page 211), wrote that Sir George Prevost regretted
extremely his inability to render Major-General Brock more efficient
aid. It was only on the 2d of August that Sir George Prevost promised
an additional reinforcement of four companies of the 49th regiment,
(page 215,) and on the 12th of the same month the remainder of the
regiment (page 218). Mr. Powell confirms this view of the subject in his
admirable letter, page 261. It will be seen in the sequel that, on the
13th of August, the adjutant-general wrote that he had strongly urged
Sir George Prevost to send further reinforcements, as he was sure they
could be spared. As to the remark relative to the weakness of the enemy
on the Niagara frontier, we shall only mention that Major-General Brock
states, in a MS. before us, that it was the strong American force on
that frontier which compelled him to take with him to Detroit only half
of the militia, who volunteered.
_Sir George Prevost to Earl Bathurst._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Sept. 1, 1812.
Since I had the honor of transmitting to your lordship my
letter of the 26th ultimo, in charge of my aide-de-camp,
Captain Coore, I have received from Major-General Brock a
dispatch, of which the enclosed is a copy, containing the
particulars of Brigadier-General Hull's invasion of Upper
Canada, which has terminated most gloriously to his majesty's
arms, in that officer's defeat and surrender, as a prisoner of
war, with the whole of the north-western army, together with
the fort Detroit, and thirty-three pieces of ordnance.
I forward this dispatch express, in the expectation of its
reaching Captain Coore previously to his leaving Canada,
which, with the colours of the 4th United States' regiment
accompanying it, I trust that officer will have the honor of
delivering to your lordship.
_Earl Bathurst to Sir George Prevost._
DOWNING STREET, October 10, 1812.
I have had the honor of receiving your dispatch, dated the
26th August, together with its enclosures, from Major-General
Brock, and I lost no time in laying intelligence so important
and satisfactory before his royal highness the prince regent.
I am commanded by his royal highness to desire you to take the
earliest opportunity of conveying his royal highness'
approbation of the able, judicious, and decisive conduct of
Major-General Brock, of the zeal and spirit manifested by
Colonel Proctor and the other officers, as well as of the
intrepidity of the troops under the command of Major-General
Brock.
By the united exertions of this little army, the enterprize of
the American army has been defeated; the territories of his
majesty in Upper Canada have been secured; and on the enemy's
fort of Detroit, important to that security, the British
standard has been happily placed.
You will inform Major-General Brock that his royal highness,
taking into consideration all the difficulties by which
Major-General Brock was surrounded from the time of the
invasion of the province by the American army, under the
command of General Hull, and the singular judgment, firmness,
skill, and courage, with which he was enabled to surmount them
so effectually--has been pleased to appoint him an extra
knight of the most honorable order of the bath.
* * * * *
The following letter strikes us as singularly appropriate and pleasing,
and as creditable to him who wrote it as it must have been gratifying to
him who received it. Mr. Powell, who, we believe, was then one of the
puisne judges, was chief justice of Upper Canada in the year 1817.
_William Dummer Powell, Esq., to Major-General Brock_.
KINGSTON, August 27, 1812.
I cannot persuade myself to offer my hearty congratulations
through the medium of a third person, and hope you will
believe that no one sympathizes more cordially than myself in
your feelings on the late happy event. I shall never again
regret little disappointments, when I consider to what they
may lead: had your early representations been attended to and
produced their proper effect, you would probably not have to
boast of the most brilliant success, with the most inadequate
means, which history records. There is something so fabulous
in the report of a handful of troops, supported by a few raw
militia, leaving their strong post to invade an enemy of
double numbers in his own fortress, and making them all
prisoners without the loss of a man, that, although your
report may be sanctioned by Sir George Prevost, it seems to me
that the people of England will be incredulous until they see
the exterminating boaster a prisoner in London. We find in a
cover by General Sheaffe, that the first report of the cannon
taken was one-third short of the real number. I shall hardly
sleep until I have the satisfaction of hearing particulars of
the wonderful excursion, for it must not be called a campaign.
The _veni, vidi, vici_, is again the faithful report. Your
good fortune in one instance is singular, for if your zeal had
been thwarted by such adverse winds as frequently occur on the
lake, the armistice might have intercepted your career. That
it did not I heartily thank God, and pray that nothing may
occur to damp the entire satisfaction of yourself and family
in the glory so well earned. I am impatient to hear from
Colonel M'Donell, but have no doubt that he justified your
warmest expectations in every trial. May I beg to be presented
to Glegg, and that you, Sir, will believe me, &c.
_Chief Justice of Lower Canada, Sewell, to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, Sept. 3, 1812.
In your present situation, I am perfectly sensible of your
occupations, and know that your time is precious. Yet I take
the liberty to intrude upon you with my congratulations upon
the brilliant success which has attended the measures which
you have pursued with so much judgment in Upper Canada, and
the thanks of an individual who feels the benefits which he,
in common with every other subject of his majesty in British
America, derives from your exertions.
* * * * *
The next letter is from General Maitland,[82] who was colonel of the
49th foot from the 25th May, 1768, to the period of his death, in
February, 1820, or nearly fifty-two years! Major-General Brock held this
gallant veteran in high estimation, having received from him much
attention and kindness, which were continued to some of his relatives
after his fall, and it will be seen that the feeling was mutual.
Although General Maitland was so many years colonel of the 49th, yet we
find that the Marquis of Drogheda held a similar appointment for a
longer period, being colonel of the 18th Hussars from the 3d August,
1762, to October, 1821, when that regiment was disbanded, or above
fifty-nine years!
_General the Honorable Alexander Maitland to Major-General Brock_.
TOTTERIDGE, October 8, 1812.
Yesterday being mail day for America, I dispatched my usual
monthly letter to the regiment, and in which, as I always do,
I desired to be remembered to you with my best and warmest
wishes for your health, happiness, and success. I had not then
heard, but did a few hours after, of your _glorious victory_
over our most unnatural enemies, (such an one as can hardly be
equalled in the annals of history,) that of not only beating,
but taking prisoners, more than double your numbers; and now
that you have conquered them in the field, I trust that their
wrong-headed government will be brought to reason and peace,
for it will prove to them, if they persevere, that they will
be forced to it, and terms dictated to them. Therefore allow
me, Sir, with the warmest feelings of an old friend to
congratulate you, as I do the public, on the essential service
you have done the country on the present occasion; as I do my
friend, your aide-de-camp, Captain Glegg, as far as the sphere
of his duty could assist in the great work; and _I glory to
say you are both 49-thers_. I could write sheets on the
subject, but, not to take up your valuable time longer than I
have done to express my pleasure and feelings, I will stop by
adding the sincere congratulations of all related to me here
as well as elsewhere. But I cannot help now observing how
prophetic I was in what I wrote to Colonel Vincent yesterday
concerning you, which was, _that if you mere properly
supported, I thought the enemy would never cross the line of
your command_, a proof of which I had a few hours afterwards.
When you see any of our friends of the 49th, pray remember me
in the kindest manner to them, and I am sure they will thank
you that they are safe and warm in their quarters in place of
having a winter campaign in so severe a climate. And now I
will only add my warmest wishes for your health and happiness,
and that the same good fortune that has hitherto attended you
may continue; and I beg that you will be so good as to convey
the same to my friend, your aide-de-camp. Believe me to be, my
dear general, &c.
P.S.--I send this after the mail, which left London last
night, in hope it may overtake it at Falmouth, as I know the
packet seldom sails for some days after her time.
_Major-General John Burnet to Sir Isaac Brock, K.B._[83]
STRABERRY, Ireland, Oct. 11, 1812.
There has existed too long and too sincere a friendship
between us for me not to feel the most lively interest in the
event which has added such _eclat_ to your achievement at my
old quarter, Detroit.
To evince to you how much I regard you, and how much I have
talked of you, a friend of mine at the Horse Guards enclosed
me the Extraordinary Gazette, saying he knew how much I should
be gratified: judge then, my friend, of my feelings that you
had acquitted yourself with such address; and I feel some
degree of pride that my opinion was so justly formed of your
conduct, whenever you should have an opportunity to display
your talents. Accept, then, the very sincere congratulations
of an old friend on this occasion, and be assured of the
happiness it gives me, as well as Mrs. Burnet, who is with me,
and sends her love to you.
With respect to my situation, I offered my services to go to
the Peninsula as soon as our promotion took place, and at one
time flattered myself I should have gone there; but superior
interest prevailed, and I was placed on the staff of Ireland.
I first went to Londonderry, but have been here six months, as
more central to the brigade under my command.
I have my hands full of business, and little time for private
correspondence; but I could not resist the impulse on an
occasion so highly to the honor of an old friend. Believe me,
my dear Brock, &c.
P.S.--If Commodore Grant be still alive, pray remember me
warmly to him and Mrs. Grant.
_Major-General Brock to his Brothers_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812.
Rejoice at my good fortune, and join me in prayers to Heaven.
I send you a copy of my hasty note to Sir George.
[Here follows his short dispatch of that day. See page 247.]
Let me hear that you are all united and happy.
_Major-General Brock to his Brothers._
LAKE ONTARIO, September 3, 1812.
You will have heard of the complete success which attended the
efforts I directed against Detroit. I have received so many
letters from people whose opinion I value, expressive of their
admiration of the exploit, that I begin to attach to it more
importance than I was at first inclined. Should the affair be
viewed in England in the light it is here, I cannot fail of
meeting reward, and escaping the horror of being placed high
on a shelf, never to be taken down.
Some say that nothing could be more desperate than the
measure; but I answer, that the state of the province admitted
of nothing but desperate remedies. I got possession of the
letters my antagonist addressed to the secretary at war, and
also of the sentiments which hundreds of his army uttered to
their friends. Confidence in the general was gone, and evident
despondency prevailed throughout. I have succeeded beyond
expectation. I crossed the river, contrary to the opinion of
Colonel Proctor,----, &c.; it is, therefore, no wonder that
envy should attribute to good fortune what, in justice to my
own discernment, I must say, proceeded from a cool calculation
of the _pours_ and _contres_.
They say that the value of the articles captured will amount
to 30 or L40,000; in that case, my proportion will be
something considerable. If it enable me to contribute to your
comfort and happiness, I shall esteem it my highest reward.
When I returned Heaven thanks for my amazing success, I
thought of you all; you appeared to me happy--your late
sorrows forgotten; and I felt as if you acknowledged that the
many benefits, which for a series of years I received from
you, were not unworthily bestowed. Let me know, my dearest
brothers, that you are all again united. The want of union was
nearly losing this province without even a struggle, and be
assured it operates in the same degree in regard to families.
A cessation of hostilities has taken place along this
frontier. Should peace follow, the measure will be well; if
hostilities recommence, nothing could be more unfortunate than
this pause. I cannot give you freely an account of my
situation--it is, however, of late much improved. The militia
have been inspired, by the recent success, with
confidence--the disaffected are silenced. The 49th have come
to my aid, besides other troops. I shall see Vincent, I hope,
this evening at Kingston. He is appointed to the command of
that post--a most important one. I have withdrawn Plenderleath
from Niagara to assist him. P---- is sitting opposite to me,
and desires to be remembered. James Brock is likewise at
Kingston. I believe he considers it more his interest to
remain with the 49th than to act as my private secretary;
indeed, the salary is a mere pittance. Poor Leggatt is dead,
and has left his family in the most distressing
circumstances. His wife died last year.
Major Smelt and Captain Brown have sent me your letters, for
which I thank you. Let Richard Potenger be assured that his
letter afforded me the highest gratification. I trust in
Heaven that the whole of his thoughts will be directed to
study, and to qualify himself for the holy profession he has
chosen. Ignorance is despised in most men, but more
particularly in the clergyman educated at one of the
universities, who must have neglected so many opportunities of
acquiring knowledge.
I received the other day a long letter from Sir Thomas
Saumarez, from Halifax. I regret the death of the two Harry
Brocks.[84] I have likewise been particularly unfortunate in
the loss of two valuable military friends. I begin to be too
old to form new friendships, and those of my youth are
dropping off fast.
General Sheaffe has lately been sent to me. There never was an
individual so miserably off for the necessary assistance. Sir
George Prevost has kindly hearkened to my remonstrances, and
in some measure supplied the deficiency. The 41st is an
uncommonly fine regiment, but, with few exceptions, badly
officered. You mention John Tupper[85] in a manner as to leave
hope that he may still be living. God grant it! He is a great
favorite of mine, and I should lament any disaster happening
to him. Perhaps Glegg may be sent home by Sir George, and in
that case I hope he will allow you to see the colours taken
from the 4th U.S. regiment. The generality of the English will
esteem them very little: nothing is prized that is not
acquired with blood.
KINGSTON, September 4.
I this instant receive your letters by Mr. Todd, So honest
John Tupper is gone! I could not have loved a son of my own
more ardently. Hostilities I this instant understand are to be
renewed in four days; and though landed only two hours, I must
return immediately to Niagara, whence I shall write fully.
_Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, Quartermaster-General of Militia, to
Major-General Brock._
DETROIT, August 25, 1812.
I have just been informed by Colonel Proctor that he intends
sending an express to-morrow to Fort George, which gives me an
opportunity to forward a few printed copies of your
proclamation, and to inform you that in order to carry it into
effect, it has been found absolutely necessary to organize the
civil government. Under existing circumstances, I have advised
Colonel Proctor to assume the administration until your
pleasure is known, to which he has agreed, and the necessary
arrangements consequent thereto have been adopted and
promulgated. In Judge Woodward, who has been appointed
secretary _pro tem_, he will find an able coadjutor; and as
your object undoubtedly was to tranquillize the public mind
and to give the inhabitants a proof of the moderation and
benevolence of his majesty's government, as well as to ensure
the due administration of the laws, I do not think a more
judicious choice could have been made. In all the discussions
which took place on this subject, Colonel Proctor did me the
honor to consult me; and I have no hesitation in saying, that
I urged him to the step he has taken, of which I hope you
will, as it is only temporary, approve. We have had much
difficulty in collecting the public cattle and horses, and
have suffered greatly from the predatory spirit of the
Indians; indeed, their conduct has been infamous. There is
hardly a house on either side of the river that has not been
robbed by them; they have taken away the greater part of the
captured horses and cattle, and without our being able to
prevent it. It has not been in my power as yet to send a
statement of all that we have captured, as the property is so
scattered, but I hope to finish this week. We got upwards of
L1,200 in money, and have sent down a hundred packs worth, I
suppose L1,500 more. I have reason to think the captured
property will not be much under L40,000.
We have still 350 prisoners to ship off, but I hope to get
rid of them in a few days. Public confidence seems to be
partially restored; business is again going on, and I hope
that the country will become perfectly quiet.
It is impossible for me to say when I shall get done here. I
hope, however, it will not be long. I regret that we are not
able to send you complete returns of every thing; but the
captured property is in so many different places, and so
scattered, that it cannot be done.
* * * * *
_Extract from a Canadian Newspaper._
MONTREAL, September 12.
Last Sunday evening the inhabitants of this city were
gratified with an exhibition equally novel and interesting.
That General Hull should have entered into our city so soon,
at the head of his troops, rather exceeded our expectations.
We were, however, very happy to see him, and received him with
all the honors due to his high rank and importance as a public
character. The following particulars, relative to his journey
and reception at Montreal, may not be uninteresting to our
readers:
It appears that General Hull and suite, accompanied by about
25 officers and 350 soldiers, left Kingston, under an escort
of 130 men, commanded by Major Heathcote, of the Newfoundland
regiment. At Cornwall, the escort was met by Captain Gray, of
the quartermaster-general's department, who took charge of the
prisoners of war, and from thence proceeded with them to La
Chine, where they arrived about two o'clock on Sunday
afternoon. At La Chine, Captains Richardson and Ogilvie, with
their companies of Montreal militia, and a company of the
king's from Lower Chine, commanded by Captain Blackmore,
formed the escort till they were met by Colonel Auldjo, with
the remainder of the flank companies of the militia, upon
which Captain Blackmore's company fell out and presented arms
as the general and line passed, and then returned to La Chine,
leaving the prisoners of war to be guarded by the militia
alone. The line of march then proceeded to the town in the
following order, viz:
1. Band of the king's regiment.
2. The first division of the escort.
3. General Hull in a carriage, accompanied by Captain Gray.
Captain Hull and Major Shekleton followed in the second, and
some wounded officers occupied four others.
4. The American officers.
5. The non-commissioned officers and soldiers.
6. The second division of the escort.
It unfortunately proved rather late in the evening for the
vast concourse of spectators assembled to experience that
gratification they so anxiously looked for. This inconvenience
was, however, in a great measure remedied by the illuminations
of the streets through which the line of march passed. When
they arrived at the general's house, the general was conducted
in, and presented to his excellency Sir George Prevost, and
was received with the greatest politeness, and invited to take
up his residence there during his stay at Montreal. The other
officers were accommodated at Holmes' hotel, and the soldiers
lodged in the Quebec barracks. The general appears to be about
sixty years of age, and is a good looking man, and we are
informed by those who have had frequent opportunities of
conversing with him, that he is a man of general information.
He is communicative, and seems to bear his misfortunes with a
degree of philosophical resignation that but few men in
similar circumstances are gifted with. On Thursday last
General Hull, with eight American officers, left this city for
the United States, on their parole.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 79: We can discover none from Colonel Baynes on the subject.]
[Footnote 80: This dispatch was published in a Gazette Extraordinary, in
London, on the 6th of October. See page 240.]
[Footnote 81: Captain Glegg was made a brevet-major for the capture of
Detroit. Sir George Prevost's aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, was also made
a brevet-major for taking the dispatches to England.]
[Footnote 82: Created a baronet on the 30th November, 1818.]
[Footnote 83: This letter is apparently written with the left hand, as
if the writer had lost his right.]
[Footnote 84: Henry Frederick Brock, Esq., jurat of the Royal Court of
Guernsey; and Lieutenant Henry Brock, R.N. In his letter, (see page
194,) Sir Thomas Saumarez, speaking of the latter, says: "He was a most
promising young officer, and, had the poor fellow lived, my brother
James would probably have made him a commander this summer."]
[Footnote 85: His nephew, John E. Tupper, Esq., aged twenty, perished at
sea in January, 1812, in the Mediterranean, the vessel in which he was a
passenger from Catalonia to Gibraltar having never been heard of after
sailing. He was educated at Harrow at the same time as Lord Byron, Sir
Robert Peel, &c.]
CHAPTER XIII.
After issuing a proclamation to the inhabitants of the Michigan
territory, by which their private property was secured and their laws
and religion confirmed, and leaving as large a force under Colonel
Proctor as could be spared at Detroit, Major-General Brock hastened to
return to the Niagara frontier; and while on his voyage across Lake
Erie, in the schooner Chippewa, he was met on the 23d of August by the
provincial schooner Lady Prevost, of 14 guns, the commander of which,
after saluting the general with seventeen guns, came on board and gave
him the first intelligence of the armistice which Sir George Prevost had
unfortunately concluded with the American general, Dearborn.
Major-General Brock could not conceal his deep regret and mortification
at the intelligence, which he feared would prevent his contemplated
attack on Sackett's Harbour. Sir George Prevost, early in August, on
hearing of the repeal of the British orders in council, which were the
principal among the alleged causes of the war, had proposed a suspension
of hostilities until the sentiments of the American government were
received on the subject; and to this suspension General Dearborn
readily agreed, with the exception of the forces under General Hull,
who, he said, acted under the immediate orders of the secretary at war.
But, by the terms of the truce, General Hull had the option of availing
himself of its provisions if he thought fit, and that he would gladly
have done so there can be no doubt. Happily, however, owing to the
rapidity of Major-General Brock's movements, the news of the armistice
did not reach the belligerent commanders in time to prevent the
surrender of the one, or to snatch well-earned laurels from the brow of
the other.[86] This armistice was attended with very prejudicial
consequences, as it not only marred the attempt on Sackett's Harbour,
but it rendered unavailing the command of the lakes, which was then held
by the British.[87]
The successful commander, in transmitting by Captain Glegg his
dispatches to the governor-general at Montreal, expressed, through his
aide-de-camp, his intention of proceeding immediately to Kingston, and
from thence to the attack of the naval arsenal at Sackett's Harbour, on
Lake Ontario. Had its destruction been accomplished--and no one can
doubt that this was the proper period to attempt it, as the enemy,
dispirited by the capture of Detroit, would probably have offered but a
feeble resistance--the Americans could not, without much additional
difficulty and future risk of destruction, have built and equipped the
fleet which subsequently gave them the naval ascendancy on that lake,
and enabled them twice in 1813 to capture the capital of Upper Canada.
The armistice, however, caused a delay of nearly a fortnight in the
necessary preparations, as Major-General Brock returned from Detroit to
Fort George on the 24th of August, and the cessation of the truce was
not known to him until his arrival at Kingston, on the 4th of September.
The distance by water between Fort George and Kingston is about 160
miles, and from Kingston to Sackett's Harbour only 35 miles; so that the
destruction of the arsenal might have been effected early in September,
had not the armistice prevented the attempt. But, unhappily for the
interests of his country and the credit of his own fame, Sir George
Prevost disapproved of the proposition, and commanded Major-General
Brock to relinquish all idea of the contemplated enterprize, although
the official intelligence of the president's refusal to continue the
suspension of hostilities reached him at Montreal on the 30th of August,
a day or two _before_ Captain Glegg, with the dispatches and trophies of
the capture of Detroit. At the commencement of the war, a defensive
attitude was perhaps excusable, especially as the British cabinet seems
to have been anxious to accommodate the differences between the two
countries; but _after_ the American government had refused to continue
the armistice, it appears to us that Sir George Prevost was pursuing a
suicidal course, as to wait for the enemy till he shall have prepared
his forces and passed your frontiers, to plunder your towns and occupy
your country, is a very recent expedient recognized by no government,
and practised by no people of ancient or modern times. But
notwithstanding the delay caused by the armistice, the proposed attack
could still have been carried into effect after its cessation; and it
was only relinquished by express orders from the commander-in-chief. We
seek not to impugn his motives, as they probably originated in a
mistaken sense of duty, and evidently from an impression that to attack
the Americans again on their own frontier would be to render the contest
more popular among them. It was under this impression that, in a general
order[88] issued at Montreal on the 31st of August, the
commander-in-chief was weak enough to offer an indirect apology to the
American people for the invasion of their territory at Detroit. Whether
this continued defensive policy was such as, under all the
circumstances, ought to have been observed, we leave it to others to
determine; but certainly the result did not justify its expediency, and
the tree is usually judged of by its fruit. Forbearance in war, where
success is probable, strikes us as a positive evil that a very doubtful
good may ensue--it is seldom properly appreciated; and the
governor-general appears to have seen his error when too late, as in the
following year he was himself ignobly foiled in an attack on Sackett's
Harbour. We cannot understand why the attack under Sir George Prevost,
in May, 1813, was more politic than it would have been in September the
year preceding, under Major-General Brock; and although Captain Glegg
met with a very chilling reception from the former officer, yet we would
willingly acquit him of any jealous feeling where such important
interests were at stake. At the same time it is due to the memory of
this unfortunate officer to add, that his civil administration was as
able as his military one in Canada was inglorious; and that although his
conduct as a soldier was on more than one occasion the subject of much
and just animadversion in England, yet he acquired the warm attachment
of the French Canadians, who speak highly of him to this day. Those
leading men who, during the administration of Sir James Craig, had been
considered almost as enemies, were treated with confidence by his
successor, who gradually appointed them to situations of trust, and by
this wise measure secured their aid and influence in the defence of the
province. Certain it is, on the other hand, that Major-General Brock did
not approve of the defensive warfare to which he was restricted, and
subsequent events too truly proved that had he been permitted to pursue
that course which his zeal and foresight dictated, his valuable life
might have been spared, and a very different series of incidents in that
war claimed the attention of the historian. The high-minded soldier
could not brook a state of inaction with such promising prospects before
him. His best feelings revolted at being compelled to languish within
the strict pale of military obedience, when so rich a field for doing
good service presented itself; and in place of becoming the assailant,
he was soon doomed, by awaiting the attacks of his opponents, to
sacrifice not only life, but, what is far dearer, the opening prospects
of honorable ambition.
On the 16th December, 1812, the inhabitants of the Niagara district
addressed a spirited letter to Sir George Prevost, from which we copy
the following extract, as confirming what we have already stated on the
same subject: "Nevertheless, such was the popularity of the general,
such the confidence he had inspired, that he was enabled to carry with
him to Detroit, though under great privations, a large body of
volunteers, which, in addition to the small regular force at
Amherstburg, enabled him to capture an entire army of our invaders, with
the fortress from which they had made their descent into Canada--a
success unparalleled in the annals of war. Here, for the first time, we
got a supply of good arms. The success of this first enterprize, in
which the militia were engaged, acted like an electric shock throughout
the country: it awed the disaffected, of whom there were many; it
confirmed the timid and the wavering; and it induced the Six Nation
Indians, who had until that time kept aloof, to take an active part in
our favor. At that moment such was the energy and confidence that had
been excited by our illustrious chief and the success of his plans, that
had _he_ been permitted, he could, and would, have destroyed and laid
waste the whole American frontier, from Sandusky to St. Regis. Your
excellency doubtless recollects the armistice which immediately preceded
the capture of Detroit, which gave the enemy an opportunity to recover
from their consternation, to fortify and strengthen their lines, to
accumulate in security the means of annoying us at pleasure along our
whole frontier, and which sent at least 800 of our Indian allies in
disgust to their own homes."
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, August 13, 1812.[89]
I wrote to you from Albany on the 8th instant, but as my
letter was submitted to the inspection of General Dearborn, I
of course confined myself to the sole subject of the armistice
entered into with that officer.... A clause, admitting
reinforcements to pass with stores, was readily agreed to on
my part. General Dearborn told me that a considerable
reinforcement with stores was on its way to Niagara, and that
he could not delay or alter its destination. I informed him
that we were also forwarding reinforcements and stores, and
that it would be advisable to agree that all movements of that
nature on either side should be suffered to proceed
unmolestedly by troops under instructions to preserve
defensive measures. I am apprehensive that General Dearborn
may not explicitly explain all these points; and I have
therefore cautioned all the officers, to whom I have
communicated them, to act with the utmost caution, and to be
prepared for all events that may arise. I feel extremely
prepossessed in favor of General Dearborn, whose manners
appear to evince great candour and sincerity: he assured me
that no event of his life would afford him so much
satisfaction and happiness as resigning his command in
consequence of our honorable adjustment of differences. He
told me that General Hull was placed under his orders merely
for form sake, but that he acted by particular instructions
from the war department, and would not consider himself bound
to obey any order that was not in conformity to them.
[Colonel Baynes describes at length the incipient state of
military preparation for the invasion of Lower Canada, which
he witnessed on his journey; and after mentioning that the
Americans had sent the most efficient of their forces to the
Niagara frontier, he adds:]
Under all these circumstances, which I have represented to
Sir George, I have strongly urged his sending you further
reinforcements, which I am sure can be spared: we are at
present checked from the want of conveyance, but I trust after
the corps, now on their route, are dispatched, that Sir George
will be induced to send you further aid, and that of the best
description. I think it of the highest importance,
particularly if we are likely to arrange matters with the
States, that the balance of military events should be
unequivocally in our favor. I found a very general prejudice
prevailing with Jonathan, of his own resources and means of
invading these provinces, and of our weakness and inability to
resist, both exaggerated in a most absurd and extravagant
degree--a little practical correction of this error would be
attended with the best effects.
The 1st battalion of the royals are upwards of 1,100 strong,
but sickly, having suffered from their long residence in the
West Indies, and they are in consequence marked for the Quebec
garrison.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor._
FORT GEORGE, August 25, 1812.
I wrote to you yesterday, informing you that a cessation of
hostilities had been agreed upon between Sir George Prevost
and General Dearborn, and requesting you in consequence to
postpone any attempt upon Fort Wayne, or any other post of the
enemy. I consider the present forbearance may lead to such
consequences that I cannot refrain from sending a second
express, to urge you to restrain the Indians likewise in their
predatory excursions: this, however, ought to be done with the
utmost caution, and on grounds foreign from the present
considerations.
Colonel Myers tells me that he forwarded on the 11th instant a
dispatch received from Sir George Prevost to me, in which his
excellency so clearly stated the principles of moderation upon
which he thought it expedient to act, that I fully expect,
should you have received the dispatch and perused his
sentiments, you will forbear from any hostile aggression; in
fact, act completely upon the defensive.
Should every thing remain quiet in the vicinity of Detroit,
you will proceed hither, bringing to Fort Erie the detachments
which Captain Chambers and Lieutenant Bullock took to
Amherstburg. All the spare ordnance is to be transported to
Fort Erie without delay.
I should also think that Lieutenant Troughton and a few of his
men could be spared for some time from the duties at
Amherstburg; in that case, you will have the goodness to order
them to accompany you.
* * * * *
Major-General Brock arrived at Kingston on the 4th of September, and
left it on the 6th for Fort George. During this hasty visit he reviewed
the militia, and expressed his satisfaction at its evolutions and
appearance. He also received a flattering address from the magistrates,
officers of militia, and other inhabitants; and in reply he told them
with much tact, that it was the confidence inspired by the admirable
conduct of the York and Lincoln regiments of militia which had induced
him to undertake the expedition which terminated in the capture of
Detroit, and that from the report of the officers of the garrison at
Kingston, he relied with the same confidence on the bravery and the
discipline of the militia of that district. In the same manner, in an
address a few days before from the inhabitants of York, he said:
"Gentlemen,--I cannot but feel highly gratified by this expression of
your esteem for myself; but, in justice to the brave men at whose head I
marched against the enemy, I must beg leave to direct your attention to
them, as the proper objects of your gratitude. It was a confidence,
founded on their loyalty, zeal, and valour, that determined me to adopt
the plan of operations which led to so fortunate a termination. Allow me
to congratulate you, gentlemen, at having sent out from among yourselves
a large portion of that gallant band; and that at such a period a spirit
had manifested itself, on which you may confidently repose your hopes of
future security. It will be a most pleasing duty for me to report to our
sovereign a conduct so truly meritorious."
_Major-General Brock, to Sir George Prevost._
KINGSTON, September 4, 1812.
Upon my arrival here an hour ago, Captain Fulton delivered me
your excellency's dispatch, dated the 31st ultimo, enclosing a
letter from General Dearborn, in which the president's
disapproval of the armistice is announced. I am in consequence
induced to return without loss of time to Fort George. Captain
Fulton having expressed a wish to accompany me, I have the
more readily consented, as he will be able to give you full
information of our actual state. The enemy was very busy upon
Fort Niagara, and appeared inclined to erect additional
batteries. I may perhaps think it proper to stop their career.
I enclose several documents lately received from Colonel
Proctor, at Detroit. That officer appears to have conducted
himself with much judgment. I likewise transmit a memorial
which I have received from some merchants in the Niagara
district, but of course I cannot judge of its merits.
I shall be obliged to your excellency to direct the remittance
of the L5,000, for which I sent a requisition some time ago,
on account of the civil expenditure of this province, either
in government paper or specie, as you may deem most
convenient. I doubt not the former meeting a ready currency.
The very flattering manner in which your excellency is pleased
to view my services, and your kindness in having represented
them to his majesty's ministers in such favorable light, are
gratifying to my feelings, and call for my grateful
acknowledgments.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._
FORT GEORGE, September 9, 1812.
I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the
24th ultimo, and have to thank you for ordering a company of
the Glengary regiment to strengthen Colonel Lethbridge at
Prescott, whose force you have been led to believe was
weakened in consequence of my interference, but which, I beg
leave to state, was done without my knowledge, and contrary to
my intention.
The enclosed copies of letters will inform you of the state of
affairs to the westward. It appears evident the enemy
meditates a second attempt on Amherstburg. The greater part of
the troops, which are advancing, marched from Kentucky with an
intention of joining General Hull. How they are to subsist,
even for a short period, in that already exhausted country, is
no easy matter to conceive. This difficulty will probably
decide them on some bold measure, in the hope of shortening
the campaign. If successfully resisted, their fate is
inevitable.
The Indians, it appears by the accompanying documents, were
adverse to retreating without first making a trial of their
strength. Taking, however, every circumstance into
consideration, I am inclined to think that Captain Muir acted
judiciously. Should the Indians continue to afford a willing
co-operation, I entertain not the smallest doubt of the result
that awaits this second attempt to turn my right; but your
excellency will easily perceive that doubts and jealousies
have already seized their minds. The officers of the Indian
department will, I trust, be able to remove all such
impressions. Although, from the daily observations of what is
passing on the opposite shore, a single man can ill be spared
from this line, I have notwithstanding determined to send the
two flank companies of the royal Newfoundland regiment to
Amherstburg. Fresh troops are daily arriving, supposed to
belong to the Pennsylvania quota of 2,000 men, known to be
intended for this frontier. After the whole arrive, an attack,
I imagine, cannot be long delayed. The wretched state of their
quotas, and the raggedness of the troops, will not allow them
to brave the rain and cold, which during the last week have
been so severely felt.
Between 200 and 300 Indians have joined and augmented the
force on the other side. Their brethren here feel certain that
they will not act with any spirit against us--so I imagine, if
we continue to shew a bold front; but in the event of a
disaster, the love of plunder will prevail, and they will then
act in a manner to be the most dreaded by the inhabitants of
this country.
I beg leave to recommend to your excellency's indulgent
consideration, Colonel Proctor's application for an increase
of pay as commanding a district, which I request may commence
from the 16th August last.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, September 10, 1812.
Sir George writes to you so fully upon the several subjects to
which your letters refer, that I have little left to
communicate to you. Major Heathcote leaves this to-day, with
all the small description of ordnance stores intended for
Amherstburg, but we have detained the 12-pounders and shot; as
you have helped yourself so amply at Detroit, it is imagined
you do not now want them. I enclose a letter from Captain
Roberts, who was, I suppose, induced to address himself direct
to head quarters, by an opportunity of doing so offering
itself at the moment. The North-West gentlemen are very urgent
in recommending a reinforcement in that quarter; but Sir
George has told them that their representation must be
addressed to you, who will act as you deem proper.
Your friend, Mr. Isaac Todd, is arrived, and looking much
better for his trip; he was suffered to pass by Albany and the
lake. He tells me that Mr. M'Donell is confirmed
attorney-general, and that the governor's salary is increased,
L1,000 a year. I sincerely trust that it will soon be your
own. Sir George has in his official dispatches, after paying
that tribute of praise so justly your due, stated as his
confirmed opinion, that the salvation of the Upper Province
has in a very great measure arisen from the civil and military
authority being combined in able hands. The prisoners, with
their general, arrived here on Sunday night; as they had not
halted since they left Kingston, and were in a very dirty
state, we kept them here on Monday, and they yesterday
proceeded to William Henry, on their way to Quebec; the
officers are to be on parole in Charlesbourg, and the men
confined on board two transports in the river. Sir George has
permitted most of the officers, who have families with them,
to return on their parole; four of them are proposed to be
exchanged for the officers of the Royal Scots, taken by the
Essex frigate. Sir George has also consented to allow General
Hull to return upon his parole: he is loud in his complaints
against the government at Washington, and the general thinks
that his voice, in the general cry, may be attended with
beneficial effects, and has allowed him to return and enter
the lists. General Hull appears to possess less feeling and
sense of shame than any man in his situation could be supposed
to do. He seems to be perfectly satisfied with himself, is
lavish of censure upon his government, but appears to think
that the most scrupulous cannot attach the slightest blame to
his own immediate conduct at Detroit. The grounds upon which
he rests his defence are not, I fancy, well founded, for he
told us that he had not gunpowder at Detroit for the service
of one day. Sir George has since shown him the return of the
large supply found in the fort; it did not create a blush, but
he made no reply. He professes great surprise and admiration
at the zeal and military preparation that he has everywhere
witnessed; that it was entirely unlooked for, and that he has
no doubt that his friend, General Dearborn, will share his
fate, if he has the imprudence to follow his example. Hull
seems cunning and unprincipled: how much reliance is to be
placed on his professions, time will shew.
General Dearborn has certainly left Albany for Skeensborough,
at the head of the lake, where great preparations have been
making in collecting boats and sending the regulars from
Greenbush to the stations in our vicinity. Major Cotton, with
about 300 men, half of the king's regiment, is stationed at
Isle aux Noix,[90] and two gun-boats have been carried into
that river, as the enemy's preparations seem to indicate that
quarter as their point of attack. Colonel Murray commands at
St. John's, and will give them a warm reception. I do not feel
a doubt of Jonathan's complete discomfiture and disgrace if he
make the attempt: we could, I fancy, bring as many men as he
will be able to persuade into the field, and of very superior
stuff, for our militia have really improved beyond all
expectation in discipline, and with it in spirit and
confidence. This town would turn out 2,000 volunteer militia,
a great proportion of whom are clothed and very tolerably
drilled. We have destroyed all the roads of communication in
our front, leaving open the water route only, and these woody
positions will be shortly occupied by the Indians of this
neighbourhood and a corps of volunteer _voyageur_ Canadians.
The enemy's preparations, however, may be a feint to cover
some plans in agitation against your province.
I send you a long letter from Kempt for your perusal, with a
sketch of Badajos, though no longer recent news. I am sure the
interest you take in the success of our arms, and in his share
in particular, will induce you to read it with pleasure.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, September 14, 1812.
Captain Fulton arrived on the 11th instant with your letter of
the 7th; the intelligence you have communicated by it
convinces me of the necessity of the evacuation of Fort
Detroit, unless the operations of the enemy on the Niagara
frontier bear a character less indicative of determined
hostile measures against your line in their front than they
did when you last reported to me. You will therefore be
pleased, subject to the discretion I have given you under the
circumstances to which I have alluded, to take immediate steps
for evacuating that post, together with the territory of
Michigan; by this measure you will be enabled to withdraw a
greater number of the troops from Amherstburg, instead of
taking them from Colonel Vincent, whose regular force ought
not on any account to be diminished.
I have already afforded you reinforcements to the full extent
of my ability; you must not, therefore, expect a further
supply of men from hence until I shall receive from England a
considerable increase to the present regular force in this
province: the posture of affairs, particularly on this
frontier, requires every soldier who is in the country.
In my last dispatch from Lord Bathurst, dated the 4th of July,
he tells me, "that his majesty's government trusts I will be
enabled to suspend with perfect safety all extraordinary
preparations for defence which I may have been induced to make
in consequence of the precarious state of the relations
between this country and the United States; and that as every
specific requisition for warlike stores and accoutrements
which had been received from me had been complied with, with
the exception of the clothing of the corps proposed to be
raised from the Glengary emigrants, he had not thought it
necessary to direct the preparation of any further supplies."
This will afford you a strong proof of the infatuation of his
majesty's ministers upon the subject of American affairs, and
shew how entirely I have been left to my own resources in the
event which has taken place.
Judging from what you have already effected in Upper Canada,
I do not doubt but that, with your present means of defence,
you will be able to maintain your position at Fort George, and
that the enemy will be again foiled in any further attempts
they may make to invade the province.
I leave to your discretion to decide on the necessity of
sending a reinforcement to Michilimakinack.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor_.
FORT GEORGE, September 17, 1812.
I have had before me your several communications to the 11th
instant, addressed to myself and to Major-General Sheaffe. I
approve of your having detached a party to aid in the
reduction of Fort Wayne, not only because its destruction will
render your position more secure, but also from the probable
result of saving the garrison from sharing the fate of that of
Chicago; but it must be explicitly understood, that you are
not to resort to offensive warfare for purposes of conquest.
Your operations are to be confined to measures of defence and
security. With this view, if you should have credible
information of the assembling of bodies of troops to march
against you, it may become necessary to destroy the fort at
Sandusky, and the road which runs through it from Cleveland to
the foot of the rapids: the road from the river Raisin to
Detroit is perhaps in too bad a state to offer any aid to the
approach of an enemy, except in the winter; and if a winter
campaign should be contemplated against you, it is probable
that magazines would be formed in Cleveland and its vicinity,
of all which you will of course inform yourself. In carry |
