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THE WITCH-CULT IN WESTERN EUROPE
_A Study in Anthropology_
BY
MARGARET ALICE MURRAY
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1921
Oxford University Press
_London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen
New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town
Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai_
Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY
PREFACE
The mass of existing material on this subject is so great that I have not
attempted to make a survey of the whole of European 'Witchcraft', but have
confined myself to an intensive study of the cult in Great Britain. In
order, however, to obtain a clearer understanding of the ritual and beliefs
I have had recourse to French and Flemish sources, as the cult appears to
have been the same throughout Western Europe. The New England records are
unfortunately not published _in extenso_; this is the more unfortunate as
the extracts already given to the public occasionally throw light on some
of the English practices. It is more difficult to trace the English
practices than the Scotch or French, for in England the cult was already in
a decadent condition when the records were made; therefore records in a
purely English colony would probably contain much of interest.
The sources from which the information is taken are the judicial records
and contemporary chroniclers. In the case of the chroniclers I have studied
their facts and not their opinions. I have also had access to some
unpublished trials among the Edinburgh Justiciary Records and also in the
Guernsey Greffe.
The following articles have already appeared in various journals, to whose
editors I am indebted for kind permission to republish: 'Organization of
Witch Societies' and 'Witches and the number Thirteen' in _Folk Lore_; 'The
God of the Witches' in the _Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society_;
'Child Sacrifice', 'Witches' Familiars', 'The Devil's Mark', 'The Devil's
Officers', 'Witches' Fertility Rites', 'Witches Transformations', in
_Man_; and 'The Devil of North Berwick' in the _Scottish Historical
Review_.
My thanks are due to Georgiana Aitken, W. Bonser, and Mary Slater for much
kind help, also to Prof. C. G. Seligman for valuable suggestions and advice
as to lines of research.
M. A. MURRAY.
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
LONDON.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE 5
INTRODUCTION 9
I. CONTINUITY OF THE RELIGION 19
II. THE GOD 28
1. As God 28
2. As a Human Being 31
3. Identification 47
4. As an Animal 60
III. ADMISSION CEREMONIES 71
1. General 71
2. The Introduction 76
3. The Renunciation and Vows 77
4. The Covenant 79
5. The Baptism 82
6. The Mark 86
IV. THE ASSEMBLIES 97
1. The Sabbath. Method of going.
The site. The date. The hour 97
2. The Esbat. Business.
The site. The time. 112
V. THE RITES 124
1. General 124
2. Homage 126
3. The Dances 130
4. The Music 135
5. The Feast 138
6. Candles 144
7. The Sacrament 148
8. Sacrifices: Of animals.
Of children. Of the God 152
9 Magic Words 162
VI. THE RITES, _continued_ 169
1. General 169
2. Rain-making 172
3. Fertility 173
VII. THE ORGANIZATION 186
1. The Officer 186
2. The Covens 190
3. Duties 194
4. Discipline 197
VIII. THE FAMILIARS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 205
1. The Divining Familiar 205
2. The Domestic Familiar 208
3. Methods of obtaining Familiars 222
4. Transformations into Animals 230
APPENDIX I.
Fairies and Witches 238
APPENDIX II.
Trial of Silvain Nevillon. Taken from De
Lancre's _L'Incredulite et
Mescreance_ 246
APPENDIX III.
A. Covens and Names of Members 249
B. Index of Witches' Names, with Notes 255
APPENDIX IV.
Notes on the Trials of Joan
of Arc and Gilles de Rais 270
APPENDIX V.
Some Notes on 'Flying' Ointments.
By Prof. A. J. Clark 279
BIBLIOGRAPHY 281
GENERAL INDEX 286
INTRODUCTION
The subject of Witches and Witchcraft has always suffered from the biassed
opinions of the commentators, both contemporary and of later date. On the
one hand are the writers who, having heard the evidence at first hand,
believe implicitly in the facts and place upon them the unwarranted
construction that those facts were due to supernatural power; on the other
hand are the writers who, taking the evidence on hearsay and disbelieving
the conclusions drawn by their opponents, deny the facts _in toto_. Both
parties believed with equal firmness in a personal Devil, and both
supported their arguments with quotations from the Bible. But as the
believers were able to bring forward more texts than the unbelievers and
had in their hands an unanswerable argument in the Witch of Endor, the
unbelievers, who dared not contradict the Word of God, were forced to fall
back on the theory that the witches suffered from hallucination, hysteria,
and, to use the modern word, 'auto-suggestion'. These two classes still
persist, the sceptic predominating. Between the believer who believed
everything and the unbeliever who disbelieved everything there has been no
critical examination of the evidence, which presents a new and untouched
field of research to the student of comparative religion.
Among the believers in witchcraft everything which could not be explained
by the knowledge at their disposal was laid to the credit of supernatural
powers; and as everything incomprehensible is usually supposed to emanate
from evil, the witches were believed to be possessed of devilish arts. As
also every non-Christian God was, in the eyes of the Christian, the
opponent of the Christian God, the witches were considered to worship the
Enemy of Salvation, in other words, the Devil. The greater number of these
writers, however, obtained the evidence at first hand, and it must
therefore be accepted although the statements do not bear the construction
put upon them. It is only by a careful comparison with the evidence of
anthropology that the facts fall into their proper places and an organized
religion stands revealed.
The common beliefs as to the powers of the witches are largely due to the
credulous contemporary commentators, who misunderstood the evidence and
then exaggerated some of the facts to suit their preconceived ideas of the
supernatural powers of the witches; thereby laying themselves open to the
ridicule of all their opponents, past and present. Yet the ridicule is not
fully deserved, for the facts are there, though the explanation is wrong;
for even the two points, which are usually considered the ultimate proof of
the absurdity and incredibility of the whole system--the flying on a
broomstick through the window or up the chimney, and the transformation
into animals--are capable of explanation. The first can be accounted for
when the form of early mound-dwellings is taken into consideration, and
when it is remembered that among savage tribes there are often taboos
connected with the door, the two-faced god being essentially a deity of the
door. Besides this the fertility rites connected with the broom should be
taken into account. The second should be compared with similar accounts of
transformation into animals among the cults of other nations. Mr. A. B.
Cook's comment on the Greek ritual applies quite as well to Western as to
Eastern Europe: 'We may venture on the general statement that within the
bounds of Hellenic mythology _animal-metamorphosis commonly points to a
preceding animal cult_.'[1]
It is interesting to note the class of mind among those contemporary
writers who believed in the reality of the facts confessed at the trials as
compared with those who disbelieved. It will be seen that the most
brilliant minds, the keenest intellects, the greatest investigators, were
among the believers: Bodin, Lord Bacon, Raleigh, Boyle, Cudworth, Selden,
Henry More, Sir Thomas Browne, Matthew Hale, Sir George Mackenzie, and many
others, most of whom had heard the evidence at first hand. The sceptics
were Weyer, pupil of the occultist Cornelius Agrippa; Reginald Scot, a
Kentish country squire; Filmer, whose name was a byword for political
bigotry; Wagstaffe, who went mad from drink; and Webster, a fanatical
preacher.[2] The sceptics, with the exception of Weyer, appear to have had
little or no first-hand evidence; their only weapon was an appeal to common
sense and sentiment combined; their only method was a flat denial of every
statement which appeared to point to supernatural powers. They could not
disprove the statements; they could not explain them without opposing the
accepted religious beliefs of their time, and so weakening their cause by
exposing themselves to the serious charge of atheism; therefore they denied
evidence which in the case of any other accusation would have been accepted
as proof.
The evidence which I now bring forward is taken entirely from contemporary
sources, i.e. the legal records of the trials, pamphlets giving accounts of
individual witches, and the works of Inquisitors and other writers. I have
omitted the opinions of the authors, and have examined only the recorded
facts, without however including the stories of ghosts and other 'occult'
phenomena with which all the commentators confuse the subject. I have also,
for the reason given below, omitted all reference to charms and spells when
performed by one witch alone, and have confined myself to those statements
only which show the beliefs, organization, and ritual of a hitherto
unrecognized cult.
In order to clear the ground I make a sharp distinction between Operative
Witchcraft and Ritual Witchcraft. Under Operative Witchcraft I class all
charms and spells, whether used by a professed witch or by a professed
Christian, whether intended for good or for evil, for killing or for
curing. Such charms and spells are common to every nation and country, and
are practised by the priests and people of every religion. They are part of
the common heritage of the human race and are therefore of no practical
value in the study of any one particular cult.
Ritual Witchcraft--or, as I propose to call it, the Dianic cult--embraces
the religious beliefs and ritual of the people known in late mediaeval
times as 'Witches'. The evidence proves that underlying the Christian
religion was a cult practised by many classes of the community, chiefly,
however, by the more ignorant or those in the less thickly inhabited parts
of the country. It can be traced back to pre-Christian times, and appears
to be the ancient religion of Western Europe. The god, anthropomorphic or
theriomorphic, was worshipped in well-defined rites; the organization was
highly developed; and the ritual is analogous to many other ancient
rituals. The dates of the chief festivals suggest that the religion
belonged to a race which had not reached the agricultural stage; and the
evidence shows that various modifications were introduced, probably by
invading peoples who brought in their own beliefs. I have not attempted to
disentangle the various cults; I am content merely to point out that it was
a definite religion with beliefs, ritual, and organization as highly
developed as that of any other cult in the world.
The deity of this cult was incarnate in a man, a woman, or an animal; the
animal form being apparently earlier than the human, for the god was often
spoken of as wearing the skin or attributes of an animal. At the same time,
however, there was another form of the god in the shape of a man with two
faces. Such a god is found in Italy (where he was called Janus or Dianus),
in Southern France (see pp. 62, 129), and in the English Midlands. The
feminine form of the name, Diana, is found throughout Western Europe as the
name of the female deity or leader of the so-called Witches, and it is for
this reason that I have called this ancient religion the Dianic cult. The
geographical distribution of the two-faced god suggests that the race or
races, who carried the cult, either did not remain in every country which
they entered, or that in many places they and their religion were
overwhelmed by subsequent invaders.
The dates of the two chief festivals, May Eve and November Eve, indicate
the use of a calendar which is generally acknowledged to be
pre-agricultural and earlier than the solstitial division of the year. The
fertility rites of the cult bear out this indication, as they were for
promoting the increase of animals and only rarely for the benefit of the
crops. The cross-quarter-days, February 2 and August 1, which were also
kept as festivals, were probably of later date, as, though classed among
the great festivals, they were not of so high an importance as the May and
November Eves. To February 2, Candlemas Day, probably belongs the sun-charm
of the burning wheel, formed by the whirling dancers, each carrying a
blazing torch; but no special ceremony seems to be assigned to August 1,
Lammas Day, a fact suggestive of a later introduction of this festival.
The organization of the hierarchy was the same throughout Western Europe,
with the slight local differences which always occur in any organization.
The same organization, when carried to America, caused Cotton Mather to
say, 'The witches are organized like Congregational Churches.' This gives
the clue at once. In each Congregational Church there is a body of elders
who manage the affairs of the Church, and the minister who conducts the
religious services and is the chief person in religious matters; and there
may also be a specially appointed person to conduct the services in the
minister's absence; each Church is an independent entity and not
necessarily connected with any other. In the same way there was among the
witches a body of elders--the Coven--which managed the local affairs of the
cult, and a man who, like the minister, held the chief place, though as God
that place was infinitely higher in the eyes of the congregation than any
held by a mere human being. In some of the larger congregations there was a
person, inferior to the Chief, who took charge in the Chief's absence. In
Southern France, however, there seems to have been a Grand Master who was
supreme over several districts.
The position of the chief woman in the cult is still somewhat obscure.
Professor Pearson sees in her the Mother-Goddess worshipped chiefly by
women. This is very probable, but at the time when the cult is recorded the
worship of the male deity appears to have superseded that of the female,
and it is only on rare occasions that the God appears in female form to
receive the homage of the worshippers. As a general rule the woman's
position, when divine, is that of the familiar or substitute for the male
god. There remains, however, the curious fact that the chief woman was
often identified with the Queen of Faerie, or the Elfin Queen as she is
sometimes called.
This connexion of the witches and fairies opens up a very wide field; at
present it is little more than speculation that the two are identical, but
there is promise that the theory may be proved at some later date when the
subject is more fully worked out. It is now a commonplace of anthropology
that the tales of fairies and elves preserve the tradition of a dwarf race
which once inhabited Northern and Western Europe. Successive invasions
drove them to the less fertile parts of each country which they inhabited,
some betook themselves to the inhospitable north or the equally
inhospitable mountains; some, however, remained in the open heaths and
moors, living as mound-dwellers, venturing out chiefly at night and coming
in contact with the ruling races only on rare occasions. As the conqueror
always regards the religion of the conquered as superior to his own in the
arts of evil magic, the dwarf race obtained the reputation of wizards and
magicians, and their god was identified by the conquerors with the
Principle of Evil. The identification of the witches with the dwarf or
fairy race would give us a clear insight into much of the civilization of
the early European peoples, especially as regards their religious ideas.
The religious rites varied according to circumstances and the requirements
of the people. The greater number of the ceremonies appear to have been
practised for the purpose of securing fertility. Of these the sexual ritual
has been given an overwhelming and quite unwarranted importance in the
trials, for it became an obsession with the Christian judges and recorders
to investigate the smallest and most minute details of the rite. Though in
late examples the ceremony had possibly degenerated into a Bacchanalian
orgy, there is evidence to prove that, like the same rite in other
countries, it was originally a ceremonial magic to ensure fertility. There
is at present nothing to show how much of the Witches' Mass (in which the
bread, the wine, and the candles were black) derived from the Christian
ritual and how much belonged to the Dianic cult; it is, however, possible
that the witches' service was the earlier form and influenced the
Christian. The admission ceremonies were often elaborate, and it is here
that the changes in the religion are most clearly marked; certain
ceremonies must have been introduced when another cult was superimposed and
became paramount, such as the specific renunciation of a previous religion
which was obligatory on all new candidates, and the payment to the member
who brought a new recruit into the fold. The other rites--the feasts and
dances--show that it was a joyous religion; and as such it must have been
quite incomprehensible to the gloomy Inquisitors and Reformers who
suppressed it.
Much stress has always been laid by the sceptical writers on the undoubted
fact that in many cases the witch confused dreams with reality and believed
that she had visited the Sabbath when credible witnesses could prove that
she had slept in her bed all the time. Yet such visions are known in other
religions; Christians have met their Lord in dreams of the night and have
been accounted saints for that very reason; Mahomed, though not released
from the body, had interviews with Allah; Moses talked with God; the
Egyptian Pharaohs record similar experiences. To the devotee of a certain
temperament such visions occur, and it is only to be expected that in every
case the vision should take the form required by the religion of the
worshipper. Hence the Christian sees Christ and enters heaven; Mahomed was
caught up to the Paradise of the true believers; the anthropomorphic
Jehovah permitted only a back view to His votary; the Egyptian Pharaohs
beheld their gods alive and moving on the earth. The witch also met her god
at the actual Sabbath and again in her dreams, for that earthly Sabbath was
to her the true Paradise, where there was more pleasure than she could
express, and she believed also that the joy which she took in it was but
the prelude to a much greater glory, for her god so held her heart that no
other desire could enter in. Thus the witches often went to the gibbet and
the stake, glorifying their god and committing their souls into his
keeping, with a firm belief that death was but the entrance to an eternal
life in which they would never be parted from him. Fanatics and
visionaries as many of them were, they resemble those Christian martyrs
whom the witch-persecutors often held in the highest honour.
Another objection is that, as the evidence of the witches at the trials is
more or less uniform in character, it must be attributed to the publication
by the Inquisitors of a questionary for the use of all judges concerned in
such trials; in short, that the evidence is valueless, as it was given in
answer to leading questions. No explanation is offered by the objectors as
to how the Inquisitors arrived at the form of questionary, nor is any
regard given to the injunction to all Inquisitors to acquaint themselves
with all the details of any heresy which they were commissioned to root
out; they were to obtain the information from those who would recant and
use it against the accused; and to instruct other judges in the belief and
ritual of the heresy, so that they also might recognize it and act
accordingly. The objectors also overlook the fact that the believers in any
given religion, when tried for their faith, exhibit a sameness in their
accounts of the cult, usually with slight local differences. Had the
testimony of the witches as to their beliefs varied widely, it would be
_prima facie_ evidence that there was no well-defined religion underlying
their ritual; but the very uniformity of their confessions points to the
reality of the occurrence.
Still another objection is that the evidence was always given under
torture, and that the wretched victims consequently made reckless
assertions and accusations. In most of the English and many of the Scotch
trials legal torture was not applied; and it was only in the seventeenth
century that pricking for the mark, starvation, and prevention of sleep
were used. Even then there were many voluntary confessions given by those
who, like the early Christian martyrs, rushed headlong on their fate,
determined to die for their faith and their god.
Yet even if some of the evidence were given under torture and in answer to
leading questions, there still remains a mass of details which cannot be
explained away. Among others there are the close connexions of the witches
with the fairies, the persistence of the number thirteen in the Covens,
the narrow geographical range of the domestic familiar, the avoidance of
certain forms in the animal transformations, the limited number of personal
names among the women-witches, and the survival of the names of some of the
early gods.
In England the legal method of executing a witch was by hanging; after
death the body was burnt and the ashes scattered. In Scotland, as a rule,
the witch was strangled at the stake and the body burned, but there are
several records of the culprit being sentenced to burning alive. In France
burning alive was the invariable punishment.
In cases where popular fury, unrestrained by the law, worked its own
vengeance on individuals, horrible scenes occurred; but these were the
exception, and, examining only the legal aspect of the subject, it will be
found that witches had a fair trial according to the methods of the period,
and that their punishment was according to the law. There was, however, one
popular method of dealing with a person accused of witchcraft which is
interesting as showing the survival of a legal process, obsolete as regards
the law itself, but remaining in full force among the people. This is the
ordeal by water. In the Laws of Athelstan the full detail of this ordeal is
given: after the person who was to undergo the ordeal had been prepared by
prayer and fasting, he was tied, the right thumb to the right big toe, the
left thumb to the left big toe, and was then cast into the water with
suitable prayers to the Almighty to declare the right; if he sank he was
considered innocent, if he floated he was guilty. The witch was 'tried' in
the same way, except that she was tied 'crossways', i.e. the right thumb to
the left big toe, and the left thumb to the right big toe. So great was the
belief in this test that many women accused of witchcraft insisted on
undergoing this ordeal, which was often conducted with solemnity and
decency under the auspices of the minister of the parish and other grave
persons. Unless there was strong feeling against the woman for other
reasons, the mere fact of her floating did not rouse the populace against
her, and she merely returned home; Widow Coman, for instance, was 'ducked'
on three separate occasions at her own request.
The theologians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were greatly
exercised by the conclusive evidence which proved that people known to be
devout and professing Christians had been present at the Sabbath, joined in
the ceremonies, and worshipped the witches' god. The Inquisitors recognized
the fact, and devote many pages of their books to the discussion of the
course to be followed in the case of Christian priests, coming finally to
the conclusion that if a priest merely went to the Sabbath but was not in
any way in an official position there his sacred character preserved him
from evil. The theologians of the Reformed Churches, who could not accept
the sanctity of the priesthood with the same ease and were also desirous of
finding some means of accounting for the presence of the devout laity,
boldly evolved the theory that the Devil could for his own purposes assume
the shape of good Christians in order to mislead the witches. By this plea
the accused often succeeded in escaping when the examiners were religious
ministers, but it was of no value to them when the trial was in a court of
law, and the fact of their presence at an illegal assembly was proved. Lord
Coke's definition of a witch summed up the law on the subject: 'A witch is
a person who hath conference with the Devil, to consult with him or to do
some act', and any person proved to have had such conference was thus
convicted of a capital offence and sentenced accordingly. This accounts for
the fact, commented on by all students of witch-trials, that a witch was
often condemned even though she had invariably used her skill for good and
not for evil; for healing the sick, not for casting sickness. If it were
proved that she had obtained her knowledge from the 'Devil' she had broken
the law and must die.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1894, p. 160. The italics are
in the original.]
[Footnote 2: See James Crossley's Introduction to Potts's _Discoverie of
Witchcraft_, Chetham Society, pp. v-xii.]
I. CONTINUITY OF THE RELIGION
Of the ancient religion of pre-Christian Britain there are few written
records, but it is contrary to all experience that a cult should die out
and leave no trace immediately on the introduction of a new religion. The
so-called conversion of Britain meant the conversion of the rulers only;
the mass of the people continued to follow their ancient customs and
beliefs with a veneer of Christian rites. The centuries brought a deepening
of Christianity which, introduced from above, gradually penetrated
downwards through one class after another. During this process the laws
against the practice of certain heathen rites became more strict as
Christianity grew in power, the Church tried her strength against 'witches'
in high places and was victorious, and in the fifteenth century open war
was declared against the last remains of heathenism in the famous Bull of
Innocent VIII.
This heathenism was practised only in certain places and among certain
classes of the community. In other places the ancient ritual was either
adopted into, or tolerated by, the Church; and the Maypole dances and other
rustic festivities remained as survivals of the rites of the early cult.
Whether the religion which survived as the witch cult was the same as the
religion of the Druids, or whether it belonged to a still earlier stratum,
is not clear. Though the descriptions of classical authors are rather too
vague and scanty to settle such a point, sufficient remains to show that a
fertility cult did once exist in these islands, akin to similar cults in
the ancient world. Such rites would not be suppressed by the tribes who
entered Great Britain after the withdrawal of the Romans; a continuance of
the cult may therefore be expected among the people whom the Christian
missionaries laboured to convert.
As the early historical records of these islands were made by Christian
ecclesiastics, allowance must be made for the religious bias of the
writers, which caused them to make Christianity appear as the only religion
existing at the time. But though the historical records are silent on the
subject the laws and enactments of the different communities, whether lay
or ecclesiastical, retain very definite evidence of the continuance of the
ancient cults.
In this connexion the dates of the conversion of England are instructive.
The following table gives the principal dates:
597-604. Augustine's mission. London still heathen.
Conversion of AEthelbert, King of Kent. After AEthelbert's
death Christianity suffered a reverse.
604. Conversion of the King of the East Saxons, whose
successor lapsed.
627. Conversion of the King of Northumbria.
628. Conversion of the King of East Anglia.
631-651. Aidan's missions.
635. Conversion of the King of Wessex.
653. Conversion of the King of Mercia.
654. Re-conversion of the King of the East Saxons.
681. Conversion of the King of the South Saxons.
An influx of heathenism occurred on two later occasions: in the ninth
century there was an invasion by the heathen Danes under Guthrum; and in
the eleventh century the heathen king Cnut led his hordes to victory. As in
the case of the Saxon kings of the seventh century, Guthrum and Cnut were
converted and the tribes followed their leaders' example, professed
Christianity, and were baptized.
But it cannot be imagined that these wholesale conversions were more than
nominal in most cases, though the king's religion was outwardly the tribe's
religion. If, as happened among the East Saxons, the king forsook his old
gods, returned to them again, and finally forsook them altogether, the
tribe followed his lead, and, in public at least, worshipped Christ, Odin,
or any other deity whom the king favoured for the moment; but there can be
hardly any doubt that in private the mass of the people adhered to the old
religion to which they were accustomed. This tribal conversion is clearly
marked when a heathen king married a Christian queen, or vice versa; and it
must also be noted that a king never changed his religion without careful
consultation with his chief men.[3] An example of the two religions
existing side by side is found in the account of Redwald, King of the East
Saxons, who 'in the same temple had an altar to sacrifice to Christ, and
another small one to offer victims to devils'.[4]
The continuity of the ancient religion is proved by the references to it in
the classical authors, the ecclesiastical laws, and other legal and
historical records.
1st cent. Strabo, 63 B.C.-A.D. 23.
'In an island close to Britain, Demeter and Persephone are venerated
with rites similar to the orgies of Samothrace.'[5]
4th cent. Dionysius says that in islands near Jersey and Guernsey the rites
of Bacchus were performed by the women, crowned with leaves; they danced
and made an even greater shouting than the Thracians.[6]
7th cent. Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, 668-690.
The _Liber Poenitentialis_[7] of Theodore contains the earliest
ecclesiastical laws of England. It consists of a list of offences and the
penance due for each offence; one whole section is occupied with details of
the ancient religion and of its rites. Such are:
Sacrifice to devils.
Eating and drinking in a heathen temple, (_a_) in ignorance, (_b_) after
being told by the [Christian] priest that it is sacrilege and the table of
devils, (_c_) as a cult of idols and in honour of idols.
'Not only celebrating feasts in the abominable places of the heathen
and offering food there, but also consuming it. Serving this hidden
idolatry, having relinquished Christ. If anyone at the kalends of
January goes about as a stag or a bull; that is, making himself into a
wild animal and dressing in the skin of a herd animal, and putting on
the heads of beasts; those who in such wise transform themselves into
the appearance of a wild animal, penance for three years because this
is devilish.'
_The Laws of Wihtraed_, King of Kent,[8] 690.
Fines inflicted on those who offer to devils.
8th cent. _The Confessionale and Poenitentiale of Ecgberht_, first
Archbishop of York,[9] 734-766.
Prohibition of offerings to devils; of witchcraft; of auguries according to
the methods of the heathen; of vows paid, loosed, or confirmed at wells,
stones, or trees; of the gathering of herbs with any incantation except
Christian prayers.
_The Law of the Northumbrian priests._[10]
'If then anyone be found that shall henceforth practise any
heathenship, either by sacrifice or by "fyrt", or in any way love
witchcraft, or worship idols, if he be a king's thane, let him pay X
half-marks; half to Christ, half to the king. We are all to love and
worship one God, and strictly hold one Christianity, and totally
renounce all heathenship.'
9th cent. _Decree attributed to a General Council of Ancyra._[11]
'Certain wicked women, reverting to Satan, and seduced by the
illusions and phantasms of demons, believe and profess that they ride
at night with Diana on certain beasts, with an innumerable multitude
of women, passing over immense distances, obeying her commands as
their mistress, and evoked by her on certain nights.'
10th cent. _Laws of Edward and Guthrum._[12] After 901.
'If anyone violate christianity, or reverence heathenism, by word or
by work, let him pay as well _wer_, as _wite_ or _lah-slit_, according
as the deed may be.'
_Laws of King Athelstan_,[13] 924-940.
'We have ordained respecting witchcrafts, and _lyblacs_, and
_morthdaeds_: if anyone should be thereby killed, and he could not
deny it, that he be liable in his life. But if he will deny it, and at
the threefold ordeal shall be guilty; that he be cxx days in prison.'
_Ecclesiastical canons of King Edgar_,[14] 959.
'We enjoin, that every priest zealously promote Christianity, and
totally extinguish every heathenism; and forbid well worshipings, and
necromancies, and divinations, and enchantments, and man worshipings,
and the vain practices which are carried on with various spells, and
with "frithsplots",[15] and with elders, and also with various other
trees, and with stones, and with many various delusions, with which
men do much of what they should not.--And we enjoin, that every
Christian man zealously accustom his children to Christianity, and
teach them the Paternoster and the Creed. And we enjoin, that on feast
days heathen songs and devil's games be abstained from.'
_Laws of King Ethelred_,[16] 978-1016.
'Let every Christian man do as is needful to him; let him strictly
keep his Christianity.... Let us zealously venerate right
Christianity, and totally despise every heathenism.'
11th cent. _Laws of King Cnut_,[17] 1017-1035.
'We earnestly forbid every heathenism: heathenism is, that men worship
idols; that is, that they worship heathen gods, and the sun or the
moon, fire or rivers, water-wells or stones, or forest trees of any
kind; or love witchcraft, or promote _morth-work_ in any wise.'
13th cent. Witchcraft made into a sect and heresy by the Church. The priest
of Inverkeithing presented before the bishop in 1282 for leading a
fertility dance at Easter round the phallic figure of a god; he was allowed
to retain his benefice.[18]
14th cent. In 1303 the Bishop of Coventry was accused before the Pope for
doing homage to the Devil.[19]
_Trial of Dame Alice Kyteler_, 1324.
Tried for both operative and ritual witchcraft, and found guilty.
_Nider's Formicarius_, 1337.
A detailed account of witches and their proceedings in Berne, which had
been infested by them for more than sixty years.
15th cent. Joan of Arc burnt as a witch, 1431. Gilles de Rais executed as a
witch, 1440.
_Bernardo di Bosco_, 1457.
Sent by Pope Calixtus III to suppress the witches in Brescia and its
neighbourhood.
_Bull of Pope Innocent VIII_, 1484.
'It has come to our ears that numbers of both sexes do not avoid to
have intercourse with demons, Incubi and Succubi; and that by their
sorceries, and by their incantations, charms, and conjurations, they
suffocate, extinguish, and cause to perish the births of women, the
increase of animals, the corn of the ground, the grapes of the
vineyard and the fruit of the trees, as well as men, women, flocks,
herds, and other various kinds of animals, vines and apple trees,
grass, corn and other fruits of the earth; making and procuring that
men and women, flocks and herds and other animals shall suffer and be
tormented both from within and without, so that men beget not, nor
women conceive; and they impede the conjugal action of men and women.'
It will be seen by the foregoing that so far from the Bull of Pope Innocent
VIII being the beginning of the 'outbreak of witchcraft', as so many modern
writers consider, it is only one of many ordinances against the practices
of an earlier cult. It takes no account of the effect of these practices on
the morals of the people who believed in them, but lays stress only on
their power over fertility; the fertility of human beings, animals, and
crops. In short it is exactly the pronouncement which one would expect from
a Christian against a heathen form of religion in which the worship of a
god of fertility was the central idea. It shows therefore that the witches
were considered to deal with fertility only.
Looked upon in the light of a fertility cult, the ritual of the witches
becomes comprehensible. Originally for the promotion of fertility, it
became gradually degraded into a method for blasting fertility, and thus
the witches who had been once the means of bringing prosperity to the
people and the land by driving out all evil influences, in process of time
were looked upon as being themselves the evil influences, and were held in
horror accordingly.
The actual feelings of the witches towards their religion have been
recorded in very few cases, but they can be inferred from the few records
which remain. The earliest example is from Lorraine in 1408, 'lequel mefait
les susdites dames disoient et confessoient avoir endure a leur
contentement et saoulement de plaisir que n'avoient eu onc de leur vie en
tel pourchas'.[20] De Lancre took a certain amount of trouble to obtain the
opinions of the witches, whereby he was obviously scandalized.
'Vne sorciere entre autres fort insigne nous dict qu'elle auoit
tousiours creu, que la sorcelerie estoit la meilleure
religion.--Ieanne Dibasson aagee de vingt neuf ans nous dict que le
sabbat estoit le vray Paradis, ou il y a beaucoup plus de plaisir
qu'on ne peut exprimer. Que ceux qui y vont trouuent le temps si court
a force de plaisir & de contentem[~e]t, qu'ils n'en peuuent sortir
sans vn merveilleux regret, de maniere qu'il leur tarde infiniment
qu'ils n'y reuiennent.--Marie de la Ralde, aagee de vingt huict ans,
tres belle femme, depose qu'elle auoit vn singulier plaisir d'aller au
sabbat, si bien que quand on la venoit semondre d'y aller elle y
alloit comme a nopces: non pas tant pour la liberte & licence qu'on a
de s'accointer ensemble (ce que par modestie elle dict n'auoir iamais
faict ny veu faire) mais parce que le Diable tenoit tellement lies
leurs coeurs & leurs volontez qu'a peine y laissoit il entrer nul
autre desir.... Au reste elle dict qu'elle ne croyoit faire aucun mal
d'aller au sabbat, & qu'elle y auoit beaucoup plus de plaisir &
contentement que d'aller a la Messe, parce que le Diable leur faisoit
a croire qu'il estoit le vray Dieu, & que la ioye que les sorciers
prenoyent au sabbat n'estoit qu'vn commencement d'vne beaucoup plus
grande gloire.--Elles disoyent franchement, qu'elles y alloyent &
voyoient toutes ces execrations auec vne volupte admirable, & vn desir
enrager d'y aller & d'y estre, trouuat les iours trop reculez de la
nuict pour faire le voyage si desire, & le poinct ou les heures pour y
aller trop lentes, & y estant, trop courtes pour vn si agreable seiour
& delicieux amusement.--En fin il a le faux martyre: & se trouue des
Sorciers si acharnez a son seruice endiable, qu'il n'y a torture ny
supplice qui les estonne, & diriez qu'ils vont au vray martyre & a la
mort pour l'amour de luy, aussi gayement que s'ils alloient a vn
festin de plaisir & reioueyssance publique.--Quand elles sont preuenues
de la Iustice, elles ne pleurent & ne iettent vne seule larme, voire
leur faux martyre soit de la torture, soit du gibet leur est si
plaisant, qu'il tarde a plusieurs qu'elles ne soi[~e]t executees a
mort, & souffr[~e]t fort ioyeusement qu'on leur face le procez, tant
il leur tarde qu'elles ne soient auec le Diable. Et ne s'impatientent
de rien tant en leur prison, que de ce qu'elles ne lui peuuent
tesmoigner c[=o]bi[~e] elles souffrent & desirent souffrir pour
luy.'[21]
Bodin says, 'Il y en a d'autres, ausquelles Satan promet qu'elles seront
bien heureuses apres cette vie, qui empesche qu'elles ne se repentent, &
meurent obstinees en leur mechancete'.[22]
Madame de Bourignon's girls at Lille (1661) 'had not the least design of
changing, to quit these abominable Pleasures, as one of them of Twenty-two
Years old one day told me. _No_, said she, _I will not be other than I am;
I find too much content in my Condition_.'[23] Though the English and
Scotch witches' opinions are not reported, it is clear from the evidence
that they were the same as those of the Basses-Pyrenees, for not only did
they join of their own free will but in many cases there seems to have been
no need of persuasion. In a great number of trials, when the witches
acknowledged that they had been asked to become members of the society,
there follows an expression of this sort, 'ye freely and willingly accepted
and granted thereto'. And that they held to their god as firmly as those de
Lancre put to death is equally evident in view of the North Berwick
witches, of Rebecca West and Rose Hallybread, who 'dyed very Stuburn, and
Refractory without any Remorss, or seeming Terror of Conscience for their
abominable Witch-craft';[24] Major Weir, who perished as a witch,
renouncing all hope of heaven;[25] and the Northampton witches, Agnes
Browne and her daughter, who 'were never heard to pray, or to call vppon
God, never asking pardon for their offences either of God or the world in
this their dangerous, and desperate Resolution, dyed'; Elinor Shaw and Mary
Phillips, at their execution 'being desired to say their Prayers, they both
set up a very loud Laughter, calling for the Devil to come and help them
in such a Blasphemous manner, as is not fit to Mention; so that the Sherif
seeing their presumptious Impenitence, caused them to be Executed with all
the Expedition possible; even while they were Cursing and raving, and as
they liv'd the Devils true Factors, so they resolutely Dyed in his
Service': the rest of the Coven also died 'without any confession or
contrition'.[26]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 3: Hunt, vol. i]
[Footnote 4: Bede, Bk. II, ch. xv.]
[Footnote 5: Strabo, _Geography_, Bk. IV, c. iv, 6.]
[Footnote 6: Dionysius, _Periegetes_, ll. 1120-5.]
[Footnote 7: Thorpe, ii, pp. 32-4.]
[Footnote 8: Thorpe, i, p. 41.]
[Footnote 9: Id., ii, p. 157 seq.]
[Footnote 10: Id., ii, pp. 299, 303.]
[Footnote 11: Scot, p. 66.--Lea, iii, p. 493.]
[Footnote 12: Thorpe, i, p. 169.]
[Footnote 13: Id., i, p. 203.]
[Footnote 14: Id., ii, p. 249.]
[Footnote 15: Frith = brushwood, splot = plot of ground; sometimes used for
'splotch, splash'.]
[Footnote 16: Thorpe, i, pp. 311, 323, 351.]
[Footnote 17: Id., i, p. 379.]
[Footnote 18: _Chronicles of Lanercost_, p. 109, ed. Stevenson.]
[Footnote 19: Rymer, ii, 934.]
[Footnote 20: Bournon, p. 23.]
[Footnote 21: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 124, 125, 126, 135, 208, 458.]
[Footnote 22: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 373.]
[Footnote 23: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87.--Hale, p. 27.]
[Footnote 24: _Full Tryals of Notorious Witches_, p. 8.]
[Footnote 25: _Records of the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh_, ii, p.
14.--Arnot, p. 359.]
[Footnote 26: _Witches of Northamptonshire_, p. 8.]
II. THE GOD
1. _As God_
It is impossible to understand the witch-cult without first understanding
the position of the chief personage of that cult. He was known to the
contemporary Christian judges and recorders as the Devil, and was called by
them Satan, Lucifer, Beelzebub, the Foul Fiend, the Enemy of Salvation, and
similar names appropriate to the Principle of Evil, the Devil of the
Scriptures, with whom they identified him.
This was far from the view of the witches themselves. To them this
so-called Devil was God, manifest and incarnate; they adored him on their
knees, they addressed their prayers to him, they offered thanks to him as
the giver of food and the necessities of life, they dedicated their
children to him, and there are indications that, like many another god, he
was sacrificed for the good of his people.
The contemporary writers state in so many words that the witches believed
in the divinity of their Master. Danaeus, writing in 1575, says, 'The
Diuell co[~m]aundeth them that they shall acknowledge him for their god,
cal vp[~o] him, pray to him, and trust in him.--Then doe they all repeate
the othe which they haue geuen vnto him; in acknowledging him to be their
God.'[27] Gaule, in 1646, nearly a century later, says that the witches vow
'to take him [the Devil] for their God, worship, invoke, obey him'.[28]
The witches are even more explicit, and their evidence proves the belief
that their Master was to them their God. The accusation against Elisabeth
Vlamyncx of Alost, 1595, was that 'vous n'avez pas eu honte de vous
agenouiller devant votre Belzebuth, que vous avez adore'.[29] The same
accusation was made against Marion Grant of Aberdeen, 1596, that 'the
Deuill quhome thow callis thy god ... causit the worship him on thy kneis
as thy lord'.[30] De Lancre (1609) records, as did all the Inquisitors,
the actual words of the witches; when they presented a young child, they
fell on their knees and said, 'Grand Seigneur, lequel i'adore', and when
the child was old enough to join the society she made her vow in these
words: 'Ie me remets de tout poinct en ton pouuoir & entre tes mains, ne
recognois autre Dieu: si bien que tu es mon Dieu'.[31] Silvain Nevillon,
tried at Orleans in 1614, said, 'On dit au Diable nous vous recognoissons
pour nostre maistre, nostre Dieu, nostre Createur'.[32] The Lancashire
witch, Margaret Johnson, 1633, said: 'There appeared vnto her a spirit or
divell in the similitude and proportion of a man. And the said divell or
spirit bidd her call him by the name of Mamillion. And saith, that in all
her talke and conferense shee calleth her said Divell Mamillion, my
god.'[33] According to Madame Bourignon, 1661, 'Persons who were thus
engaged to the Devil by a precise Contract, will allow no other God but
him'.[34] Isobel Gowdie confessed that 'he maid vs beliew that ther wes no
God besyd him.--We get all this power from the Divell, and when ve seik it
from him, ve call him "owr Lord".--At each tyme, quhan ve wold meitt with
him, we behoowit to ryse and mak our curtesie; and we wold say, "Ye ar
welcom, owr Lord," and "How doe ye, my Lord."'[35] The Yorkshire witch,
Alice Huson, 1664, stated that the Devil 'appeared like a _Black Man_ upon
a Black Horse, with Cloven Feet; and then I fell down, and did Worship him
upon my Knees'.[36] Ann Armstrong in Northumberland, 1673, gave a good deal
of information about her fellow witches: 'The said Ann Baites hath severall
times danced with the divell att the places aforesaid, calling him,
sometimes, her protector, and, other sometimes, her blessed saviour.--She
saw Forster, Dryden, and Thompson, and the rest, and theire protector,
which they call'd their god, sitting at the head of the table.--When this
informer used meanes to avoyd theire company, they threatned her, if she
would not turne to theire god, the last shift should be the worst.'[37] At
Crighton, 1678, the Devil himself preached to the witches, 'and most
blasphemously mocked them, if they offered to trust in God who left them
miserable in the world, and neither he nor his Son Jesus Christ ever
appeared to them when they called on them, as he had, who would not cheat
them'.[38] Even in America, 1692, Mary Osgood, the wife of Capt. Osgood,
declared that 'the devil told her he was her God, and that she should serve
and worship him'.[39]
Prayers were addressed to the Master by his followers, and in some
instances the prayer was taught by him. Alice Gooderidge of Stapenhill in
Derbyshire, 1597, herself a witch and the daughter of a witch, was charged
by Sir Humphrey Ferrers 'with witchcraft about one Michael's Cow: which Cow
when shee brake all thinges that they tied her in, ranne to this Alice
Gooderige her house, scraping at the walls and windowes to haue come in:
her olde mother Elizabeth Wright, tooke vpon her to help; vpon condition
that she might haue a peny to bestow vpon her god, and so she came to the
mans house kneeled downe before the Cow, crossed her with a sticke in the
forehead, and prayed to her god, since which time the Cow continued
wel'.[40] Antide Colas, 1598, confessed that 'Satan luy commada de le prier
soir & matin, auant qu'elle s'addonnat a faire autre oeuure'.[41] Elizabeth
Sawyer, the witch of Edmonton, 1621, was taught by the Devil; 'He asked of
me to whom I prayed, and I answered him to Iesus Christ, and he charged me
then to pray no more to Iesus Christ, but to him the Diuell, and he the
Diuell taught me this prayer, _Sanctibecetur nomen tuum_, Amen'.[42] Part
of the dittay against Jonet Rendall, an Orkney witch, 1629, was that 'the
devill appeirit to you, Quhom ye called Walliman.--Indyttit and accusit for
y^t of your awne confessioune efter ye met your Walliman upoun the hill ye
cam to Williame Rendalls hous quha haid ane seik hors and promeised to
haill him if he could geve yow tua penneys for everie foot, And haveing
gottin the silver ye hailled the hors be praying to your Walliman, Lykeas
ye have confest that thair is nather man nor beast sick that is not tane
away be the hand of God bot for almis ye ar able to cur it be praying to
your Walliman, and yt thair is nane yt geves yow almis bot they will thryve
ather be sea or land it ye pray to yor Walliman'.[43] The witches of East
Anglia, 1645, also prayed; '_Ellen_ the wife of _Nicholas Greenleife_ of
_Barton_ in _Suffolke_, confessed, that when she prayed she prayed to the
Devill and not to God.--_Rebecca West_ confessed that her mother prayed
constantly (and, as the world thought, very seriously), but she said it was
to the devil, using these words, _Oh my God, my God_, meaning him and not
the LORD.'[44]
A good example of the change of the word 'God', when used by the witch,
into the word 'devil' when recorded by the Christian writer, is found at
Bute in 1662: 'Jonet Stewart declares that quhen Alester McNivan was lying
sick that Jonet Morisone and NcWilliam being in her house the said Jonet
desyred NcWilliam to goe see the said Allester the said NcWilliam lifting
up her curcheffe said "devill let him never be seene till I see him and
devill let him never ryse" ... [NcWilliam was asked] if she lifted up her
curcheffe quhen Jonet Morisone desyred her to goe see Alester McNivan,
saying "god let him never ryse till I goe see him."'[45]
2. _As a Human Being._ (a) _Man_
The evidence of the witches makes it abundantly clear that the so-called
Devil was a human being, generally a man, occasionally a woman. At the
great Sabbaths, where he appeared in his grand array, he was disguised out
of recognition; at the small meetings, in visiting his votaries, or when
inducing a possible convert to join the ranks of the witch-society, he came
in his own person, usually dressed plainly in the costume of the period.
When in ordinary clothes he was indistinguishable from any other man of his
own rank or age, but the evidence suggests that he made himself known by
some manual gesture, by a password, or by some token carried on his person.
The token seems to have been carried on the foot, and was perhaps a
specially formed boot or shoe, or a foot-covering worn under the shoe.[46]
Besides the Grand Master himself there was often a second 'Devil', younger
than the Chief. There is no indication whatsoever as to the method of
appointing the head of the witch-community, but it seems probable that on
the death of the principal 'Devil' the junior succeeded, and that the
junior was appointed from among the officers (see chap. vii). This
suggestion, however, does not appear to hold good where a woman was the
Chief, for her second in command was always a man and often one well
advanced in years. The elderly men always seem to have had grey beards.
Danaeus in 1575 summarizes the evidence and says of the Devil, 'he
appeareth vnto them in likenesse of a man, insomuch that it hapneth many
tymes, that among a great company of men, the Sorcerer only knoweth Satan,
that is present, when other doo not know him, although they see another
man, but who or what he is they know not'.[47] De Lancre says, 'On a
obserue de tout temps que lors qu'il veut receuoir quelcun a faire pacte
auec luy, il se presente tousiours en homme'.[48] Cooper states that 'the
Wizards and Witches being met in a place and time appointed, the devil
appears to them in humane shape'.[49] Even a modern writer, after studying
the evidence, acknowledges that the witches 'seem to have been undoubtedly
the victims of unscrupulous and designing knaves, who personated
Satan'.[50]
The witches not only described the personal appearance of the Devil, but
often gave careful details as to his clothes; such details are naturally
fuller when given by the women than by the men.
_England._--John Walsh of Dorsetshire, 1566, described the Devil, whom he
called his Familiar, as 'sometymes like a man in all proportions, sauing
that he had clouen feete'.[51] The Lancashire witch, Anne Chattox, 1613,
said, 'A thing like a Christian man did sundry times come to this
Examinate, and requested this Examinate to giue him her Soule: And in the
end, this Examinate was contented to giue him her sayd Soule, shee being
then in her owne house, in the Forrest of Pendle; wherevpon the Deuill then
in the shape of a Man, sayd to this Examinate: Thou shalt want nothing.'
Elizabeth Southerns of the same Coven said that 'there met her this
Examinate a Spirit or Deuill, in the shape of a Boy, the one halfe of his
Coate blacke, and the other browne'.[52] To Margaret Johnson, one of the
later Lancashire witches, 1633, there appeared 'a spirit or divell in the
similitude and proportion of a man, apparelled in a suite of black, tyed
about w^th silke pointes'.[53] The Yarmouth witch, 1644, 'when she was in
Bed, heard one knock at her Door, and rising to her Window, she saw, it
being Moonlight, a tall black Man there'.[54] The Essex witches, 1645,
agreed very fairly in their description of the man who came amongst them:
according to Elizabeth Clarke he appeared 'in the shape of a proper
gentleman, with a laced band, having the whole proportion of a man.... He
had oftentimes knocked at her dore in the night time; and shee did arise
open the dore and let him in'; Rebecca Weste gave evidence that 'the Devil
appeared in the likeness of a proper young man'; and Rebecca Jones said
that the Devil as 'a very handsome young man came to the door, who asked
how she did'; on another occasion she met the Devil, 'as shee was going to
St. Osyth to sell butter', in the form of a 'man in a ragged sute'.[55]
There are two accounts of the evidence given by the Huntingdonshire witch,
Joan Wallis of Keiston, 1646: Stearne says that she 'confessed the Devill
came to her in the likenesse of a man in blackish cloathing, but had cloven
feet'. Davenport's record is slightly different: 'Blackman came first to
her, about a twelve-moneth since, like a man something ancient, in
blackish cloathes, but he had ugly feet uncovered.'[56] The evidence of the
Suffolk witches, 1645-6, is to the same effect; Thomazine Ratcliffe of
Shellie confessed that 'there came one in the likeness of a man.--One
_Richmond_, a woman which lived at _Brampford_, confessed the Devill
appeared to her in the likenesse of a man, called _Daniel_ the
Prophet.--One _Bush_ of _Barton_, widdow, confessed that the Devill
appeared to her in the shape of a young black man'.[57] All the Covens of
Somerset, 1664, were evidently under one Chief; he came to Elizabeth Style
as 'a handsome man'; to Elizabeth Style, Anne Bishop, Alice Duke, and Mary
Penny as 'a Man in black Clothes, with a little Band'; to Christian Green
'in the shape of a Man in blackish Clothes'; and to Mary and Catherine
Green as 'a little Man in black Clothes with a little Band'.[58] To the
Yorkshire witch, Alice Huson, 1664, he appeared 'like a _Black Man_ on a
Horse upon the Moor', and again 'like a _Black Man_ upon a Black Horse,
with Cloven Feet'.[59] Abre Grinset of Dunwich, in Suffolk, 1665, said 'he
did appear in the form of a Pretty handsom Young Man'.[60] In
Northumberland, 1673, Ann Armstrong said that 'she see the said Ann Forster
[with twelve others and] a long black man rideing on a bay galloway, as she
thought, which they call'd there protector'.[61] The Devonshire witch
Susanna Edwards, 1682, enters into some detail: 'She did meet with a
gentleman in a field called the Parsonage Close in the town of Biddiford.
And saith that his apparel was all of black. Upon which she did hope to
have a piece of money of him. Whereupon the gentleman drawing near unto
this examinant, she did make a curchy or courtesy unto him, as she did use
to do to gentlemen. Being demanded what and who the gentleman she spake of
was, the said examinant answered and said, That it was the Devil.'[62] In
Northamptonshire, 1705, he came to Mary Phillips and Elinor Shaw as 'a tall
black Man'.[63]
_Scotland._--The earliest description is in the trial of Bessie Dunlop of
Lyne in Ayrshire in 1576, and is one of the most detailed. Bessie never
spoke of the person, who appeared to her, as the 'Devil', she invariably
called him Thom Reid; but he stood to her in the same relation that the
Devil stood to the witches, and like the Devil he demanded that she should
believe on him. She described him as 'ane honest wele elderlie man, gray
bairdit, and had ane gray coitt with Lumbart slevis of the auld fassoun;
ane pair of gray brekis, and quhyte schankis, gartanit aboue the kne; ane
blak bonet on his heid, cloise behind and plane befoir, with silkin laissis
drawin throw the lippis thairof; and ane quhyte wand in his hand'.[64]
Alison Peirson, 1588, must have recognized the man who appeared to her, for
she 'wes conuict of the vsing of Sorcerie and Wichcraft, with the
Inuocatioun of the spreitis of the Dewill; speciallie, in the visioune and
forme of ane Mr. William Sympsoune, hir cousing and moder-brotheris-sone,
quha sche affermit wes ane grit scoller and doctor of medicin'.[65] Though
the Devil of North Berwick, 1590, appeared in disguise, it is not only
certain that he was a man but his identity can be determined. Barbara
Napier deposed that 'the devil wess with them in likeness of ane black man
... the devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle blak man, with ane
black beard sticking out like ane goat's beard, clad in ane blak tatie
[tattered] gown and ane ewill favoured scull bonnet on his heid; hauing ane
black book in his hand'. Agnes Sampson's description in the official record
was very brief: 'he had on him ane gown, and ane hat, which were both
black';[66] but Melville, who probably heard her evidence, puts it more
dramatically: 'The deuell wes cled in ane blak gown with ane blak hat vpon
his head.... His faice was terrible, his noise lyk the bek of ane egle,
gret bournyng eyn; his handis and leggis wer herry, with clawes vpon his
handis, and feit lyk the griffon.'[67] John Fian merely mentions that the
first time the Devil came he was clothed in white raiment.[68] The evidence
from Aberdeen, 1596-7, points to there being two Chiefs, one old and one
young. Ellen Gray confessed that 'the Devill, thy maister, apperit to thee
in the scheap of ane agit man, beirdit, with a quhyt gown and a thrummit
[shaggy] hatt'. Andro Man 'confessis that Crystsunday cum to hym in liknes
of ane fair angell, and clad in quhyt claythis'. Christen Mitchell stated
that 'Sathan apperit to the in the lyknes of a littill crippill man'; and
Marion Grant gave evidence that 'the Deuill, quhom thow callis thy god,
apperit to thee in ane gryte man his licknes, in silkin abuilzeament
[habiliment], withe ane quhyt candill in his hand'.[69] Isobell Haldane of
Perth, 1607, was carried away into a fairy hill, 'thair scho stayit thrie
dayis, viz. fra Thurisday till Sonday at xii houris. Scho mett a man with
ane gray beird, quha brocht hir furth agane.' This man stood to her in the
same relation as Thom Reid to Bessie Dunlop, or as the Devil to the
witches.[70] Jonet Rendall of Orkney, 1629, saw him 'claid in quhyt
cloathis, with ane quhyt head and ane gray beard'.[71] In East Lothian,
1630, Alexander Hamilton met the Devil in the likeness of a black man.[72]
At Eymouth, 1634, Bessie Bathgate was seen by two young men 'at 12 hours of
even (when all people are in their beds) standing bare-legged and in her
sark valicot, at the back of hir yard, conferring with the devil who was in
green cloaths'.[73] Manie Haliburton of Dirlton, 1649, confessed that, when
her daughter was ill, 'came the Devill, in licknes of a man, to hir hous,
calling himselff a phisition'.[74] He came also as 'a Mediciner' to Sandie
Hunter in East Lothian in 1649.[75] In the same year he appeared as a black
man to Robert Grieve, 'an eminent Warlock' at Lauder.[76] In the same year
also 'Janet Brown was charged with having held a meeting with the Devil
appearing as a man, at the back of Broomhills'.[77] Among the Alloa
witches, tried in 1658, Margret Duchall 'did freelie confes hir paction
with the diwell, how he appeared first to hir in the liknes of a man in
broun cloathis, and ane blak hat'; while Kathren Renny said 'that he first
appeared to hir in the bodis medow in the liknes of a man with gray
cloathis and ane blew cap'.[78] The years 1661 and 1662 are notable in the
annals of Scotch witchcraft for the number of trials and the consequent
mass of evidence, including many descriptions of the Grand-master. At
Forfar, in 1661, Helen Guthrie said that at several meetings the devil was
present 'in the shape of a black iron-hued man'; Katherine Porter 'saw the
divill and he had ane blacke plaid about him'; when Issobell Smyth was
alone gathering heather, 'hee appeared to hir alone lik ane braw
gentleman'; and on another occasion 'like a light gentleman'.[79] Jonet
Watson of Dalkeith, also in 1661, said 'that the Deivill apeired vnto her
in the liknes of ane prettie boy, in grein clothes.... Shoe was at a
Meitting in Newtoun-dein with the Deavill, who had grein clothes vpone him,
and ane blak hatt vpone his head'.[80] In the same year an Edinburgh Coven
was tried: Jonet Ker was accused that 'as you wer comeing from Edr to the
park you mett with the devill at the bough in the liknes of a greavous
black man'; Helene Casso 'met with the devill in liknes of a man with
greine cloaths in the links of Dudingstone qr he wes gathering sticks
amongst the whines'; Isobel Ramsay 'mett with the devill in the Liknes of a
pleasant young man who said qr live you goodwyf and how does the minister
And as you wes goeing away he gave you a sexpence saying God bud him give
you that qch you wared and bought meall therwith As also you had ane uther
meiting wt the devill in yor awne house in the liknes of yor awne husband
as you wes lying in yor bed at qch tyme you engadged to be his servant';
Jonet Millar 'did meit wt the devill in liknes of ane young man in the hous
besyd the standing stane'.[81] The trials of the Auldearne witches in 1662
are fully reported as regards matters which interested the recorder;
unfortunately the appearance of the Devil was not one of these, therefore
Isobel Gowdie's description is abbreviated to the following: 'He was a
meikle black roch man. Sometimes he had boots and sometimes shoes on his
foot; but still [always] his foot are forked and cloven.'[82] At Crook of
Devon in Kinross-shire, in the same year, nine of the witches describe the
men they saw, for evidently there were two 'Devils' in this district;
Isobel Rutherford said that 'Sathan was in the likness of a man with gray
cloathes and ane blue bannet, having ane beard'; Bessie Henderson, 'the
Devil appeared to you in the likeness of ane bonnie young lad, with ane
blue bonnet'; Robert Wilson, 'the Devil was riding on ane horse with
fulyairt clothes and ane Spanish cape'; Bessie Neil, 'Sathan appeared to
you with dun-coloured clothes'; Margaret Litster, 'Sathan having grey
clothes'; Agnes Brugh, 'the Devil appeared in the twilight like unto a half
long fellow with an dusti coloured coat'; Margaret Huggon, 'he was an
uncouth man with black cloathes with ane hood on his head'; Janet Paton,
'Sathan had black coloured clothes and ane blue bonnet being an unkie like
man'; Christian Grieve, 'Sathan did first appear to yow like ane little man
with ane blue bonnet on his head with rough gray cloaths on him'.[83] Marie
Lamont of Innerkip, also in 1662, said that 'the devil was in the likeness
of a meikle black man, and sung to them, and they dancit'; he appeared
again 'in the likeness of a black man with cloven featt'.[84] At Paisley,
in 1678, the girl-witch Annabil Stuart said that 'the Devil in the shape of
a Black man came to her Mother's House'; her brother John was more detailed
in his description, he observed 'one of the black man's feet to be cloven:
and that the black man's Apparel was black; and that he had a bluish Band
and Handcuffs; and that he had Hogers[85] on his Legs without Shoes';
Margaret Jackson of the same Coven confirmed the description, 'the black
man's Clothes were black, and he had white Handcuffs'.[86] The clearest
evidence is from an unpublished trial of 1678 among the records in the
Justiciary Court in Edinburgh:
'Margaret Lowis declaires that about Elevin years ago a man whom she
thought to be ane Englishman that cured diseases in the countrey
called [blank] Webb appeared to her in her own house and gave her a
drink and told her that she would have children after the taking of
that drink And declares that that man made her renunce her baptisme
... and declares that she thought that the man who made her doe these
things wes the divill and that she has hade severall meitings with
that man after she knew him to be the divill.... Margaret Smaill
prisoner being examined anent the Cryme of witchcraft depones that
having come into the house of Jannet Borthvick in Crightoun she saw a
gentleman sitting with her, and they desyred her to sitt down and
having sitten down the gentleman drank to her and she drank to him and
therefter the said Jannet Borthvick told her that that gentleman was
the divill and declares that at her desyre she renunced her baptisme
and gave herself to the divill.'
At Borrowstowness in 1679 Annaple Thomson 'had a metting with the devill in
your cwming betwixt Linlithgow and Borrowstownes, where the devil, in the
lyknes of ane black man, told yow, that yow wis ane poore puddled bodie....
And yow the said Annaple had ane other metting, and he inveitted yow to go
alongst, and drink with him'. The same devil met Margaret Hamilton 'and
conversed with yow at the town-well of Borrowstownes, and several tymes in
yowr awin howss, and drank severall choppens of ale with you'.[87] The
Renfrewshire trials of 1696 show that all Mrs. Fulton's grandchildren saw
the same personage; Elizabeth Anderson, at the age of seven, 'saw a black
grim Man go in to her Grandmothers House'; James Lindsay, aged fourteen,
'met his Grandmother with a black grim Man'; and little Thomas Lindsay was
awaked by his grandmother 'one Night out of his Bed, and caused him take a
Black Grimm Gentleman (as she called him) by the Hand'.[88] At Pittenweem,
in 1704, 'this young Woman Isobel Adams [acknowledged] her compact with the
Devil, which she says was made up after this manner, _viz._ That being in
the House of the said Beatie Laing, and a Man at the end of the Table,
Beatie proposes to Isobel, that since she would not Fee and Hire with her,
that she would do it, with the Man at the end of the Table; And accordingly
Isobel agreed to it, and spoke with the Man at that time in General terms.
Eight days after, the same Person in Appearance comes to her, and owns
that he was the Devil.'[89] The latest instance is at Thurso in 1719,
where the Devil met Margaret Nin-Gilbert 'in the way in the likeness of a
man, and engaged her to take on with him, which she consented to; and she
said she knew him to be the devil or he parted with her'.[90]
In Ireland one of the earliest known trials for ritual witchcraft occurred
in 1324, the accused being the Lady Alice Kyteler. She was said to have met
the Devil, who was called Robin son of Artis, 'in specie cuiusdam aethiopis
cum duobus sociis ipso maioribus et longioribus'.[91]
In France also there is a considerable amount of evidence. The earliest
example is in 1430, when Pierronne, a follower of Joan of Arc, was put to
death by fire as a witch. She persisted to the end in her statement, which
she made on oath, that God appeared to her in human form and spoke to her
as friend to friend, and that the last time she had seen him he was clothed
in a scarlet cap and a long white robe.[92] Estebene de Cambrue of the
parish of Amou in 1567 said that the witches danced round a great stone,
'sur laquelle est assis un grand homme noir, qu'elles appellent
Monsieur'.[93] Jeanne Hervillier of Verberie near Compiegne, in 1578,
daughter of a witch who had been condemned and burnt, 'confessa qu'a l'aage
de douze ans sa mere la presenta au diable, en forme d'vn grand homme noir,
& vestu de noir, botte, esperonne, auec vne espee au coste, & vn cheual
noir a la porte'.[94] Francoise Secretain of Saint Claud in 1598 stated
'qu'elle s'estoit donnee au Diable, lequel auoit lors la semblance d'vn
grand homme noir'; Thievenne Paget, from the same district, 'racontoit que
le Diable s'apparut a elle la premiere fois en plein midy, en forme d'vn
grand homme noir'; and Antide Colas 'disoit, que Satan s'apparut a elle en
forme d'vn homme, de grande stature, ayant sa barbe & ses habillemens
noirs'.[95] Jeanne d'Abadie, in the Basses-Pyrenees, 1609, 'dit qu'elle y
vid le Diable en forme d'homme noir & hideux, auec six cornes en la teste,
parfois huict'.[96] Silvain Nevillon, tried at Orleans in 1614, 'dit que le
Sabbat se tenoit dans vne maison, ou il vit a la cheminee co[~m]e ledit
Sabbat se faisoit, vn homme noir, duquel on ne voyoit point la teste. Vit
aussi vn grand homme noir a l'opposite de celuy de la cheminee. Dit que les
deux Diables qui estoient au Sabbat, l'vn s'appelloit l'Orthon, & l'autre
Traisnesac.'[97] Two sisters were tried in 1652: one 'dict avoir trouve ung
diable en ghuise d'ung home a pied'; the other said that 'il entra dans sa
chambre en forme d'ung chat par une fenestre et se changea en la posture
d'un home vestu de rouge'.[98]
In Belgium, Digna Robert, 1565, met 'un beau jeune homme vetu d'une casaque
noire, qui etait le diable, et se nommait Barrebon.... A la Noel passee, un
autre diable, nomme Crebas, est venu pres d'elle.' Elisabeth Vlamynx of
Ninove in the Pays d'Alost, 1595, was accused 'que vous avez, avant comme
apres le repas, vous septieme ou huitieme, danse sous les arbres en
compagnie de votre Belzebuth et d'un autre demon, tous deux en pourpoint
blanc a la mode francaise'. Josine Labyns in 1664, aged about forty: 'passe
dix-neuf ans le diable s'est offert a vos yeux, derriere votre habitation,
sous la figure d'un grand seigneur, vetu en noir et portant des plumes sur
son chapeau.'[99]
In the copper mines of Sweden, 1670, the Devil appeared as a minister.[100]
In the province of Elfdale in the same year his dress was not the usual
black of that period: 'He used to appear, but in different Habits; but for
the most part we saw him in a gray Coat, and red and blue Stockings; he had
a red Beard, a high-crown'd Hat, with Linnen of divers colours wrapt about
it, and long Garters upon his Stockings.'[101] This is not unlike the
costume of Thom Reid as described, more than a century before, by Bessie
Dunlop.
In America the same evidence is found. At Hartford, 1662, 'Robert Sterne
testifieth as followeth: I saw this woman goodwife Seager in ye woods with
three more women and with them I saw two black creatures like two Indians
but taller'; and Hugh Crosia 'sayd ye deuell opned ye dore of eben booths
hous made it fly open and ye gate fly open being asked how he could tell he
sayd ye deuell apeered to him like a boye and told him hee ded make them
fly open and then ye boye went out of his sight.'[102] Elizabeth Knap at
Groton, 1671, 'was with another maid yt boarded in ye house, where both of
them saw ye appearance of a mans head and shoulders, w^th a great white
neckcloath, looking in at ye window, which shee hath since confessed, was
ye Devill coming to her.--One day as shee was alone in a lower roome she
looked out of ye window, and saw ye devill in ye habit of an old man,
coming over a great meadow.'[103] At Salem, 1692, Mary Osgood saw him as a
black man who presented a book; and Mary Lacey described him as a black man
in a high-crowned hat.[104]
The evidence suggests that an important part of the Devil's costume was the
head-covering, which he appears to have worn both in and out of doors.
Though the fact is not of special interest in itself, it may throw light on
one of the possible origins of the cult.
In 1576 Bessie Dunlop met Thom Reid, who was clearly the Devil; he was 'ane
honest wele elderlie man, gray bairdit, and had ane gray coitt with Lumbart
slevis of the auld fassoun; ane pair of gray brekis and quhyte schankis,
gartanit aboue the kne; ane blak bonet on his heid, cloise behind and plane
befoir, with silkin laissis drawin throw the lippis thairof.'[105] At North
Berwick in 1590, 'the deuell, cled in a blak gown with a blak hat vpon his
head, preachit vnto a gret nomber of them.'[106] Another description of the
same event shows that 'the Devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle
black man clad in a black tatie gown; and an evil-favoured scull-bonnet on
his head'.[107] At Aberdeen in 1597 Ellen Gray described the Devil as 'ane
agit man, beirdit, with a quhyt gown and a thrummit hat'.[108] In 1609, in
the Basses-Pyrenees, when the Devil appeared as a goat, 'on luy voit aussi
quelque espece de bonet ou chapeau au dessus de ses cornes.'[109] The Alloa
Coven in 1658 spoke of 'a man in broun clathis and ane blak hat'; and on
two occasions of 'a young man with gray cloathis and ane blew cap'.[110] In
1661 Janet Watson of Dalkeith 'was at a Meitting in Newtoun-dein with the
Deavill, who had grein cloathes vpone him, and ane blak hatt vpone his
head'.[111] Five members of the Coven at Crook of Devon in 1662 spoke of
the Devil's head-gear: 'Sathan was in the likeness of a man with gray
cloathes and ane blue bannet, having ane beard. Ane bonnie young lad with
ane blue bonnet. Ane uncouth man with black clothes with ane hood on his
head. Sathan had all the said times black coloured cloathes and ane blue
bonnet being an unkie like man. Ane little man with ane blue bonnet on his
head with rough gray cloathes on him.'[112] In 1662 in Connecticut Robert
Sterne saw 'two black creatures like two Indians, but taller';[113] as he
was at a little distance it is probable that he took a plumed or horned
head-dress to be the same as the Indian head-gear. In Belgium in 1664
Josine Labyns saw the Devil wearing a plumed hat.[114] In Somerset in 1665
Mary Green said that when he met the witches 'the little Man put his hand
to his Hat, saying How do ye, speaking low but big'.[115] At Torryburn
Lilias Adie said that the light was sufficient to 'shew the devil, who wore
a cap covering his ears and neck'.[116] In Sweden in 1670 the Devil came
'in a gray Coat, and red and blue Stockings, he had a red Beard, a
high-crown'd Hat, with Linnen of divers colours wrapt about, and long
Garters upon his Stockings'.[117] At Pittenweem in 1670 the young lass
Isobel Adams saw the Devil as 'a man in black cloaths with a hat on his
head, sitting at the table' in Beatty Laing's house.[118]
(b) _Woman_
The Queen of Elphin, or Elfhame, is sometimes called the Devil, and it is
often impossible to distinguish between her and the Devil when the latter
appears as a woman. Whether she was the same as the French Reine du Sabbat
is equally difficult to determine. The greater part of the evidence
regarding the woman-devil is from Scotland.
In 1576 Bessie Dunlop's evidence shows that Thom Reid, who was to her what
the Devil was to witches, was under the orders of the Queen of Elfhame:
'Interrogat, Gif sche neuir askit the questioun at him, Quhairfoir he
com to hir mair [than] ane vthir bodye? Ansuerit, Remembring hir,
quhen sche was lyand in child-bed-lair, with ane of her laiddis, that
ane stout woman com in to hir, and sat doun on the forme besyde hir,
and askit ane drink at her, and sche gaif hir; quha alsua tauld hir,
that that barne wald de, and that hir husband suld mend of his
seiknes. The said Bessie ansuerit, that sche remembrit wele thairof;
and Thom said, That was the Quene of Elfame his maistres, quha had
commandit him to wait vpoun hir, and to do hir gude. Confessit and
fylit.'[119]
In 1588 Alison Peirson 'was conuict for hanting and repairing with the gude
nychtbouris and Quene of Elfame, thir diuers [3]eiris bypast, as scho had
confest be hir depositiounis, declaring that scho could nocht say reddelie
how lang scho wes with thame; and that scho had freindis in that court
quhilk wes of hir awin blude, quha had gude acquentence of the Quene of
Elphane. And that scho saw nocht the Quene thir seuin [3]eir.'[120] In 1597
at Aberdeen Andro Man was accused that
'thriescoir yeris sensyne or thairby, the Devill, thy maister, come to
thy motheris hous, in the liknes and scheap of a woman, quhom thow
callis the Quene of Elphen, and was delyverit of a barne, as apperit
to the their, thow confessis that be the space of threttie two yeris
sensyn or thairby, thow begud to have carnall deall with that
devilische spreit, the Quene of Elphen, on quhom thow begat dyveris
bairnis, quhom thow hes sene sensyn.... Thow confessis that the
Devill, thy maister, quhom thow termes Christsonday, and supponis to
be ane engell, and Goddis godsone, albeit he hes a thraw by God, and
swyis [sways] to the Quene of Elphen, is rasit be the speaking of the
word _Benedicite_.... Siclyk, thow affermis that the Quene of Elphen
hes a grip of all the craft, bot Christsonday is the gudeman, and hes
all power vnder God.... Vpon the Ruidday in harvest, in this present
yeir, quhilk fell on a Wedinsday, thow confessis and affermis, thow
saw Christsonday cum out of the snaw in liknes of a staig, and that
the Quene of Elphen was their, and vtheris with hir, rydand on quhyt
haikneyes, and that thay com to the Binhill and the Binlocht, quhair
thay vse commonlie to convene, and that thay quha convenis with thame
kissis Christsonday and the Quene of Elphenis airss. Thow affermis
that the quene is verray plesand, and wilbe auld and young quhen scho
pleissis; scho mackis any kyng quhom scho pleisis, and lyis with any
scho lykis'.[121]
Another Aberdeen witch, Marion Grant, was accused in the same year and
confessed, 'that the Devill, thy maister, quhome thow termes Christsonday,
causit the dans sindrie tymes with him and with Our Ladye, quha, as thow
sayes, was a fine woman, cled in a quhyt walicot'.[122] In Ayrshire in 1605
Patrick Lowrie and Jonet Hunter were accused that they 'att Hallowevin
assemblit thame selffis vpon Lowdon-hill, quhair thair appeirit to thame
are devillische Spreit, in liknes of ane woman, and callit hir selff Helen
Mcbrune'.[123] In the Basses-Pyrenees in 1609, one could 'en chasque
village trouuer vne Royne du Sabbat, que Sathan tenoit en delices co[~m]e
vne espouse priuilegiee'.[124] At the witch-mass the worshippers 'luy
baisent la main gauche, tremblans auec mille angoisses, & luy offrent du
pain, des [oe]ufs, & de l'argent: & la Royne du Sabbat les recoit, laquelle
est assise a son coste gauche, & en sa main gauche elle tient vne paix ou
platine, dans laquelle est grauee l'effigie de Lucifer, laquelle on ne
baise qu'apres l'auoir premierement baisee a elle'.[125] In 1613 the
Lancashire witch, Anne Chattox, made a confused statement as to the sex of
the so-called spirits; it is however quite possible that the confusion is
due to the recorder, who was accustomed to consider all demons as male:
'After their eating, the Deuill called Fancie, and the other Spirit
calling himselfe Tibbe, carried the remnant away: And she sayeth that at
their said Banquet, the said Spirits gaue them light to see what they did,
and that they were both shee Spirites and Diuels.'[126] In 1618 at
Leicester Joan Willimott 'saith, that shee hath a Spirit which shee calleth
Pretty, which was giuen vnto her by William Berry of Langholme in
Rutlandshire, whom she serued three yeares; and that her Master when he
gaue it vnto her, willed her to open her mouth, and hee would blow into her
a Fairy which should doe her good; and that shee opened her mouth, and he
did blow into her mouth; and that presently after his blowing, there came
out of her mouth a Spirit, which stood vpon the ground in the shape and
forme of a Woman, which Spirit did aske of her her Soule, which she then
promised vnto it, being willed thereunto by her Master.'[127] William
Barton was tried in Edinburgh about 1655:
'One day, says he, going from my own house in Kirkliston, to the
Queens Ferry, I overtook in Dalmeny Muire, a young Gentlewoman, as to
appearance beautiful and comely. I drew near to her, but she shunned
my company, and when I insisted, she became angry and very nyce. Said
I, we are both going one way, be pleased to accept of a convoy. At
last after much entreaty she grew better natured, and at length came
to that Familiarity, that she suffered me to embrace her, and to do
that which Christian ears ought not to hear of. At this time I parted
with her very joyful. The next night, she appeared to him in that same
very place, and after that which should not be named, he became
sensible, that it was the Devil. Here he renounced his Baptism, and
gave up himself to her service, and she called him her beloved, and
gave him this new name of Iohn Baptist, and received the Mark.'[128]
At Forfar in 1662 Marjorie Ritchie 'willingly and friely declared that the
divill appeired to her thrie severall tymes in the similitud of a womane,
the first tyme in on Jonet Barrie's house, the second tyme whyle she was
putting vp lint in the companie of the said Jonet, and that the divill did
take her by the hand at that tyme, and promised that she should never want
money; and therafter that the divill appeired to her in the moiss of
Neutoune of Airly, wher and when she did renunce her baptism'.[129] In 1670
Jean Weir, sister of the notorious Major Weir, gave an account of how she
entered the service of the Devil; the ceremony began as follows: 'When she
keeped a school at Dalkeith, and teached childering, ane tall woman came to
the declarants hous when the childering were there; and that she had, as
appeared to her, ane chyld upon her back, and on or two at her foot; and
that the said woman desyred that the declarant should imploy her to spick
for her to the Queen of Farie, and strik and battle in her behalf with the
said Queen (which was her own words).'[130] Among the Salem witches in
1692, 'this Rampant Hag, Martha Carrier, was the person, of whom the
Confessions of the Witches, and of her own Children among the rest, agreed,
That the Devil had promised her, she should be Queen of Hell.[131]
3. _Identification_
As it is certain that the so-called 'Devil' was a human being, sometimes
disguised and sometimes not, the instances in which these persons can be
identified are worth investigating. In most cases these are usually men,
and the names are often given, but it is only in the case of the Devil of
North Berwick that the man in question is of any historic importance; the
others are simply private individuals of little or no note.
Elizabeth Stile of Windsor, in 1579, gives a description of Father
Rosimond's changes of form, which points to his being the Chief of the
Windsor witches: 'She confesseth, her self often tymes to haue gon to
Father Rosimond house where she founde hym sittyng in a Wood, not farre
from thence, vnder the bodie of a Tree, sometymes in the shape of an Ape,
and otherwhiles like an Horse.'[132] In the reign of Elizabeth, 1584, there
is a list of eighty-seven suspected persons, among whom occur the names of
'Ould Birtles the great devil, Roger Birtles and his wife and Anne Birtles,
Darnally the sorcerer, the oulde witche of Ramsbury, Maud Twogood
Enchantress, Mother Gillian witch' and several other 'oulde witches'.[133]
The account by John Stearne the pricker, in 1645, indicates that one of the
magistrates of Fenny Drayton was the local Devil: 'Some will say, It is
strange they should know when they should be searched, if it be kept
private. I answer, Let it be kept never so private, it hath been common,
and as common as any other thing, as they themselves have confessed: for so
did they of Fenny-Drayton in Cambridge-shire, who made very large
Confessions, as, that the devil told them of our coming to town.'[134] One
of the clearest cases, however, is that of Marsh of Dunstable in 1649,
'whom Palmer confessed to be head of the whole Colledge of Witches, that
hee knows in the world: This Palmer hath been a witch these sixty years (by
his own confession) long enough to know and give in the totall summe of all
the conjuring conclave, and the Society of Witches in England.'[135]
In Scotland a certain number of identifications are also possible. Alison
Peirson, tried in 1588, learnt all her charms and obtained all her
knowledge from the Devil, who came to her in the form of Mr. William
Sympson, her mother's brother's son, who was a great scholar and doctor of
medicine in Edinburgh.[136] Jonet Stewart in 1597 'learnt her charms from
umquhill Michaell Clark, smyth in Laswaid, and fra ane Italean strangear
callit Mr. John Damiet, ane notorious knawin Enchanter and Sorcerer'.[137]
In the trial of Marion Pardon of Hillswick in 1644 'it was given in
evidence that a man spoke of the devil as Marion Pardon's pobe, i.e.
nurse's husband or foster father'.[138] In a case tried at Lauder in 1649
there is an indication that one of the magistrates was the Chief of the
witches; Robert Grieve accused a certain woman at a secret session of the
court, 'but the Devil came that same night unto her, and told her that Hob
Grieve had fyled her for a witch'.[139] Isobel Ramsay in 1661 was accused
that 'you had ane uther meiting wt the devill in yor awne hous in the
liknes of yor awne husband as you wes lying in yor bed at qch tyme you
engadged to be his servant and receaved a dollar from him'.[140] When a man
had special knowledge as to which women were witches, it is suggestive that
he might be himself the Devil; as in the case of the Rev. Allan Logan, who
'was particularly knowing in the detection of witches. At the
administration of the communion, he would cast his eye along, and say: "You
witch wife, get up from the table of the Lord", when some poor creature
would rise and depart.'[141]
It seems probable that the infamous Abbe Guibourg was the head of the Paris
witches, for it was he who celebrated the 'black mass' and performed the
sacrifice of a child, both of which were the duties of the 'Devil'.[142]
At Salem also the account given by the witches of the Rev. George Burroughs
points to his filling the office of 'Devil', for he was 'Head Actor at some
of their Hellish Randezvouses, and one who had the promise of being a King
in Satan's kingdom.--He was the person who had Seduc'd and Compell'd them
into the snares of Witchcraft'.[143] That Burroughs was a religious person
is no argument against his being also the 'Devil' of Salem. Apart from the
well-known psychological fact that a certain form of religious feeling can
exist at the same time as the propensity to and practice of sexual
indulgence, there is proof that many of the witches were outwardly
religious according to the tenets of Christianity. So many Christian
priests were also followers of the witch-religion that the Inquisitors of
the sixteenth century were greatly exercised in their minds as to how to
deal with the offenders. Antide Colas confessed that she attended the
midnight mass on Christmas Eve, then went to a witch meeting, and returned
to the church in time for the mass at dawn on Christmas morning.[144] At
Ipswich in 1645 'Mother Lakeland hath been a professour of Religion, a
constant hearer of the Word for these many years, and yet a witch (as she
confessed) for the space of near twenty years'.[145] The best-known case
of the kind is that of Major Weir in Edinburgh in 1670, whose outward
appearance tallies with the usual descriptions of the Devil, and whose
conduct is only explainable on the supposition that he actually was the
Chief of the witches: 'His garb was still a cloak, and somewhat dark, and
he never went without his staff. He was a tall black man, and ordinarily
looked down to the ground; a grim countenance, and a big nose.'[146] His
reputation for piety was so great that a woman, who had actually seen him
commit an offence against the criminal law, was flogged for mentioning the
fact and thus defaming a man of such extreme and well-established piety. He
was tried as a witch on his own unsolicited confession, and was burnt
together with his staff, dying 'impenitent' and renouncing all hope of a
Christian heaven. The most interesting case historically, however, is that
of the Devil of the North Berwick witches (1590). The number of people
involved was thirty-nine, i.e. three Covens; but though the names of all
were known, only four were tried. The records are given in considerable
detail, and the identification of the Chief is therefore possible.
The character of the accused in this case is of great importance when
considering the evidence. Nothing more unlike the conventional idea of
witches can well be imagined than the man and women who were arraigned on
that occasion. Agnes Sampson, the wise wife of Keith, was 'a woman not of
the base and ignorant sort of Witches, but matron-like, grave and settled
in her answers, which were all to some purpose'. John Fian, or Cunynghame,
was a schoolmaster, therefore a man of education; Effie McCalyan, the
daughter of Lord Cliftonhall, was a woman of family and position; Barbara
Napier was also of good family. These were clearly the moving spirits of
the band, and they were all persons capable of understanding the meaning
and result of their actions.[147]
The accusation against the witches was that they had met together to plot
the murder of the King and Queen by witchcraft. The trial therefore was on
a double charge, witchcraft and high treason, and both charges had to be
substantiated. Keeping in mind Lord Coke's definition of a witch as 'a
person who has conference with the Devil to take counsel or to do some
act', it is clear that the fact of the Devil's bodily presence at the
meetings had to be proved first, then the fact of the 'conference', and
finally the attempts at murder. The reports of the trial do not, however,
differentiate these points in any way, and the religious prepossession of
the recorders colours every account. It is therefore necessary to take the
facts without the construction put upon them by the natural bias of the
Christian judges and writers. The records give in some detail the account
of several meetings where the deaths of the King and Queen were discussed,
and instructions given and carried out to effect that purpose. At each
meeting certain ceremonies proper to the presence of the Grand Master were
performed, but the real object of the meeting was never forgotten or even
obscured.
The actual evidence of the affair was given by Agnes Sampson (also called
Anny Simpson or Tompson), John Fian, Euphemia or Effie McCalyan, and
Barbara Napier. As it was a case of high treason, the two leaders, Sampson
and Fian, were tortured to force them to divulge the name of the prime
mover. Both these two and Effie McCalyan were condemned and executed;
Barbara Napier, equally guilty according to the evidence but more fortunate
in her jurors, was released; for which action the jurors themselves were
subsequently tried.
Though the means used by the witches may seem ridiculous, the murderous
intention is very clear. First they performed incantations to raise a storm
to wreck the Queen's ship on her way to Scotland, and the storm which
actually arose very nearly effected their purpose. As it failed, however,
they betook themselves to the accredited method of melting a waxen image,
but they were also ready to use poisons, which were to their minds the most
virulent that could be prepared.
I have arranged the evidence so as to make as far as possible a consecutive
narrative of the occurrences.
_John Fian_, tried December 26, 1590. The first items relate to his
consulting with the Devil and working witchcraft. 7. Item, Fylit, for
the rasing of wyndis att the Kingis passing to Denmark, and for the
sending of ane letter to Marioun Linkup in Leyth, to that effect,
bidding hir to meit him and the rest, on the see, within fyve dayes;
quhair Satan delyuerit ane catt out of his hand to Robert Griersoune,
gevand the word to 'Cast the same in the see hola!': And thaireftir,
being mountit in a schip, and drank ilk ane to otheris, quhair Satane
said, 'ye shall sink the schip', lyke as thay thocht thay did. 8.
Item, Fylit, for assembling him selff with Sathane, att the Kingis
returning to Denmark; quhair Satan promeist to raise ane mist, and
cast the Kingis Majestie in Ingland.
_Agnes Sampson_, tried January 27, 1591. The first part of the dittay
is entirely occupied with her conferences with the devil and her
healing the sick by his advice. 40. Item, fylit and convict, of the
delyuerie of ane letter, quhilk John Fiene, clerk, maid in George
Mutis bak[e] hous in the Pannis, accumpaneit with the gudwyff of the
hous, Gelie Duncan [and eight others], quha convenit thair for rasing
of storme, to stay the Quene's hame cuming to Scotland; eftir
consultatioun, quhether Gelie Duncan or Bessie Thomsoun wes meitest to
send the letter with; and concludit to send the said Gelie, quhilk
letter wes send to Marioun Lenchop in Leyth. The effect quhairoff is
this: Marioun Lenchop, ye sall warne the rest of the sisteris, to
raise the wind this day, att eleavin houris, to stay the Quenis cuming
in Scotland. Lyke as they that wer convenit at the Pannis sould do
their part be-eist; and to meit thame that wer in the Pannis; and att
thair meting, thay sould mak the storme vniversall thro the see. [Then
follows the method of doing this by casting in a cat.]
[From _Newes from Scotland_.] The said Agnis Tompson (Sampson)
confessed, that the Divell, being then at North Barrick Kirke
attending their comming, in the habit or likenesse of a man ... and
having made his ungodly exhortations, wherein he did greatly inveigh
against the King of Scotland, he received their oathes for their good
and true service towards him, and departed; which done, they returned
to sea, and so home again. At which time, the witches demaunded of the
Divell, 'why he did beare such hatred to the Kinge?' who aunswered,
'By reason the King is the greatest enemie hee hath in the world.' All
which their confessions and depositions are still extant upon record.
_Barbara Napier_, tried May 8, 1591. Released. Assisors tried June 7,
and acquitted. The said Barbara was accusit, that scho gaif hir
presens, in the maist develisch and tressonabill Conventioune, haldin
be hir and hir complices in the Divellis name, vpoune Lambmes-ewin
last, att the New-heavin callit Aitchesounes-heavin, betuix
Musselburcht and Prestonpannis, sin his Majestie come furth of
Denmark; quhair war assemblit nyne principallis, to witt, Agnes
Sampsoune, Jonett Straittoun, Ewfame McCalyeane, hir selff, Johne
Fiene, Robert Griersoun, George Moitis wyffe in Prestoune, Margrett
Thomsoune, and Donald Robesoune; quhilk is nyne persounes, the Devill,
quha wes with thame in liknes of ane blak man, thocht maist meit to do
the turne for the quhilk thay wer convenit; and thairfore, he sett
thame nyne nerrest to him selff, in ane cumpany; and thay, togidder
with the wyffe of Saltoune myle and the rest of the inferiouris, to
the nowmer of threttie persounes, standand skairse the lenth of ane
buird frae the foirsaid nyne persounes in ane vthir cumpany;[148]
Agnes Sampsoune proponit the distructioune of his hienes persoune,
saying to the Dewill, 'We haif ane turne ado, and we would fain be att
itt gif we could, and thairfore help ws to itt'. The Dewill ansuerit,
he sould do quhat he could, bott it wald be lang to, because it wald
be thoirterit [thwarted], and he promeist to hir and thame ane pictour
of walx, and ordenit hir and thame to hing, roist, and drop ane taid,
and to lay the droppis of the taid [mixed with other supposedly
virulent poisons], in his hienes way, quhair his Maiestie wald gang
inowre or outowre, or in ony passage quhair itt mycht drop vpoun his
hienes heid or body, for his hienes distructioune, that ane vther
mycht haif rewlit in his Maiesties place, and the ward [government]
mycht haif gane to the Dewill. Att the quhilk conventioune, his hienes
name wes pronunceit in Latine; and Agnes Sampsoune wes appointit to
mak the pictour and to gif it to the Devill to be inchantit, quhilk
scho maid in deid, and gaif itt to him; and he promiseit to giff it to
the said Barbara and to Effie McCalyan, att the nixt meting to be
roistit. Margarett Thomsoun was appointit to dropp the taid. There wes
ane appointit to seik sum of his hienes linning claithes, to do the
turne with.
_Agnes Sampson_, continued. Anny Sampsoun affirmed that sche, in
company with nyn vthers witches, being convenit in the nycht besyd
Prestounpannes, the deuell ther maister being present standing in the
midis of thame; ther a body of wax, schaipen and maid be the said Anny
Sampsoun, wrappit within a lynnyng claith, was fyrst delyuerit to the
deuell; quhilk efter he had pronuncit his verde, delyuerit the said
pictour to Anny Sampsoun, and sche to hir nyxt marrow, and sa euery
ane round about, saying, 'This is King James the sext, ordonit to be
consumed at the instance of a noble man Francis Erle Bodowell!'
Efterwart again, at ther meting be nycht at the kirk of Northberick,
wher the deuell, cled in a blak gown with a blak hat vpon his head,
preachit vnto a gret nomber of them out of the pulpit, having lyk
leicht candles rond about him. The effect of his language was till
knaw, what skaith they had done, whow many they had won to ther
oppinion sen their last meting, what succes the melting of the pictour
had tane, and sic vain toyes. And because ane auld sely pure plowman,
callit Grey Meill, chancit to say that 'nathing ailit the King yet,
God be thankit' the deuell gaif him a gret blaw. Then dyuers amang
them enterit in a raisonyng, maruelling that all ther deuellerie culd
do na harm to the King, as it did till others dyuers. The deuell
answerit, 'Il est vn home de Dieu'.[149]
_Euphemia McCalyan_, tried June 9, 1591, executed (burnt alive) June
25, 1591. Evidence was first given as to her practising witchcraft and
consorting with well-known witches. Item, indyttit and accusit, of the
conventicle had att North Berwick Kirk, tuentie dayes before
Michelmas, 1590; and thair inquyring for the Kings pictour, gewin by
Annie Sampsoun to the Dewill, to be inchantit, for the tressonabill
distructioun of the King. Item, indyttit and accusit, for being att
ane Conventioun haldin at the New Heaven callit the Fayrie-hoillis,
att Lambmes last wes, to the effect immediatlie aboue writtin. Item,
Indytit and accusit, for an Conventioun halden by yow and utheris
notorious Wichis, youre associattis, att the Brwme-hoillis, quhair yow
and thay tuik the sea, Robert Griersoun being your admerell and
Maister-manne. [Then comes the recital of the magical means used to
raise a tempest], quhairby the Quene wes putt back be storme. Item,
Indytit, for consulting with the said Annie Sampsoun, Robert
Griersoun, and diuers vtheris Wichis, for the tressonabill staying of
the Quene's hame-cuming, be storme and wind; and rasing of storme, to
that effect; or ellis to haif drownit hir Majestie and hir cumpany, be
coniuring of cattis and casting of thame in the sea, at Leith, at the
bak of Robert Griersounis hous.
_Barbara Napier_, continued. And siclyke, the said Barbara was
accusit, that sche gaif hir bodelie presens vpoun Alhallowewin last
was, 1590 yeiris, to the frequent conuentioune haldin att the Kirk of
North-Berwick, quhair sche dancit endlang the Kirk-yaird, and Gelie
Duncan playit on ane trump, Johnne Fiene missellit [muffled] led the
ring; Agnes Sampsoun and hir dochteris and all the rest following the
said Barbara, to the nowmer of sevin scoir of persounes.... And the
Devill start vp in the pulpett, lyke ane mekill blak man, haifand ane
blak buik in his hand, callit on ewerie ane of thame, desyring thame
all to be guid serwandis to him, and he sould be ane guid maister to
thame. Robert Griersoun and Johne Fian stuid on his left hand; and the
said Robert ffand grit fault with the Dewill, and cryit out, that all
quhilkis wer besyd mycht heir, becaus his hienes pictour was nocht
gewin thame, as wes promesit; the said Effie McCalyan remembrand and
bid[d]and the said Robert Griersoun to speir for the pictour, meaning
his Maiesties pictour, quhilk sould have been roistit. Robert
Griersoun said thir wordis, 'Quhair is the thing ye promiseit?'
meaning the pictour of walx, dewysit for roisting and vndoing his
hienes persoune, quhilk Agnes Sampsoune gaif to him; and Robert cryit
to 'haif the turne done'; yit his hienes name was nocht nameit, quhill
thay that wer wemen nameit him; craifand in playne termes his hienes
pictour. Bot he ansuerit, 'It sould be gottin the nixt meitting; and
he wald hald the nixt assemblie for that caus the soner: It was nocht
reddie at that tyme.' Robert Griersoune ansuerit, 'Ye promiseit twyis
and begylit ws.' And four honest-like wemene wer very ernist and
instant to haif itt. And the said Barbara and Effie McCalyane gatt
than ane promeis of the Dewill, that his hienes pictour sould be
gottin to thame twa, and that rycht sone: And this mater of his hienes
pictour was the caus of that assemblie.
This ends the evidence of the witches; the point to be proved now is the
identity of the man whom they believed in and obeyed as God incarnate.
In all cases of murder or attempted murder it is necessary to find the
person who would benefit, for murder is differentiated from manslaughter by
the fact that it is deliberately planned and that it is done for a motive.
In the case of the witches of North Berwick, the man who instigated the
meetings, and to whom consequently suspicion points, was Francis Stewart
Earl of Bothwell. His position as regards both the King and the witches
must therefore be investigated.
Francis, afterwards Earl of Bothwell, was the eldest son of John Stewart
and Jane Hepburn, sister of that Earl of Bothwell whom Mary Queen of Scots
married. Francis succeeded his maternal uncle in title and estates. His
father, Lord John Stewart, was an illegitimate son of James V. The Pope,
however, legitimized all the natural children of James V; and Mary, after
her accession, granted letters of legitimation[150] to her two
half-brothers, John Stewart, and James, afterwards the Regent Moray. John
was slightly the elder of the two, and had he been legitimate would have
been the heir to the exclusion of Mary. The Regent Moray left only
daughters, whereas John Stewart had several sons, of whom Francis was the
eldest. Francis might therefore claim to be the next heir male to the
throne of Scotland, and possibly of England, had James VI died without
children. James's own opinion of the matter is shown in his speech to his
Parliament in 1592, when he denounced Bothwell as an aspirant to the
throne, although he was 'but a bastard, and could claim no title to the
crown'. Bothwell, however, was himself no bastard, though his father was.
But the significance of the witches' attempt, as well as the identity of
the chief personage at their meeting, is given in Barbara Napier's evidence
as to the reason for the attempted murder of the King, 'that another might
have ruled in his Majesty's place, and the government might have gone to
the Devil'. By changing the title 'the Devil' by which he was known to the
witches, to the title 'Earl of Bothwell' by which he was known outside the
community, the man and the motive are manifest. This hypothesis is borne
out by the contemporary accounts.
The trial of the witches created a great stir, and Bothwell's name was
freely coupled with the witches'. He denied all complicity; this was only
natural, as confession would have meant an acknowledgement of high treason.
But his followers might have betrayed him. The two leaders, Agnes Sampson
and John Fian, were tortured. Sampson admitted that the wax image was made
at the instance of Francis, Earl of Bothwell; an admission sufficiently
damning, but beyond that she would say nothing. The real danger to Bothwell
lay in Fian. Under torture he made admissions and signed a confession in
the presence of the King. He was then
'by the maister of the prison committed to ward, and appointed to a
chamber by himselfe; where, foresaking his wicked wayes, acknowledging
his most ungodly lyfe, shewing that he had too much folowed the
allurements and enticements of Sathan, and fondly practised his
conclusions, by conjuring, witchcraft, inchantment, sorcerie, and such
like, hee renounced the Devill and all his wicked workes, vowed to
lead the lyfe of a Christian, and seemed newly converted to God. The
morrow after, upon conference had with him, he granted that the Devill
had appeared unto him in the night before, appareled all in blacke,
with a white wande in his hande; and that the Devill demaunded of him,
"If hee woulde continue his faithfull service, according to his first
oath and promise made to that effect": Whome (as hee then saide) he
utterly renounced to his face, and said unto him in this manner,
"Avoide! Sathan, avoide! for I have listned too much unto thee, and by
the same thou hast undone me; in respect whereof I utterly forsake
thee". To whome the Devill answered, that "once ere thou die thou
shalt bee mine". And with that (as he sayd) the Devill brake the white
wand, and immediately vanished foorth of his sight. Thus, all the
daie, this Doctor Fian continued verie solitarie, and seemed to have a
care of his owne soule, and would call uppon God, showing himselfe
penitent for his wicked life; neverthelesse, the same night, hee found
such meanes that he stole the key of the prison doore and chamber in
which he was, which in the night hee opened and fled awaie to the
Saltpans, where hee was alwayes resident, and first apprehended. Of
whose sodaine departure, when the Kings Majestie had intelligence, hee
presently commanded diligent inquirie to bee made for his
apprehension; and for the better effecting thereof hee sent publike
proclamations into all partes of his lande to the same effect. By
means of whose hot and harde pursuite he was agayn taken, and brought
to prison; and then, being called before the Kings Highnes, hee was
reexamined, as well touching his departure, as also touching all that
had before happened. But this Doctor, notwithstanding that his owne
confession appeareth, remaining in recorde under his owne hande
writting, and the same thereunto fixed in the presence of the Kings
Majestie and sundrie of his Councell, yet did hee utterly denie the
same. Whereupon the Kings Majestie, perceiving his stubborne
wilfulnesse, conceived and imagined, that in the time of his absence,
hee had entered into newe conference and league with the Devill his
maister'. [Fian was then subjected to the most horrible tortures that
could be devised.] 'And notwithstanding all these grievous paines and
cruel torments, hee would not confess anie thinges; so deeply had the
Devill entered into his heart, that hee utterly denied all that which
he before avouched; and would saie nothing thereunto, but this, that
what hee had done and sayde before, was onely done and sayde, for fear
of paynes which he had endured'.[151]
He continued steadfast and was executed at the Castle Hill.
The character of Fian is perfectly consistent. Under torture he signed a
confession, which confession might have implicated Bothwell. That night
Bothwell himself, or one of his emissaries, obtained access to the prisoner
and arranged for his escape. The wretched Fian was faced with death either
way; if he retracted his confession, he would die as a criminal by the
hands of the law; if he held to it, he would die as a traitor by the hands
of his comrades. There was no alternative. All that day he 'continued verie
solitarie', calling upon God, but by night he had made his choice and fled.
He apparently escaped without difficulty. The story of his stealing the
keys of his own cell and of the prison door is absurd; the escape was
obviously effected by connivance just as later on Bothwell's own escape was
effected. Fian went back to his own home, where, according to James's
surmise, he had an interview with the Devil (i.e. Bothwell), and there he
tamely waited till the officers of the law came and recaptured him. This
tameness is not in keeping with the rest of his character. A man with
sufficient courage and resource to get out of a strongly guarded prison
would have made good his escape; an easy enough matter in those turbulent
times. Fian then must have been retaken because he wished to be retaken.
For fear of torture and in hope of pardon he signed the first confession,
implicating Bothwell,[152] yet later he endured agonies of torture with the
certainty of death rather than acknowledge one word which might lead to the
discovery that James was bent upon. James's surmise was perhaps more than a
mere guess; it was prompted by his knowledge of the facts. Fian had had an
interview with his Master, whom he believed to be God Incarnate, and like
many a Christian martyr he atoned for the first betrayal by steadfast
courage through cruel torment even to death.
Reading the accounts in the light of this supposition, it is seen that
every one, including James, suspected Bothwell. Even if they did not
acknowledge his divinity, they feared the magical powers which, as Chief of
the Witches, he was supposed to wield. It is impossible to study the
details of this period without realizing the extraordinary fear which James
had of his cousin; it was fear with an underlying horror, totally different
from his feeling towards his other turbulent subjects. When Bothwell,
seeking pardon, was introduced into Holyrood Palace by Lady Athol in the
early morning of July 24, 1593, he entered the King's chamber. James,
always undignified, was caught in the middle of his morning toilet; he
tried to run into the Queen's room, but the way was barred by Bothwell's
friends and the door was locked. 'The king, seeing no other refuge, asked
what they meant. Came they to seek his life? let them take it--they would
not get his soul.'[153] This remark, made in the urgency and excitement of
the moment, is highly significant. Had Bothwell been, like many of James's
other enemies, merely an assassin, James would not have spoken of his soul.
But Bothwell as the Devil of the witches had the right to demand the
yielding of the soul, and James was aware of the fact.
The birth of James's children removed Bothwell's hopes of succession; the
power of the witch organization, of which he was the Chief, was broken by
the death of its leaders. He had made a strong bid for power, he failed,
fled the country, and finally died in poverty at Naples. There George
Sandys the traveller heard of him: 'Here a certaine _Calabrian_ hearing
that I was an _English_ man, came to me, and would needs perswade me that I
had insight in magicke: for that Earle _Bothel_ was my countryman, who
liues at _Naples_, and is in those parts famous for suspected
negromancie.'[154]
The Devil being actually a human being, the letter of introduction to him,
given by a man-witch to a would-be proselyte, becomes quite credible. It is
worth quoting verbatim:
'Monseigneur, d'autant qu'il me faut retirer de la Religion des
Chrestiens, afin que ie multiplie vostre party, duquel estant, il est
raisonnable que ie vous glorifie et assemble tant de gens que ie
pourray, ie vous enuoye ce porteur pour estre du nombre: c'est
pourquoy ie vous prie de l'aider en ses amours.'
Satan's reply to the novice shows a distinctly human trace of temper:
'Vous autres Chrestiens vous estes perfides et obstinez: Quand vous
auez quelque violent desir, vous vous departez de vostre maistre, et
auez recours a moy: mais quand vostre desir est accompli, vous me
tournez le dos comme a vn ennemi, et vous en retournez a vostre Dieu,
lequel estant benin et clement, vous pardonne et recoit volontiers.
Mais fay moy vne promesse escrite et signee de ta main, par laquelle
tu renonces volontairement ton Christ et ton Baptesme, et me promets
que tu adhereras et seras auec moy iusqu'au iour du iugement; et apres
iceluy tu te delecteras encore auec moy de souffrir les peines
eternelles, et i'accompliray ton desir.'[155]
4. _As an Animal_
[Illustration]
In many religions the disguising of the principal personage--whether god or
priest--as an animal is well known. The custom is very ancient--such
disguised human beings are found even among the palaeolithic drawings in
France; and on a slate palette belonging to the late pre-dynastic period of
Egypt there is a representation of a man disguised as a jackal and playing
on a pipe.[156] The ritual disguise as an animal is condemned, with great
particularity, as devilish, in the _Liber Poenitentialis_ of Theodore of
the seventh century (see _supra_, p. 21), showing that it continued in
force after the conversion of England to an outward appearance of
Christianity. From the analogy of other religions in which the custom
occurs, it would appear that it is a ritual for the promotion of fertility;
the animal represented being either the sacred animal of the tribe or the
creature most used for food.
The suggestion that the Devil was a man, wearing either an animal's skin or
a mask in the form of an animal's head as a ritual disguise, accounts as
nothing else can for the witches' evidence as to his appearance and his
changes of form. A confusion, however, exists from the fact that the
witches, and therefore the recorders, usually spoke of the familiars as the
Devil; but in almost every case the disguised man can, on examination of
the evidence, be distinguished from the animal familiar.
The animal forms in which the Devil most commonly appeared were bull, cat,
dog, goat, horse, and sheep. A few curious facts come to light on
tabulating these forms; i.e. the Devil appears as a goat or a sheep in
France only; he is never found in any country as a hare, though this was
the traditional form for a witch to assume; nor is he found as a toad,
though this was a common form for the familiar; the fox and the ass also
are unknown forms; and in Western Europe the pig is an animal almost
entirely absent from all the rites and ceremonies as well as from the
disguises of the Devil.
The witches never admitted in so many words that the Devil was a man
disguised, but their evidence points strongly to the fact. In some cases
the whole body was disguised, in others a mask was worn, usually over the
face. The wearing of the mask is indicated partly by descriptions of its
appearance, and partly by the description of the Devil's voice. The
Lorraine witches in 1589 said that the Devils 'koennen nimmermehr die
Menschliche Stimme so aussdruecklich nachreden, dass man nicht leicht daran
mercke, dass es eine gemachte falsche Stimme sey. Nicolaea Ganatia, und
fast alle andere sagen, dass sie eine Stimme von sich geben, gleich denen,
so den Kopff in ein Fass oder zerbrochenen Hafen stecken und daraus reden.
Auch geben sie etwann eine kleine leise Stimme von sich.'[157] The North
Berwick Devil in 1590 was purposely disguised out of all recognition: 'The
Devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle black man, with a black beard
sticking out like a goat's beard; and a high ribbed nose, falling down
sharp like the beak of a hawk; with a long rumpill' [tail].[158] This was
Barbara Napier's account; Agnes Sampson describes the same personage, 'The
deuell caused all the company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they said was
cauld like yce; his body was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him;
his faice was terrible, his noise lyk the bek of an egle, gret bournyng
eyn: his handis and legis wer herry, with clawis vpon his handis and feit
lyk the griffon, and spak with a how voice.'[159] Boguet states that 'on
demanda a George Gandillon, si lors qu'il fut sollicite par Sata de se
bailler a luy, Satan parloit distinctement. Il respondit que non, & qu'a
peine pouuoit il comprendre ce qu'il disoit.'[160] The evidence of the
witches in the Basses-Pyrenees makes it clear that a disguise was worn, and
that a mask was placed on the back either of the head or of the person;
this also explains part of Agnes Sampson's evidence given above. The effect
of the mask at the back of the head was to make the man appear two-faced,
'comme le dieu Janus'. In the other case 'le diable estoit en forme de
bouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn visage d'homme noir ... & n'a
parole par ce visage de derriere.--Vne grande queuee au derriere, & vne
forme de visage au dessoubs: duquel visage il ne profere aucune parole,
ains luy sert pour donner a baiser a ceux qui bon luy semble.--Marie
d'Aspilecute dit qu'elle le baisa a ce visage de derriere au dessoubs d'vne
grande queue; qu'elle l'y a baise par trois fois, & qu'il auoit ce visage
faict comme le museau d'vn bouc.--Bertrand de Handuch, aagee de dix ans,
confessa que le cul du grad maistre auoit vn visage derriere, & c'estoit le
visage de derriere qu'on baisoit, & non le cul.'[161] The Devil of the
Basses-Pyrenees evidently wore a mask over the face, for he had 'la voix
effroyable & sans ton, quand il parle on diroit que cest vn mullet qui se
met a braire, il a la voix casse, la parole malarticulee, & peu
intelligible, parcequ'il a tousiours la voix triste & enroueee'. On
occasions also 'il quitoit la forme de Bouc, & prenoit celle d'homme'.[162]
In 1614 at Orleans Silvain Nevillon said 'qu'il vit a la cheminee vn homme
noir duquel on ne voyoit pas la teste. Vit aussi vn grand homme noir a
l'opposite de celuy de la cheminee, & que ledit ho[~m]e noir parloit comme
si la voix fut sortie d'vn poinson. Dit: Que le Diable dit le Sermo au
Sabbat, mais qu'on n'entend ce qu'il dit, parce qu'il parle co[~m]e en
grodant.'[163] The devil who appeared to Joan Wallis, the Huntingdonshire
witch, in 1649, was in the shape of a man dressed in black, but he 'was not
as her husband, which speaks to her like a man, but he as he had been some
distance from her when he was with her'.[164] Thomazine Ratcliffe, a
Suffolk witch, said that the Devil 'spoke with a hollow, shrill
voyce'.[165] According to Mary Green (1665) the Somerset Devil, who was a
little man, 'put his hand to his Hat, saying, How do ye? speaking low but
big'.[166] In the same year Abre Grinset, another Suffolk witch, confessed
that she met the Devil, who was in the form of 'a Pretty handsom Young Man,
and spake to her with a hollow Solemn Voice'.[167] John Stuart at Paisley
(1678) said the Devil came to him as a black man, 'and that the black man's
Apparel was black; and that the black man's Voice was hough and
goustie'.[168]
The coldness of the devil's entire person, which is vouched for by several
witches, suggests that the ritual disguise was not merely a mask over the
face, but included a covering, possibly of leather or some other hard and
cold substance, over the whole body and even the hands. Such a disguise was
apparently not always worn, for in the great majority of cases there is no
record of the Devil's temperature except in the sexual rites, and even then
the witch could not always say whether the touch of the Devil was warm or
not. In 1565 the Belgian witch, Digna Robert, said the devil 'etait froid
dans tous ses membres'.[169] In 1590, at North Berwick, 'he caused all the
company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they said was cauld lyk yce; his
body was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him'.[170] In 1598
Pierre Burgot, whose statement is quoted by several authors, 'a confesse,
que le Diable luy donna a baiser sa main senestre, qui estoit noire, comme
morte, & toute froide'.[171] In 1609, in the Basses-Pyrenees, Isaac de
Queyran, aged 25, said that he and others 'le baiserent a vne fesse qui
estoit blanche & rouge, & auoit la forme d'vne grande cuisse d'vn homme, &
estoit velue'.[172] This shows the ritual disguise of the person and
suggests the use of an animal's hide with the hair still attached. In 1645
the Essex witch Rebecca West said 'he kissed her, but was as cold as
clay'.[173] At Salisbury in 1653, when the witch Anne Bodenham persuaded
Anne Styles to join the community, 'then appeared two Spirits in the
likenesse of great Boyes, with long shagged black hair, and stood by her
looking over her shoulder, and the Witch took the Maids forefinger of her
right hand, and pricked it with a pin, and squeezed out the blood and put
it into a Pen, and put the Pen in the Maids hand, and held her hand to
write in a great book, and one of the Spirits laid his hand or Claw upon
the Witches whilest the Maid wrote; and the Spirits hand did feel cold to
the Maid as it touched her hand, when the witches hand and hers were
together writing'.[174] At Forfar in 1661 three of the witches agreed as to
the coldness of the Devil; 'Elspet Alexander confesses that the divill
kissed hir selfe that night and that it was ane cold kisse; Katheren Porter
confesseth that the divill tooke hir by the hand, that his hand was cold;
Isobell Smith confessed that he kissed hir and his mouth and breath were
cold.'[175] In 1662 the Crook of Devon witches were also in accord. Isabel
Rutherford 'confesst that ye was at ane meeting at Turfhills, where Sathan
took you by the hand and said "welcome, Isabel", and said that his hand was
cold.--Margaret Litster confessed that Sathan took you be the hand and
stayed the space of half an hour, Sathan having grey clothes and his hand
cold.--Janet Paton confessed that Sathan asked you gif ye would be his
servant, whilk ye did, and Sathan took you be the hand, and ye said that
his hand was cold.' On the other hand Agnes Murie 'knew not whether his
body was hot or cold'.[176] According to Isobel Gowdie at Auldearne in
1662, 'he was a meikle blak roch man, werie cold';[177] at Torryburn,
Lilias Adie found his skin was cold;[178] and the Crighton witches in 1678
said, 'he was cold, and his breath was like a damp air'.[179] In 1697
little Thomas Lindsay declared that 'Jean Fulton his Grand-mother awaked
him one Night out of his Bed, and caused him take a Black Grimm Gentleman
(as she called him) by the Hand; which he felt to be cold'.[180]
The evidence as to the forms assumed by the Devil is tabulated here under
each animal, each section being arranged in chronological order.
1. _Bull._--In 1593 at Angers 'Michel des Rousseaux, age de 50 ans, dict
que ledict homme noir appelle Iupin se transforma aussitost en Bouc ... et
apres leur auoir baille des boueetes de poudre, il se trasforma en
Bouuard'.[181] At Aberdeen in 1597 Marion Grant confessed that 'the Devill
apperit to the, sumtyme in the scheap of a beist, and sumtyme in the scheap
of a man'. Jonet Lucas of the same Coven said that the Devil was with them,
'beand in likenes of ane beist'. Agnes Wobster, also of the same Coven,
acknowledged that 'thaireftir Satan apperit to the in the likenes of a
calff, and spak to the in manner forsaid, and baid the be a gude servand to
him'.[182] In 1608 Gabriel Pelle confessed that he went with a friend to
the Sabbath, where 'le Diable estoit en vache noire, & que cette vache
noire luy fit renoncer Dieu'.[183] De Lancre says that at Tournelle the
Devil appeared 'parfois comme vn grand B[oe]uf d'airain couche a terre,
comme vn B[oe]uf naturel qui se repose'.[184] At Lille in 1661 the witches
'adored a beast with which they committed infamous things'.[185] According
to Isobel Gowdie in 1662, the Devil of Auldearne changed his form, or
disguise, continually, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a
rae, or a dowg'.[186] [In the above, I have taken the word 'beast' in its
usual meaning as an animal of the cattle tribe, but it is quite possible
that the Lille beast, _beste_ in the original, may have been a goat and not
a bull. This seems likely from the fact that the sacrifice was by fire as
in the other places where the Devil used the goat-disguise.]
2. _Cat._--The earliest example of the cat-disguise is in the trial of the
Guernsey witches in 1563, when Martin Tulouff confessed:
'[*q] il y a viron ung quartier d'an passez [*q] il soy trouva
auvec[*q]s la Vieillesse aultrem[~e]t dit Collenette Gascoing, en la
rue de la fosse au Coully, la ou l y avoet chinq ou vi chatz, d'ou il
y en avoet ung qui estoet noir, qui menoit la dance, et danssoient et
luy dyst lad^te Collenette, [*q] il besait led^t Chat et d^t [*q] il
estoet sur ses pieds plat, et que ladite Collenette le besa [*p] de
derriere, et luy [*p] la crysse, et [*q] fracoize Lenouff sa mere y
estoet et Collette Salmon fae de Collas du port, laqlle alloet devat
et s'agenouillerent to^s devat le Chat et l'adorer[~e]t en luy baillat
le^r foy, et luy dist ladite Vieillesse [*q] ledit Chat estoet le
diable.'[187]
Francoise Secretain, in 1598, saw the Devil 'tantost en forme de chat'.
Rolande de Vernois said, 'Le Diable se presenta pour lors au Sabbat en
forme d'vn groz chat noir.'[188] In 1652 another French witch confessed
that 'il entra dans sa chambre en forme d'ung chat et se changea en la
posture d'un home vestu de rouge', who took her to the Sabbath.[189] Both
the Devonshire witches, Mary Trembles and Susanna Edwards, in 1682, stated
that they saw him as a lion, by which they possibly meant a large cat.[190]
In this connexion it is worth noting that in Lapland as late as 1767 the
devil appeared 'in the likeness of a cat, handling them from their feet to
their mouth, and counting their teeth'.[191]
3. _Dog._--At Chelmsford in 1556 Joan Waterhouse 'dydde as she had seene
her mother doe, callynge Sathan, whiche came to her (as she sayd) in the
lykenes of a great dogge'.[192] In 1616 Barthelemy Minguet of Brecy was
tried for witchcraft. 'Enquis, comme il a aduis quand le Sabbat se doit
tenir. Respond, que c'est le Diable qui luy vient dire estant en forme de
chien noir, faict comme vn barbet, parle a luy en ceste forme. Enquis, en
quelle forme se met le Diable estant au Sabbat. Respond, qu'il ne l'a
iamais veu autrement qu'en forme de barbet noir. Enquis, quelles ceremonies
ils obseruent estant au Sabbat. Respond, que le Diable estant en forme de
barbet noir (comme dessus est dit) se met tout droit sur les pattes de
derriere, les preche'.[193] etc. In Guernsey in 1617 Isabel Becquet went to
Rocquaine Castle, 'the usual place where the Devil kept his Sabbath; no
sooner had she arrived there than the Devil came to her in the form of a
dog, with two great horns sticking up: and with one of his paws (which
seemed to her like hands) took her by the hand: and calling her by her name
told her that she was welcome: then immediately the Devil made her kneel
down: while he himself stood up on his hind legs; he then made her express
detestation of the Eternal in these words: _I renounce God the Father, God
the Son, and God the Holy Ghost_; and then caused her to worship and invoke
himself.'[194] Barton's wife, about 1655, stated that 'one Night going to a
dancing upon Pentland-hills, he went before us in the likeness of a rough
tanny-Dog, playing on a pair of Pipes, and his tail played ey wig wag wig
wag'.[195] In 1658 an Alloa witch named Jonet Blak declared that he
appeared to her first as 'a dog with a sowis head'.[196] In 1661 Jonet
Watson of Dalkeith said that 'the Deivill apeired vnto her, in the liknes
of ane prettie boy, in grein clothes, and went away from her in the liknes
of ane blak doug'.[197] According to Marie Lamont of Innerkip in 1662, 'the
devill in the likeness of a brown dog' helped to raise a storm.[198]
Margaret Hamilton, widow of James Pullwart of Borrowstowness in 1679, was
accused that she met 'the devil in the likeness of a man, but he removed
from you in the likeness of an black dog'.[199] The Highland witches in
the eighteenth century saw the devil as a dog; he was 'a large black ugly
tyke', to whom the witches made obeisance; the dog acknowledged the homage
'by bowing, grinning, and clapping his paws'.[200] In the case of the
dog-disguise, there is again a similarity with Lapp beliefs and customs,
the appearance of the Devil as a dog being not uncommon in Lapland.[201]
4. _Goat._--An interesting point as regards this form of disguise is that
it does not occur in Great Britain, nor have I found it so far in Belgium.
It prevailed chiefly in France, from which all my examples are taken. At
Poictiers in 1574 'trois Sorciers & vne Sorciere declarent qu'ils estoyent
trois fois l'an, a l'assemblee generale, ou plusieurs Sorciers se
trouuoyent pres d'vne croix d'vn carrefour, qui seruoit d'enseigne. Et la
se trouuoit vn grand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux
assistans, & dansoyent a l'entour du bouc.'[202] At Avignon in 1581 'when
hee comes to be adored, he appeareth not in a humane forme, but as the
Witches themselues haue deposed, as soone as they are agreed of the time
that he is to mount vpon the altar (which is some rock or great stone in
the fields) there to bee worshipped by them, hee instantly turneth himselfe
into the forme of a great black Goate, although in all other occasions hee
vseth to appeare in the shape of a man.[203] In Lorraine in 1589 the Devil
'sich in einen zottelichten Bock verwandelt hat, und viel staerker reucht
und uebeler stinckt als immer ein Bock im Anfang des Fruehlings thun
mag'.[204] In Puy de Dome in 1594 Jane Bosdeau's lover took her to a
meeting, and 'there appeared a great Black Goat with a Candle between his
Horns'.[205] In 1598 'Satan apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se
consume en feu'.[206] In the Basses-Pyrenees in 1609:
'le Diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn
visage d'homme noir, & n'a parole par ce visage de derriere.--Marie
d'Aguerre dit qu'il y a vne grande cruche au milieu du Sabbat, d'ou
sort le Diable en forme de bouc.--D'autres disent qu'il est comme vn
grand bouc, ayant deux cornes devant & deux en derriere; que celles de
devant se rebrassent en haut comme la perruque d'vne femme. Mais le
commun est qu'il a seulement trois cornes, & qu'il a quelque espece de
lumiere en celle du milieu. On luy voit aussi quelque espece de bonet
ou chapeau au dessus de ces cornes. On a obserue de tout temps que
lorsqu'il veut receuoir quelcun a faire pacte auec luy, il se presente
tousiours en homme, pour ne l'effaroucher ou effraier: car faire pacte
auec vn Bouc ouuertement, tiendroit plus de la beste que de la
creature raisonnable. Mais le pacte faict, lors qu'il veut receuoir
quelqu'vn a l'adoration, communem[~e]t il se represente en Bouc.'[207]
Silvain Nevillon confessed at Orleans in 1614 'qu'il a veu le Diable en
plusieurs facons, tantost comme vn bouc, ayant vn visage deuant & vn autre
derriere'.[208]
5. _Horse._--I give here only the references to the Devil when actually
disguised as a horse, but there are a very great number of cases where he
appeared riding on a horse. These cases are so numerous as to suggest that
the horse was part of the ritual, especially as the riding Devil usually
occurs in places where an animal disguise was not used, e.g. in 1598, in
Aberdeen, where Andro Man 'confessis that Crystsunday rydis all the tyme
that he is in thair cumpanie'.[209] The actual disguise as a horse is not
common. Elizabeth Stile of Windsor in 1579 'confesseth, her self often
tymes to haue gon to Father Rosimond house where she found hym sittyng in a
Wood, not farre from thence, vnder the bodie of a Tree, sometymes in the
shape of an Ape, and otherwhiles like an Horse'.[210] Helen Guthrie in 1661
stated that when the Forfar witches were trying to sink a ship, 'the divell
wes there present with them all, in the shape of ane great horse. They
returned all in the same liknes as of befor, except that the divell wes in
the shape of a man.'[211] Mary Lacey of Salem in 1692 said that he
appeared in the shape of a horse. 'I was in bed and the devil came to me
and bid me obey him.'[212]
6. _Sheep._--The sheep-disguise, which is perhaps a form of the goat, is
usually found in France only. In 1453 'Guillaume Edeline, docteur en
theologie, prieur de S. Germain en Laye, et auparavant Augustin, et
religieux de certaines aultres ordres ... confessa, de sa bonne et franche
voulonte, avoir fait hommage audit ennemy en l'espece et semblance d'ung
mouton'.[213] Iaquema Paget and Antoine Gandillon in 1598 said that 'il
prenoit la figure d'vn mouton noir, portant des cornes'.[214] In 1614 at
Orleans Silvain Nevillon was induced to reveal all he knew; 'dit qu'il a
veu le Diable en plusieurs facons, tantost comme vn bouc, ores comme vn
gros mouton'.[215]
The rarer animal disguises are the deer and the bear. Of these the deer is
found at Aberdeen in 1597, Andro Man 'confessis and affermis, thow saw
Christsonday cum owt of the snaw in liknes of a staig';[216] at Auldearne
in 1662, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a rae, or a
dowg';[217] at Hartford, Connecticut, 1662, Rebecca Greensmith said that
'the devil first appeared to her in the form of a deer or fawn'.[218] The
bear is still rarer, as I have found it only twice--once in Lorraine, and
once in Lancashire. In 1589 'es haben die Geister auch etwann Lust sich in
Gestalt eines Baeren zu erzeigen'.[219] In 1613 Anne Chattox declared that
the Devil 'came vpon this Examinate in the night time: and at diuerse and
sundry times in the likenesse of a Beare, gaping as though he would haue
wearied [worried] this Examinate. And the last time of all shee, this
Examinate, saw him, was vpon Thursday last yeare but one, next before
Midsummer day, in the euening, like a Beare, and this Examinate would not
then speake vnto him, for the which the said Deuill pulled this Examinate
downe.'[220]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 27: Danaeus, E 1, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 28: Gaule, p. 62.]
[Footnote 29: Cannaert, p. 45.]
[Footnote 30: _Spalding Club Miscellany_, i, pp. 171, 172.]
[Footnote 31: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 398, 399.]
[Footnote 32: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 801.]
[Footnote 33: Baines, i, p. 607 note. For the name Mamillion see Layamon's
_Brut_, p. 155, Everyman Library.]
[Footnote 34: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 222.--Hale, p. 37.]
[Footnote 35: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 605, 607, 613.]
[Footnote 36: Hale, p. 58.]
[Footnote 37: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 193.]
[Footnote 38: Fountainhall, i. 15.]
[Footnote 39: Howell, vi, 660.--J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.]
[Footnote 40: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 9, 10.]
[Footnote 41: Boguet, p. 54.]
[Footnote 42: _Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer_, C 4, rev.]
[Footnote 43: _County Folklore_, iii, Orkney, pp. 103, 107-8.]
[Footnote 44: Stearne, pp. 28, 38]
[Footnote 45: _Highland Papers_, iii, pp. 16, 17.]
[Footnote 46: It is possible that the shoe was cleft like the modern
'hygienic' shoe. Such a shoe is described in the ballad of the _Cobler of
Canterbury_, date 1608, as part of a woman's costume:
'Her sleeves blue, her traine behind,
With silver hookes was tucked, I find;
Her shoes broad, and forked before.'
]
[Footnote 47: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 48: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 69.]
[Footnote 49: Cooper, _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 2.]
[Footnote 50: Burns Begg, p. 217.]
[Footnote 51: _Examination of John Walsh._]
[Footnote 52: Potts, D 3, B 2.]
[Footnote 53: Baines, i, p. 607 note.]
[Footnote 54: Hale, p. 46.]
[Footnote 55: Howell, iv, 833, 836, 840, 854-5.]
[Footnote 56: Stearne, p. 13.--Davenport, p. 13.]
[Footnote 57: Stearne, pp. 22, 29, 30.]
[Footnote 58: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 147, 149, 156, 161-5.]
[Footnote 59: Hale, p. 58.]
[Footnote 60: Petto, p. 18.]
[Footnote 61: Denham Tracts, ii, p. 301.]
[Footnote 62: Howell, viii, 1035.]
[Footnote 63: _Elinor Shaw and Mary Phillips_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 64: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 51-6.]
[Footnote 65: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 162.]
[Footnote 66: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6, 239. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 67: Melville, pp. 395-6.]
[Footnote 68: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 210.]
[Footnote 69: _Spalding Club Miscellany_, i, pp. 124, 127, 164, 172.]
[Footnote 70: Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.]
[Footnote 71: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 103. Orkney.]
[Footnote 72: From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court,
Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 73: _Spottiswode Miscellany_, ii, p. 65.]
[Footnote 74: Pitcairn, iii, p. 599.]
[Footnote 75: Sinclair, p. 122.]
[Footnote 76: Id., p. 47.]
[Footnote 77: Arnot, p. 358.]
[Footnote 78: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50, 51.]
[Footnote 79: Kinloch, pp. 114, 128, 132.]
[Footnote 80: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 81: From the records in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 82: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]
[Footnote 83: Burns Begg, pp. 221-39.]
[Footnote 84: Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.]
[Footnote 85: _Hogers_, a coarse stocking without the foot.]
[Footnote 86: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 291-5, 297.]
[Footnote 87: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]
[Footnote 88: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, pp.
xxxix-xli--_Sadd. Debell._, pp. 38-40.]
[Footnote 89: _A true and full Relation of the Witches of Pittenweem_, p.
10.--Sinclair, p. lxxxix.]
[Footnote 90: Sharpe, p. 191.]
[Footnote 91: _Camden Society_, Lady Alice Kyteler, p. 3.]
[Footnote 92: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 687.]
[Footnote 93: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 94: Bodin, p. 226.]
[Footnote 95: Boguet, pp. 8, 96.]
[Footnote 96: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 130.]
[Footnote 97: Id., _L'Incredulite_, pp. 799, 800. The second Devil is
called Tramesabot on p. 802.]
[Footnote 98: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215. Neither the
witches' names nor the place are given.]
[Footnote 99: Cannaert, pp. 44, 53-4, 60.]
[Footnote 100: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]
[Footnote 101: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]
[Footnote 102: Taylor, pp. 81, 118.]
[Footnote 103: Green, pp. 9, 14.]
[Footnote 104: Howell, vi, 660, 664; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 31, 37.]
[Footnote 105: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 51.]
[Footnote 106: Melville, p. 395.]
[Footnote 107: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 108: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 127.]
[Footnote 109: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 68.]
[Footnote 110: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50, 51.]
[Footnote 111: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 112: Burns Begg, pp. 221, 223, 234, 235, 239.]
[Footnote 113: Taylor, p. 81.]
[Footnote 114: Cannaert, p. 60.]
[Footnote 115: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.]
[Footnote 116: Chambers, iii, p. 298.]
[Footnote 117: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 316.]
[Footnote 118: Sinclair, p. lxxxix.]
[Footnote 119: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 56.]
[Footnote 120: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 163.]
[Footnote 121: _Spalding Club Misc._, pp. 119-21.]
[Footnote 122: Id., i, p. 171.]
[Footnote 123: Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.]
[Footnote 124: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 36.]
[Footnote 125: Id., _Tableau_, p. 401.]
[Footnote 126: Potts, B 4.]
[Footnote 127: _Wonderful Discovery of Margaret and Phillip Flower_, p.
117.]
[Footnote 128: Sinclair, p. 160.]
[Footnote 129: Kinloch, p. 144.]
[Footnote 130: Law, p. 27 note.]
[Footnote 131: Cotton Mather, p. 159.]
[Footnote 132: _Rehearsall both straung and true_, par. 24.]
[Footnote 133: _Calendar of State Papers._ Domestic, 1584, p. 220.]
[Footnote 134: Stearne, p. 45.]
[Footnote 135: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 11.]
[Footnote 136: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 161-4.]
[Footnote 137: Id., ii, pp. 26-7.]
[Footnote 138: Hibbert, p. 578.]
[Footnote 139: Sinclair, p. 48.]
[Footnote 140: From the record in the Justiciary Office, Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 141: Chambers, iii, p. 299.]
[Footnote 142: Ravaisson, 1679, pp. 334-6.]
[Footnote 143: Mather, pp. 120, 125; J. Hutchinson, _History_, ii, pp. 37
seq.]
[Footnote 144: Boguet, p. 125.]
[Footnote 145: _Lawes against Witches and Conivration_, p. 7.]
[Footnote 146: Wilson, ii, p. 158.]
[Footnote 147: The trials are published by Pitcairn, i, pt. ii.]
[Footnote 148: There were present on this occasion thirty-nine persons, or
three Covens. See chap. vii on the Organization.]
[Footnote 149: _Bannatyne Club_, Melville, _Memoirs_, p. 395. The
sycophantic Melville adds; 'And certanly he is a man of God, and dois na
wrang wittingly, bot is inclynit to all godlynes, justice and virtu;
therfore God hes preserued him in the midis of many dangers.']
[Footnote 150: _Reg. Mag. Sig. Scot._, No. 565, Feb. 7, 1550/1.]
[Footnote 151: _Newes from Scotland._ Quoted in Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp.
213-23.]
[Footnote 152: It is perhaps significant that the confession of John Fian,
and the trials of both Barbara Napier and of Bothwell himself for
witchcraft, have disappeared from the Justiciary Records.]
[Footnote 153: Burton, v, p. 283.]
[Footnote 154: Sandys, p. 250.]
[Footnote 155: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 176, 177.]
[Footnote 156: Quibell, pl. xxviii. The palette itself is now in the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.]
[Footnote 157: Remigius, pt. i, p. 38.]
[Footnote 158: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 159: Melville, p. 395.]
[Footnote 160: Boguet, p. 56.]
[Footnote 161: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 73, 126.]
[Footnote 162: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 225, 398.]
[Footnote 163: Id., _L'Incredulite_, pp. 799-801.]
[Footnote 164: Stearne, p. 13.]
[Footnote 165: Id., p. 22.]
[Footnote 166: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.]
[Footnote 167: Petto, p. 18.]
[Footnote 168: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 294-5.]
[Footnote 169: Cannaert, p. 54.]
[Footnote 170: Melville, _Memoirs_, p. 395.]
[Footnote 171: Boguet, pp. 53-4.]
[Footnote 172: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 173: Howell, iv, 842.]
[Footnote 174: More, pp. 196-7.]
[Footnote 175: Kinloch, pp. 115, 129, 132.]
[Footnote 176: Burns Begg, pp. 219, 221, 228, 230.]
[Footnote 177: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]
[Footnote 178: Chambers, iii, 298.]
[Footnote 179: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]
[Footnote 180: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xli;
_Sadd. Debell._, p. 40.]
[Footnote 181: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 769.]
[Footnote 182: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 129.]
[Footnote 183: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 794.]
[Footnote 184: Id., _Tableau_, p. 68.]
[Footnote 185: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87; Hale, p. 26.]
[Footnote 186: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]
[Footnote 187: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]
[Footnote 188: Boguet, pp. 8, 70, 411.]
[Footnote 189: _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215.]
[Footnote 190: Howell, viii, 1034, 1036.]
[Footnote 191: Pinkerton, i, p. 473.]
[Footnote 192: _Witches of Chelmsford_, p. 34; Philobiblon Soc., viii.]
[Footnote 193: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 805.]
[Footnote 194: Goldsmid, p. 12.]
[Footnote 195: Sinclair, p. 163.]
[Footnote 196: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, 51.]
[Footnote 197: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 198: Sharpe, p. 132.]
[Footnote 199: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 201. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 200: Stewart, p. 175. The whole account is marred by the would-be
comic style adopted by the author.]
[Footnote 201: Pinkerton, i, p. 473.]
[Footnote 202: Bodin, p. 187.]
[Footnote 203: Michaelis, _Discourse_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 204: Remigius, pt. i, p. 90.]
[Footnote 205: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 206: Boguet, p. 141.]
[Footnote 207: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 67, 68, 69, 126.]
[Footnote 208: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 800.]
[Footnote 209: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 125. Cp. Elworthy on the
Hobby-horse as the Devil, _Horns of Honour_, p. 140.]
[Footnote 210: _Rehearsall both Straung and True_, par. 24.]
[Footnote 211: Kinloch, pp. 122-3.]
[Footnote 212: Howell, vi, 663-4; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 36-7.]
[Footnote 213: Chartier, iii, 44-5.]
[Footnote 214: Boguet, p. 70.]
[Footnote 215: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 800.]
[Footnote 216: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 121.]
[Footnote 217: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]
[Footnote 218: Taylor, p. 98.]
[Footnote 219: Remigius, p. 98.]
[Footnote 220: Potts, E 3.]
III. ADMISSION CEREMONIES
1. _General_
In the ceremonies for admission, as in all the other ceremonies of the
cult, the essentials are the same in every community and country, though
the details differ. The two points which are the essence of the ceremony
are invariable: the first, that the candidates must join of their own free
will and without compulsion; the second, that they devote themselves, body
and soul, to the Master and his service.
The ceremonies of admission differed also according to whether the
candidate were a child or an adult. The most complete record of the
admission of children comes from the Basses-Pyrenees in 1609:
'Les Sorcieres luy offr[~e]t des petits enfans le genoueil en terre,
lui disant auec vne soubmission, _Grand seigneur, lequel i'adore, ie
vous ameine ce nouueau seruiteur, lequel veut estre perpetuellement
vostre esclaue_: Et le Diable en signe de remerciement & gratification
leur respond, _Approchez vous de moy_: a quoy obeissant, elles en se
trainant a genouil, le luy presentent, & luy receuant l'enfant entre
ses bras, le rend a la Sorciere, la remercie, & puis luy recommande
d'en auoir soing, leur disant par ce moyen sa troupe s'augmentera. Que
si les enfans ayans attainct l'aage de neuf ans, par malheur se voueent
au Diable sans estre forcez ny violentez d'aucun Sorcier, ils se
prosternent par terre deuant Satan: lequel iettant du feu par les
yeux, leur dit, Que demandez vous, voulez vous estre a moy? ils
respondent qu'ouy, il leur dict, Venez vous de vostre bonne volonte?
ils respondent qu'ouy, Faictes donc ce que ie veux, & ce que ie fay.
Et alors la grande maistresse & Royne du Sabbat qui leur sert de
pedagogue, dict a ce nouueau qui se presente, qu'il die a haute voix,
_Ie renie Dieu premierement, puis Iesus Christ son Fils, le S. Esprit,
la vierge, les Saincts, la Saincte Croix, le Chresme, le Baptesme, &
la Foy que ie tiens, mes Parrain & Marraine, & me remets de tout
poinct en ton pouuoir & entre tes mains, ne recognois autre Dieu: si
bien que tu es mon Dieu & ie suis ton esclaue_. Apres on luy baille vn
crapaud habille auec son capot ou manteau, puis il commande qu'on
l'adore; si bien qu'obeyssans & estants mis a genouil, ils baisent le
Diable aupres de l'[oe]il gauche, a la poitrine, a la fesse, a la
cuisse, & aux parties honteuses, puis leuant la queue ils luy baisent
le derriere.'[221]
The novice was then marked by a scratch from a sharp instrument, but was
not admitted to the 'high mysteries' till about the age of twenty.[222] As
no further ceremonies are mentioned, it may be concluded that the
initiation into these mysteries was performed by degrees and without any
special rites.
At Lille, about the middle of the seventeenth century, Madame Bourignon
founded a home for girls of the lowest classes, 'pauvres et mal-originees,
la plus part si ignorantes au fait de leur salut qu'elles vivoient comme
des betes'.[223] After a few years, in 1661, she discovered that thirty-two
of these girls were worshippers of the Devil, and in the habit of going to
the Witches' Sabbaths. They 'had all contracted this Mischief before they
came into the House'.[224] One of these girls named Bellot, aged fifteen,
said 'that her Mother had taken her with her when she was very Young, and
had even carried her in her Arms to the Witches Sabbaths'.[225] Another
girl of twelve had been in the habit of going to the Sabbath since she also
was 'very Young'. As the girls seem to have been genuinely fond of Madame
Bourignon, she obtained a considerable amount of information from them.
They told her that all worshippers of the Devil 'are constrained to offer
him their Children. When a child thus offered to the Devil by its Parents,
comes to the use of Reason, the Devil then demands its Soul, and makes it
deny God and renounce Baptism, and all relating to the Faith, promising
Homage and Fealty to the Devil in manner of a Marriage, and instead of a
Ring, the Devil gives them a Mark with an iron awl [aleine de fer] in some
part of the Body.'[226]
It is also clear that Marguerite Montvoisin[227] in Paris had been
instructed in witchcraft from an early age; but as the trial in which she
figures was for the attempted poisoning of the king and not for witchcraft,
no ceremonies of initiation or admission are recorded.
In Great Britain the ceremonies for the reception of children are not given
in any detail, though it was generally acknowledged that the witches
dedicated their children to the Devil as soon as born; and from the
evidence it appears that in many cases the witches had belonged to that
religion all their lives. It was sometimes sufficient evidence against a
woman that her mother had been a witch,[228] as it presupposed that she had
been brought up as a worshipper of the Devil.
The Anderson children in Renfrewshire were all admitted to the society at
an early age.[229] Elizabeth Anderson was only seven when she was first
asked to swear fealty to the 'black grim Man.' James Lindsay was under
fourteen, and his little brother Thomas was still 'below pupillarity' at
the time of the trial, where he declared that he had been bribed, by the
promise of a red coat, to serve 'the Gentleman, whom he knew thereafter to
be the Devil'.[230] At Forfar in 1661, Jonet Howat was so young that when
Isabel Syrie 'presented hir to the divell, the divell said, What shall I do
with such a little bairn as she?' He accepted her, however, and she was
evidently the pet of the community, the Devil calling her 'his bonny
bird'.[231] At Paisley, Annabil Stuart was fourteen when, at her mother's
persuasion, she took the vows of fidelity to the Devil.[232]
Elizabeth Frances at Chelmsford (tried in 1556) was about twelve years old
when her grandmother first taught her the art of witchcraft.[233] Elizabeth
Demdike, the famous Lancashire witch, 'brought vp her owne Children,
instructed her Graund-children, and tooke great care and paines to bring
them to be Witches'.[234] One of her granddaughters, Jennet Device, was
aged nine at the time of the trial.
In Sweden the children were taken regularly to the assemblies,[235] and in
America[236] also a child-witch is recorded in the person of Sarah Carrier,
aged eight, who had made her vows two years before at her mother's
instigation.
The ceremony for the admission of adults who were converts to the witch
religion from Christianity follow certain main lines. These are (1) the
free consent of the candidate, (2) the explicit denial and rejection of a
previous religion, (3) the absolute and entire dedication of body and soul
to the service and commands of the new Master and God.
The ceremonies being more startling and dramatic for adults than for
children, they are recorded in Great Britain with the same careful detail
as in France, and it is possible to trace the local variations; although in
England, as is usual, the ceremonies had lost their significance to a far
greater extent than in Scotland, and are described more shortly, probably
because they were more curtailed.
The legal aspect of the admission ceremonies is well expressed by Sir
George Mackenzie, writing in 1699 on the Scotch laws relating to witchcraft
in the seventeenth century:
'As to the relevancy of this Crime, the first Article useth to be
_paction_ to serve the Devil, which is certainly relevant, _per se_,
without any addition.... Paction with the Devil is divided by Lawyers,
in _expressum_, _& tacitum_, an express and tacit Paction. Express
Paction is performed either by a formal Promise given to the Devil
then present, or by presenting a Supplication to him, or by giving the
promise to a Proxie or Commissioner impowered by the Devil for that
effect, which is used by some who dare not see himself. The _Formula_
set down by _Delrio_, is, _I deny God Creator of Heaven and Earth, and
I adhere to thee, and believe in thee_. But by the Journal Books it
appears, that the ordinary Form of express Paction confest by our
Witness, is a simple Promise to serve him. Tacit Paction is either
when a person who hath made no express Paction, useth the Words or
Signs which Sorcerers use, knowing them to be such.... Renouncing of
Baptism is by _Delrio_ made an effect of Paction, yet with us it is
relevant, _per se_ ... and the Solemnity confest by our Witches, is
the putting one hand to the crown of the Head, and another to the
sole of the Foot, renouncing their Baptism in that posture. _Delrio_
tells us, that the Devil useth to Baptize them of new, and to wipe off
their Brow the old Baptism: And our Witches confess always the giving
them new Names.... The Devil's Mark useth to be a great Article with
us, but it is not _per se_ found relevant, except it be confest by
them, that they got that Mark with their own consent; _quo casu_, it
is equivalent to a Paction. This Mark is given them, as is alledg'd,
by a Nip in any part of the body, and it is blew.'[237]
Reginald Scot,[238] writing considerably earlier, gives a somewhat similar
account of the English witches, though couched in less legal phraseology:
'The order of their bargaine or profession is double; the one solemne
and publike; the other secret and priuate. That which is called
solemne or publike, is where witches come togither at certeine
assemblies, at the times prefixed, and doo not onelie see the diuell
in visible forme; but confer and talke familiarlie with him. In which
conference the diuell exhorteth them to obserue their fidelitie vnto
him, promising them long life and prosperitie. Then the witches
assembled, commend a new disciple (whom they call a nouice) vnto him:
and if the diuell find that yoong witch apt and forward in
renunciation of christian faith, in despising anie of the seuen
sacraments, in treading upon crosses, in spetting at the time of
eleuation, in breaking their fast on fasting daies, and fasting on
sundaies; then the diuell giueth foorth his hand, and the nouice
joining hand in hand with him, promiseth to obserue and keepe all the
diuell's commandements. This done, the diuell beginneth to be more
bold with hir, telling hir plainlie that all this will not serue his
turne; and therefore requireth homage at hir hands: yea, he also
telleth hir, that she must grant him both hir bodie and soule to be
tormented in euerlasting fire: which she yeeldeth vnto. Then he
chargeth hir, to procure as manie men, women, and children also, as
she can, to enter into this societie.... Sometimes their homage with
their oth and bargaine is receiued for a certeine terme of yeares;
sometimes for euer. Sometimes it consisteth in the deniall of the
whole faith, sometimes in part. The first is, when the soule is
absolutelie yeelded to the diuell and hell-fier: the other is, when
they haue but bargained not to obserue certeine ceremonies and
statutes of the church; as to conceale faults at shrift, to fast on
sundaies, etc. And this is doone either by oth, protestation of words,
or by obligation in writing, sometimes sealed with wax, sometimes
signed with bloud.'
Forbes says that
'an express Covenant is entred into betwixt a Witch, and the Devil
appearing in some visible Shape. Whereby the former renounceth God and
his Baptism, engages to serve the Devil, and do all the Mischief he
can as Occasion offers, and leaves Soul and Body to his Disposal after
Death. The Devil on his part articles with such Proselytes, concerning
the Shape he is to appear to them in, the Services they are to expect
from him, upon the Performance of certain Charms or ceremonious Rites.
This League is made verbally, if the Party cannot write. And such as
can write, sign a written Covenant with their Blood.'[239]
The general order of the ceremony of admission can be gathered from the
evidence given at the trials, though no one trial gives the order in its
entirety. The ceremony might take place privately, at a local meeting, or
in full Sabbath; it was the same for either sex, except that the men were
not usually introduced, the women were sometimes introduced, sometimes not.
If there were any sort of introduction, it was by some one who was
acquainted with the candidate; usually the person who had induced her to
join. She was brought before the Devil, who asked her if she would be his
faithful servant, and if she would renounce her previous religion, and
dedicate herself to his service, taking him as her God. After the
renunciation and vows, the Devil baptized her in his own great name, and
among the Scotch witches gave her a new name by which she was known
afterwards at the Sabbaths and other meetings. The ceremony concluded by
giving the witch a mark or 'flesh-brand' on some part of the body.
2. _The Introduction_
It is not clear whether the introduction of a candidate by a member of the
society was an early or a late detail. It is quite possible that it was
early, the introducer standing in the same relation to the candidate as the
Christian sponsors stand to a candidate for baptism. On the other hand, it
is quite comprehensible that, when the witch religion became an object of
persecution, no new member could be admitted unless vouched for by some
trustworthy person. In the cases where the first meetings with the Devil
are recorded, both systems are apparently in vogue. Occasionally, however,
the accounts show a confusion on the part of the recorder. Thus Anne
Chattox said that Mother Demdike introduced her to the Devil in Mother
Demdike's own house, and that she there yielded her soul to him; and in
another place she is reported as saying that 'a thing like a Christian man,
for foure yeares togeather, did sundry times come to this Examinate, and
requested this Examinate to giue him her Soule: And in the end, this
Examinate was contented to giue him her sayd Soule, shee being then in her
owne house, in the Forrest of Pendle.'[240] The two statements are not
inconsistent if we conclude that in her own house she consented to join the
society, and in Mother Demdike's presence she took the vows. As a rule the
men seem to have joined at the direct invitation of the Devil himself,
especially when they came of witch families.
3. _The Renunciation and Vows_
The renunciation of previous errors of faith and the vows of fidelity to
the new belief are part of the ceremony of admission of any convert to a
new religion. The renunciation by the witches was explicit, but the records
are apt to pass it over in a few words, e.g. 'I denied my baptism,' 'I
forsook God and Christ,' 'Ils renient Dieu, la Vierge, et le reste,' 'Vne
renonciation expresse a Iesu-Christ & a la foy'; but occasionally the words
are given in full. Mackenzie, quoting from Del Rio, gives the formula thus:
'I deny God Creator of Heaven and Earth, and I adhere to thee, and believe
in thee.'[241] The actual formula is still extant in the case of the priest
Louis Gaufredy, tried before the Parliament of Aix in 1611:
'Ie Louys Gaufredy renonce a tous les biens tant spirituels que
corporels qui me pourroyent estre conferez de la part de Dieu, de la
vierge Marie & de tous les Saincts de Paradis, pareillement de mon
patron S. Iean Baptiste, S. Pierre, S. Paul, & S. Francois, & de me
donner de corps & d'ame a Lucifer icy present auec tous les biens que
ie feray a iamais: excepte la valeur du Sacrement pour le regard de
ceux qui le recevront: Et ainsi le signe et atteste.'[242]
Jeannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, said that she was made to 'renoncer &
renier son Createur, la saincte Vierge, les Saincts, le Baptesme, pere,
mere, parens, le ciel, la terre & tout ce qui est au monde'.[243] The
irrevocability of this renunciation was impressed upon the Swedish witches
in a very dramatic manner: 'The Devil gave them a Purse, wherein there were
shavings of Clocks with a Stone tied to it, which they threw into the
water, and then were forced to speak these words: _As these Shavings of the
Clock do never return to the Clock from which they are taken, so may my
Soul never return to Heaven._'[244]
The vows to the new God were as explicit as the renunciation of the old.
Danaeus says, 'He commaundeth them to forswere God theyr creator and all
his power, promising perpetually to obey and worship him, who there
standeth in their presence.'[245] The English witches merely took the vow
of fealty and obedience, devoting themselves body and soul to him;
sometimes only the soul, however, is mentioned: but the Scotch witches of
both sexes laid one hand on the crown of the head, the other on the sole of
the foot, and dedicated all that was between the two hands to the service
of the Master.[246] There is a slight variation of this ceremony at
Dalkeith in 1661, where the Devil laid his hand upon Jonet Watson's head,
'and bad her "give all ower to him that was vnder his hand", and shoe did
so'.[247]
In Southern France the candidates, after renouncing their old faith,
'prennent Satan pour leur pere et protecteur, & la Diablesse pour leur
mere'.[248] At Lille the children called the ceremony the Dedication,[249]
showing that the same rite obtained there.
4. _The Covenant_
The signing of a covenant does not occur in every case and was probably a
late introduction. Forbes, as quoted above, gives the contract between the
Devil and his follower, with the part which each engages to perform. In
Somerset the witches signed whether they could write or not, those who
could not write putting a cross or circle as their mark.[250]
The free consent of the candidate is a point always insisted on, and by the
confessions of the witches themselves the consent was often not merely
freely but actually willingly given. Isobel Crawford of the Irvine Coven in
1618 was accused that the devil 'come to hir awin dur in similitud of ane
blak man, and prommeist, gif sche wold be his servand, sche sould have geir
aneuch, and sould not want. Quhairunto sche was ever reddy to accord.'[251]
Little Jonet Howat said that the Devil 'bade her renounce her God, and she
answered, Marry, shall I'.[252] In the dittay against Christian Grieve, it
is stated that 'Sathan desired you to be his servant whilk ye willingly
granted to be.... And sicklike the minister posing you upon the foresaid
particulars especially anent the renunciation of your Baptism, ye answered
that Sathan speired at you if ye would do it and ye answered "I warrand did
I."'[253] Bessie Henderson and Janet Brugh, of the same Coven, acknowledged
the same. To the former 'the Devil appeared and asked you gif you would be
his servant whilk ye freely and instantly accepted and granted
thereto'.[254] Janet Brugh was rather more emphatic: 'Sathan desired you to
be his servant whilk ye willingly promised to be and likeways desired you
to renounce your baptism whilk ye willingly did.'[255]
The written contract appealed very strongly to the legal minds of the
judges and magistrates, and it is therefore often mentioned, but in Great
Britain there is no record of the actual wording of any individual
covenant; the Devil seems to have kept the parchment, paper, or book in his
own custody. In France, however, such contracts occasionally fell into the
hands of the authorities; the earliest case being in 1453, when Guillaume
Edeline, Prior of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed a compact with the Devil,
which compact was afterwards found upon his person.[256] The witch
Stevenote de Audebert, who was burnt in January 1619, showed de Lancre 'le
pacte & conuention qu'elle auoit faict auec le Diable, escrite en sang de
menstrues, & si horrible qu'on auoit horreur de la regarder'.[257]
The contract was said to be signed always in the blood of the witch, and
here we come to a confusion between the mark made _on_ the person and the
mark made _by_ the person. It seems clear that part of the ceremony of
initiation was the cutting of the skin of the candidate to the effusion of
blood. This is the early rite, and it seems probable that when the written
contract came into vogue the blood was found to be a convenient
writing-fluid, or was offered to the Devil in the form of a signature. This
signing of a book plays a great part in the New England trials.
The contract was usually for the term of the witch's life, but sometimes it
was for a term of years, the number of which varies considerably. As Scot
says, 'Sometimes their homage with their oth and bargaine is receiued for a
certeine terme of yeares; sometimes for ever.'[258] Popular belief assigns
seven years as the length of time, at the end of which period the Devil was
supposed to kill his votary. The tradition seems to be founded on fact, but
there is also a certain amount of evidence that the witch was at liberty to
discontinue or renew the contract at the end of the allotted term. Such a
renewal seems also to have been made on the appointment of a new Chief. In
France, England, and New England the term of years is mentioned; in
Scotland it is mentioned by the legal authorities, but from the fact that
it occurs seldom, if ever, in the trials it would seem that the contract of
the Scotch witches was for life.
Magdalene de la Croix, Abbess of a religious house in Cordova in 1545, made
a contract 'for the space of thirty years', she being then a girl of
twelve.[259] In Paris in 1571 'il y eut vn aduocat lequel confessa qu'il
auoit passe l'obligation au Diable renonceant a Dieu, & icelle signee de
son propre sang. Encores s'est il verifie par plusieurs procez, que
l'obligation reciproque entre le diable, & le sorcier, contient
quelquesfois le terme d'vn an, deux ans, ou autre temps.'[260] At Faversham
in 1645 Joan Williford said 'that the Devil promised to be her servant
about twenty yeeres, and that the time is now almost expired'.[261] In
Huntingdonshire in 1646 Elizabeth Weed of Great Catworth confessed that
'the Devill then offer'd her, that hee would doe what mischiefe she should
require him; and said she must covenant with him that he must have her
soule at the end of one and twenty years, which she granted'.[262] In 1652
Giles Fenderlin of Leaven Heath was tried for that when he was a soldier at
Bell in Flanders he made a five-years' covenant with a Jesuit; 'after the
said five years was expired, in 1643 he renew'd the said Covenant with the
Jesuit for 14 years longer: whereupon he drew a Covenant for him with the
Devil, pricking the two fore-fingers of his right hand with an needle, and
drew bloud, wherewith he writ his name with his own bloud, and then
covenanted with the Devil, That if he should be safely protected during the
space of 14 years aforesaid, while such time as it expired, that then he
was to take away both body and soul as his own right and interest.'[263] At
Lille in 1661 Madame Bourignon's girls indicate the renewal of the
contract: 'The Devil gives them a Mark, which Marks they renew as often as
those Persons have any desire to quit him. The Devil reproves them then
more severely and obligeth them to new Promises, making them also new Marks
for assurance or pledge, that those Persons should continue faithful to
him.'[264] In Somerset in 1664 Elizabeth Style said that the Devil
'promised her Mony, and that she should live gallantly, and have the
pleasure of the World for Twelve years, if she would with her Blood sign
his Paper, which was to give her Soul to him'.[265] At Groton in New
England in 1671, according to Elizabeth Knap, 'the terme of time agreed
upon with him was for 7 yeers; one yeere shee was to be faithfull in his
service, and then ye other six hee would serve her, and make her a
witch'.[266] At Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1673 Ann Armstrong 'deposeth that Ann
Drydon had a lease for fifty yeares of the divill, whereof ten ar expired.
Ann Forster had a lease of her life for 47 yeares, whereof seaven are yet
to come. Lucy Thompson had a lease of two and forty, whereof two are yet to
come, and, her lease being near out, they would have perswaded this
informer to have taken a lease of three score yeares or upwards.'[267] In
New England some of the 'afflicted' said of Goodwife C. that 'she had
Covenanted with the _Devil_ for ten Years, six of them were gone, and four
more to come'.[268] In modern France the belief in the contract for a term
of years is recorded, but nothing is said of the renewal of the contract or
of the fate of the witch who refuses such a contract. In the department of
Entre-Sambre-et-Meuse the full method of entering on such a contract is
known: 'Si vous voulez venir au bois avec moi, vous verrez un homme venir a
vous. C'est le chef. Il vous demandera si vous voulez vous engager dans la
societe. Si vous acceptez, le terme d'engagement est de _sept_ ans et vous
gagnerez une _plaquette_ par jour.'[269] Among the Walloons the neophyte
takes with him a black hen, which the Devil buys, and then ratifies the
contract, 'le pacte est fait pour une duree de sept ans.'[270]
5. _The Baptism_
Records of the baptism of candidates are rare, the rite being possibly
copied from the Christian ceremony and therefore of later date. It does not
seem to occur in England and hardly at all in Scotland. The earliest
mention is in the Basses-Pyrenees (1609), where Jeannette d'Abadie stated
'qu'elle a veu souuent baptiser des enfans au sabbat, qu'elle nous expliqua
estre des enfans des sorcieres & non autres, lesquelles ont accoutume faire
plustost baptiser leurs enfans au sabbat qu'en l'Eglise'.[271] The rite,
however, was practised in Bute in 1662: Margret NcLevine confessed--
'that being in a litle chamber in Balichtarach the devill came to her
in the lyknes of a man and deseired hir to goe with him, and that she
refusing he said I will not [blank] and she gave him [blank] she never
saw afterward and that she knew it was the devill and after he went
that he came bak and asked hir to give him hir hand quhich she
refusing to doe he took hir by the midle finger of the rycht hand
quhich he had almost cutt off hir and therwith left hir. Her finger
was so sorely pained for the space of a moneth ther after that ther
was no pain comparable to it, as also took her by the right leg quhich
was sorly pained likewayes as also be the devill. Item he came to her
againe as she was shaking straw in the barne of Ardroscidell in a very
ugly shape and that there he desired hir to goe with him and she
refusing he said to her I will either have thy self or then thy heart.
Item that he healed her sore foot and finger quhich finger is yet be
nummed. Item that before he haled her that she made a covenant with
him and promised to doe him any service that he wold imploy hir in.
Item that he asked quhat was her name. She answered him Margret the
name that God gave me, and he said to her I baptise the Jonet.'[272]
Isobell NcNicoll 'confessed that as she was in her owne house her alone
drawing acquavittie the devill came to her in the lyknes of a young man and
desyred her to goe with him and confesses that she made a covenant with him
quhairin he promised that she should not want meanes enough and she
promised to be his servand. Item that he baptised her and gave her a new
name and called her Caterine. Item that about a moneth therafter in the
night as she went out of her own back dore she met with the devill and spok
with him.'[273]--Jonet McNicoll 'confesses with remorse that about
hallowday as she was in Mary Moore's house that there appeared to her two
men the on a gross copperfaced man and the other a wele favored young man
and that the copperfaced man quhom she knew to be ane evil spirit bade her
goe with him. Item confesses that she made a covenant with him, and he
promised that she wold not want meines eneugh and she promised to serve him
and that he gave her a new name saying I baptise the Mary.'[274]--Jonet
Morisoune 'traysted with the divill at the Knockanrioch, being the second
tyme of her meeting with him, that shee made covenant with the devill ...
quairin she promised to be his servant etc. that shee asked quhat was his
name his answer was my name is Klareanough and he asked quhat was her name
and she answered Jonet Morisoun, the name that God gave me, and he said
belive not in Christ bot belive in me. I baptise the Margarat.'[275] The
Swedish witches (1669) were also baptized; 'they added, that he caused them
to be baptized too by such Priests as he had there, and made them confirm
their Baptism with dreadful Oaths and Imprecations.'[276] Curiously enough
the most detailed account comes from New England (1692). Mary Osgood, wife
of Captain Osgood, went 'to five mile pond, where she was baptized by the
devil, who dipped her face in the water, and made her renounce her former
baptism, and told her she must be his, soul and body for ever, and that she
must serve him, which she promised to do. She says, the renouncing her
first baptism was after her dipping.'[277] The account of Goody Lacey's
experience is given in the form of question and answer:
'_Q._ Goody Lacey! how many years since they were baptized? _A._ Three
or four years ago, I suppose. _Q._ Who baptized them? _A._ The old
serpent. _Q._ How did he do it? _A._ He dipped their heads in the
water, saying, that they were his and that he had power over them.
_Q._ Where was this? _A._ At Fall's River. _Q._ How many were baptized
that day? _A._ Some of the chief; I think they were six baptized. _Q._
Name them. _A._ I think they were of the higher powers.'[278]
A near approach to the ceremony of baptism is the blood-rite at Auldearne,
described by Isobel Gowdie and Janet Breadheid. The Devil marked Isobel on
the shoulder, 'and suked owt my blood at that mark, and spowted it in his
hand, and, sprinkling it on my head, said, "I baptise the, Janet, in my
awin name."' The Devil marked Janet Breadheid in the same way on the
shoulder, 'and suked out my blood with his mowth, at that place; he
spowted it in his hand, and sprinkled it on my head. He baptised me
thairvith in his awin nam, "Christian."'[279]
Though baptism is rare, the giving of a new name on admission is peculiar
to Scotland. The names seem to have been usually nicknames derived from
various sources; personal peculiarities such as 'Weill dancing Janet', or
'Able and stout'; contractions of the proper name, as 'Naip' for Barbara
Napier; or a title such as 'Rob the Rowar', for Robert Grierson, who kept
the rows or rolls. Most of the other names appear to have been ordinary
Christian names arbitrarily bestowed. There is nothing to throw any light
on the reason for the change. In 1590 at North Berwick the witch-name was
considered of the highest importance.
'Robert Griersoune being namit, thay ran all hirdie-girdie and wer
angrie; for it wes promesit, that he sould be callit "Ro^t the
Comptroller alias Rob the Rowar" for expreming of his name.--Effie
McCalzane, Robert Griersoune, and the said Barbara, hapnit to be
nameit thair; quhilk offendit all the cumpany: And that they sould
nocht haif bene nameit with thair awin names; Robert Griersoun, to
haif bene callit _Rob the rowar_; Effie to be callit _Cane_; and the
said Barbara, to be callit _Naip_.'[280]
Later, the change of name was of so little value that at Crook of Devon
several of the witches could not remember what they had been called; Bessie
Henderson appears to have recollected the name after a time, for it is
inserted towards the end of the confession; Robert Wilson could remember
the Devil's name but not his own: Agnes Brugh and Christian Grieve could
remember neither the Devil's nor their own.[281]
The so-called 'christening', i.e. naming, of animals, comes rather under
the head of 'sacrifice' than of baptism, for the ceremony appears to have
been purificatory.
6. _The Mark_
The Witches' Mark, or Devil's Mark, as it is indifferently called, is one
of the most important points in the identification of a witch, as the
infliction of it was often the final rite in the admission ceremonies. The
fact that any person bore such a mark was taken as incontrovertible proof
that the bearer was a witch.
There were two kinds of marks, which should be carefully differentiated,
one of which was clearly natural, the other probably artificial. Both were
said to be insensible to pain and not to bleed when pricked or pierced.
Local anaesthesia is vouched for in much of the evidence, which suggests
that there is a substratum of truth in the statements, but I can at present
offer no solution of this problem.
The writers on witchcraft, particularly the legal authorities, recognize
the value of the Mark as proof of witchcraft, and some differentiate
between the two forms; the witches themselves made a distinction between
the two, the natural being considered inferior to the artificial.
Reginald Scot in 1584 summarizes the evidence in a few words: 'The Diuell
giveth to euerie nouice a marke, either with his teeth or with his
clawes.'[282] The _Lawes against Witches and Conivration_, published 'by
authority' in 1645, state that 'their said Familiar hath some big or little
Teat upon their body, wher he sucketh them: and besides their sucking, the
Devil leaveth other markes upon their bodies, sometimes like a Blew-spot,
or Red-spot like a flea-biting'. Sir George Mackenzie, the famous Scotch
lawyer, describing in 1699 what did and did not legally constitute a witch,
says:
'The Devils Mark useth to be a great Article with us, but it is not
_per se_ found relevant, except it be confest by them, that they got
that Mark with their own consent; _quo casu_, it is equivalent to a
Paction. This Mark is given to them, as is alledg'd, by a Nip in any
part of the Body, and it is blew. Delrio calls it _Stigma_, or
Character, and alledges that it is sometimes like the impression of a
Hare's foot, or the Foot of a Rat or Spider.'[283]
Forbes, writing in 1730, says:
'On the meaner Proselytes the Devil fixes in some secret Part of their
Bodies a Mark, as his Seal to know his own by; which is like a Flea
Bite or blew Spot, or sometimes resembles a little Teat, and the Part
so stamped doth ever after remain insensible, and doth not bleed, tho'
never so much nipped or pricked by thrusting a Pin, Awl or Bodkin into
it; but if the Covenanter be of better Rank, the Devil only draws
Blood of the Party, or touches him or her in some Part of the Body
without any visible Mark remaining.'[284]
The Mark proper appears to have been the coloured spot or design which
followed the infliction of a prick or nip by the claws or teeth of the
Devil on the person of the neophyte. The red mark is described as being
like a flea-bite, i.e. small and circular; the blue mark seems to have been
larger and more elaborate, apparently in some kind of design. From the
evidence five facts are clear: (1) that the mark was coloured, (2) that it
was permanent, (3) that it was caused by the pricking or tearing of the
skin, (4) that the operator passed his hand or fingers over the place, (5)
that the pain could be severe and might last a considerable time. Put
together in this way, the facts suggest tattooing.
Among the Aberdeen witches in 1597 Andro Man was accused that 'Christsunday
[the Devil] bit a mark in the third finger of thy right hand, whilk thou
has yet to show'; and Christen Mitchell also was accused that 'the Devil
gave thee a nip on the back of thy right hand, for a mark that thou was one
of his number'.[285] According to Boguet, writing in 1598, the witches of
Eastern France were usually marked on the left shoulder, and the mark was
in the shape of the foot or footprint of a hare, but he also gives some
exceptional cases:
'L'epaule gauche est l'endroit, ou plus ordinairement il marque les
Sorciers. La marque des Sorciers est tantost come vne piste ou pied de
lieure, & tantost d'autre facon. On en a veu vne, qui auoit vne figure
rapportant en grandeur a vn petit denier, du centre de laquelle
s'estendoient plusieurs filamens vers la circonference. La marque de
la Belcuenotte, qui a este brulee a Besancon, estoit au dessus de sa
nature, vn peu plus bas que le nombril. Celle, dont Guillauma Proby
d'Anchay se trouua marquee au col du coste droit, estoit de mesme de
la grandeur d'vn petit denier, tirant sur le brun. Iean de Vaux auoit
la siene au doz, & ressembloit a vn petit chien noir.'[286]
De Lancre in 1609 says that in the Basses-Pyrenees 'comme le Diable faict
sa marque, on sent vn peu de chaleur, qui penetre plus ou moins
profondement la chair, que plus ou moins il pince le lieu qu'il touche'. As
regards the position of the mark he says:
'Il les egratigne tous auec le bras gauche, & les ongles de la main
senestre. Et tout aussi tost prenant vne espingle d'or faux, il les
marque le plus souuent dans le blac de l'[oe]il gauche, & leur imprime
vne marque qui semble vn petit crapaud' [elsewhere he says 'vne patte
de crapaud']; 'par fois dans l'epaule & coste gauche, ou dans la
cuisse, leur rompant & dechirant la peau & la chair iusques a effusio
de sang; si bien que pendant trois mois ils ont de tres grandes
douleurs.'[287]
Isobel Crawford of Irvine in 1618 had 'the devill's mark, quhilk was lyk
ane braid dyn spott, in the inner syd of hir left thie, about ane handbraid
under her lisk'.[288] The Lancashire witch, Margaret Johnson, in 1633,
'saith, that such Witches as have sharpe bones given them by the devill to
pricke them, have no papps nor duggs, but their devil receiveth blood from
the place, pricked with the bone, which witches are more grand witches than
any that have marks'.[289] The Yarmouth witch, tried in 1644, saw a tall
black man standing in the moonlight at her door: 'he told her, he must
first see her Hand; and then taking out something like a Pen-knife, he gave
it _a little Scratch_, so that Blood followed, and the _Mark_ remained to
that time.'[290] Rebecca Jones, an Essex witch tried in 1645, confessed
that 'there came one morning one to the doore and knocked, and that this
examinant going to the dore, shee saw there a very handsome young man, as
shee then thought but now shee thinkes it was the devill; who asked this
examinant how shee did, and desired to see her left wrist, which shee
shewed unto him: and he then tooke a pin from this examinant's owne sleeve,
and pricked her wrist twice, and there came out a drop of bloud, which he
took off with the top of his finger, and so departed'.[291] The
child-witch, Jonet Howat of Forfar, tried in 1661, said that 'the devil
kist hir and niped hir vpon one of hir shoulders, so as shoe hade great
paine for some tyme therafter'; later he came to her, and 'calling hir his
bony bird did kisse hir, and straiked her shoulder (quhich was niped) with
his hand, and that presently after that shoe was eased of hir former
paine'. Elspet Alexander, of the same Coven, was also marked on the
shoulder; four weeks later 'the divill straiked hir shoulder with his
fingers, and after that shoe hade ease in the place formerly niped by the
devill'.[292] The witch girls at Lille in 1661 stated that 'le Diable leur
fait quelque marque comme avec une aleine de fer en quelque partie du
corps'.[293] Marie Lamont of Innerkip in 1662 confessed voluntarily that
'the devill nipit her upon the right syd, qlk was very painful for a tym,
but yairefter he straikit it with his hand, and healed it; this she
confesses to be his mark'.[294] In Bute in 1662 'Margaret NcWilliam was
tryed for the merk there was 3 merks fund, one up her left leg, next hard
be the shine bone, another betwixt her shoulders a 3º ane uthyr up her
hensh, blew.... Kat Moore was tried, and it was found undernethe her richt
shoulder a little whyt unsensible spott'.[295] The Somerset witches, in
1664, were marked on the fingers; it was stated of Elizabeth Style that the
Devil 'prickt the fourth Finger of hir right hand, between the middle and
upper joynt (where the sign at the Examination remained)'; of Alice Duke,
that 'the Devil prickt the fourth finger of her right hand between the
middle and upper joynt (where the mark is yet to be seen)'; and of
Christian Green, that 'the Man in black prickt the fourth finger of her
Right-hand between the middle and upper joints, where the sign yet
remains'.[296] At Paisley in 1678 Annabil Stuart confessed 'that the Devil
took her by the Hand and nipped her Arm, which continued to be sore for
half an hour'.[297] At Borrowstowness the Devil took Margaret Pringle 'by
the right hand, whereby it was for eight days grievowslie pained; bot
having it twitched of new againe, it imediatelie becam haill'.[298] Of the
Renfrewshire Coven in 1696 little Thomas Lindsay received 'a Nip on the
Neck which continued sore for Ten days'; and John Reid had 'a Bite or Nipp
in his Loyn, which he found painfull for a Fortnight'.[299] At Pittenweem
in 1704 the 'young lass', Isobel Adams, confessed that the Devil 'put his
mark in her flesh which was very painful'.[300]
The other form of the Devil's Mark was the 'little Teat'. It occurred on
various parts of the body; was said to secrete milk and to give suck to the
familiars, both human and animal; and was sometimes cut off by the witch
before being searched. The descriptions of the 'teat' point to its being
that natural phenomenon, the supernumerary nipple. Cases of polymastia or
supernumerary breasts, and of polythelia or supernumerary nipples, are
constantly recorded by modern medical observers. 'These accessory
structures are usually situated on the chest wall, the upper part of the
abdominal wall, or in the axillae, but they have been met with on the
shoulder, the buttock, the thigh, and other extraordinary positions. As a
rule they are functionless.'[301] Polythelia occurs in both sexes;
according to Bruce, 'of 315 individuals taken indiscriminately and in
succession, 7.619 per cent. presented supernumerary nipple; 9.11 per cent.
of 207 men examined in succession presented supernumerary nipple; and 4.807
per cent. of 104 women.' He concludes that, 'according to present
observations at least, supernumerary nipples occur much more frequently in
the male than in the female.'[302] Cameron tabulates the positions of the
supernumerary nipple in 105 cases: '96 were situated in thorax, 5 in
axilla, 2 in back, 1 on shoulder, 1 outside of thigh.'[303] All writers on
the subject agree that the phenomenon is of more common occurrence than is
usually supposed, but that many cases pass unnoticed unless well marked
when in men or causing discomfort by functioning when in women. This view
is supported by the fact that, during the recent unparalleled opportunity
for the physical examination of large numbers of men, many cases have been
published in the _British Medical Journal_ for 1917 as occurring among
recruits for the army. The supernumerary nipple is usually very much
smaller than the normal; like the normal, it is a modification of cutaneous
tissue and is not attached to muscular tissue; its removal is a simple
operation, in fact it would be quite possible for an unskilled operator to
cut it off with a sharp knife. In women the supernumerary nipple is
observed to increase at the time of the periods; in some cases during
lactation so much milk is secreted as to make it a matter of indifference
whether the child is suckled at the normal nipples or at the supernumerary
one. In cases of polymastia the nipple is not always formed; the milk, when
secreted, issuing from a small opening. Though the nipple is congenital,
the supernumerary breast may develop, or at any rate become noticeable,
later; the theory being that the ducts carrying the secretion from the
supernumerary to the normal breast become blocked in some way, and that the
milk is thus exuded through the pore in the supernumerary breast. The
change in the case quoted by Cameron, as well as in the case of the witch
Rose Cullender, seems to have been caused by a strain.
Making allowance for the unscientific language of the recorders of the
witch trials, it will be seen that the descriptions of the 'witch-pap' or
'little Teat' exactly coincide with these anatomical facts. I give the
evidence below, the trials being in chronological order. It will be
observed that the cases are from England and New England only; if the
phenomena of polymastia and polythelia occurred in France and Scotland,
there are no records of the fact in the witch-trials of those countries.
Alice Gooderidge and her mother, Elizabeth Wright, of Stapenhill near
Burton-on-Trent, were tried in 1597:
'The old woman they stript, and found behind her right sholder a thing
much like the vdder of an ewe that giueth sucke with two teates, like
vnto two great wartes, the one behinde vnder her armehole, the other
a hand off towardes the top of her shoulder. Being demanded how long
she had those teates, she aunswered she was borne so. Then did they
search Alice Gooderige, and found vpon her belly, a hole of the
bignesse of two pence, fresh and bloudy, as though some great wart had
beene cut off the place.'[304]
The witch of Edmonton, tried in 1621:
'The Bench commanded three women to search the body of Elizabeth
Sawyer. They all three said, that they a little aboue the Fundiment of
Elizabeth Sawyer found a thing like a Teate the bignesse of the little
finger, and the length of half a finger, which was branched at the top
like a teate, and seemed as though one had suckt it, and that the
bottome thereof was blew, and the top of it was redde.'[305]
The greatest number of cases recorded in one place is in Essex during the
trials before Sir Matthew Hale in 1645:
Anne Leech said 'that her imps did usually suck those teats which were
found about the privie parts of her body. [Two women searched Mary
Greenleife], and found that the said Mary had bigges or teates in her
secret parts, not like emerods, nor in those places where women use to
be troubled with them. The examinant, being asked how she came by
those teats which were discovered in her secret parts, she saith she
knows not unlesse she was born with them: but she never knew she had
any such untill this time. [A woman searched Margaret Moone], she
found three long teates or bigges in her secret parts, which seemed to
have been lately sucked; and that they were not like pyles, for this
informant knows well what they are, having been troubled with them
herself. Upon the searching of her daughters, this informant found
that two of them had biggs in their privy parts as the said Margaret
their mother had. [Several women] were required to search Sarah
Hating, the wife of William Hating; Elizabeth Harvy widow, and Marian
Hocket widow, and upon her said search (being a midwife) found such
marks or bigges, that she never saw in other women: for Sarah Hating
had foure teats or bigges in those parts, almost an inch long, and as
bigge as this informant's little finger: That the said Elizabeth Harvy
had three such biggs, and about the same scantling: And that the said
Marian Hocket had no such bigges; but was found in the same parts not
like other honest women. Sarah Barton, the sister of the said Marian
Hocket (also suspected of being a witch) said the said Marian had cut
off her bigs, whereby she might have been suspected to have been a
witch, and laid plaisters to those places.'[306] 'Another Evidence
deposed that she once heard the said Margaret [Landish] say, that her
Imps did usually suck two Teats near the privy parts.'[307]
In Huntingdonshire in 1646 John Clarke junior, a labourer, was tried for
witchcraft; John Browne, a tailor, deposed that he met Clarke on the road,
Clarke 'said he was in haste; for his Father and Mother were accused for
Witches, and that hee himselfe had beene searched: and this Informant
answered, and so have I. Then Clarke asked this Informant, whether any
thing were found about him, or not? he (this Informant) answered, that they
said there were marks: Clarke said againe, had you no more wit but to have
your marks found? I cut off mine three dayes before I was searched.'[308]
John Palmer of St. Albans (1649) confessed that 'upon his compact with the
Divel, hee received a flesh brand, or mark, upon his side, which gave suck
to two familiars'.[309] There were several cases in Yorkshire: In 1649
'they searched the body of the saide Mary Sikes, and founde upon the side
of her seate a redd lumpe about the biggnes of a nutt, being wett, and
that, when they wrung it with theire fingers, moisture came out of it like
lee. And they founde upon her left side neare her arme a litle lumpe like a
wart, and being puld out it stretcht about halfe an inch. And they further
say that they never sawe the like upon anie other weomen.'[310] In 1650
Frances Ward 'saith that she was one of the fower that searched Margaret
Morton, and found upon her two black spotts between her thigh and her body;
they were like a wart, but it was none. And the other was black on both
sides, an inch bread, and blew in the middest.'[311] At Scarborough in 1651
'Margery Ffish, widdow, beinge commanded to searche the bodye of Anne
Hunnam otherwise Marchant, who was accused for witchcraft; she, this
informante, and Elizabeth Jackson, and Eliz. Dale, did accordingly
searche the body of the saide Anne Hunnam, otherwise Marchant, and did
finde a little blue spott upon her left side, into which spott this
informant did thrust a pinne att which the sd. Ann Hunnam never moved
or seemed to feel it, which spott grows, out of her ffleshe or skin at
her waste of a great bignesse. Elizabeth Dale informeth upon oath,
that she did, together with Margery Ffish, searche Ann Hunnam,
otherwise Marchant, her bodye and saith that their was found on her
left buttock a blue spott growing out of her fleshe or skin like a
greate warte.[312]
The Kentish witch, Mary Read of Lenham, in 1652, 'had a visible Teat, under
her tongue, and did show it to many, and it was likewise seen by this
Observator.'[313] In the case of the Salisbury witch, Anne Bodenham, in
1652, 'Women searched the Witch in the Gaol, and they delivered on their
oaths at the Assises, that they found on her shoulder a certain mark or
Teat, about the length and bignesse of the Niple of a Womans breast, and
hollow and soft as a Niple, with a hole on the top of it: And searching
further, they likewise found in her secret place another Teat, soft, and
like the former on her shoulder.'[314] In Yorkshire again, in 1654,
Katherine Earle was accused, 'and the said Katherine hathe beene searched,
and a marke founde upon her in the likenesse of a papp'.[315] At St.
Albans, about 1660, there was a man-witch, who 'had like a Breast on his
side'.[316] In the same year at Kidderminster a widow, her two daughters,
and a man were brought to trial; 'the man had five teats, the mother three,
and the eldest daughter one. When they went to search the woman, none were
visible; one advised to lay them on their backs, and keep open their
mouths, and they would appear; and so they presently appeared in
sight.'[317] Alice Huson, of Burton Agnes, Yorks, in 1664, stated that 'I
have, I confess, a Witch-pap, which is sucked by the Unclean Spirit'.[318]
Abre Grinset, of Dunwich, Suffolk, in 1665, said, 'The Devil did appear in
the form of a Pretty handsom Young Man first, and since Appeareth to her in
the form of a blackish Gray Cat or Kitling, that it sucketh of a Tett
(which Searchers since saw in the place She mentioned).'[319] In the same
year, also in Suffolk, Rose Cullender was tried for witchcraft:
'The searchers [six women] began at her head, and so stript her naked,
and in the lower part of her belly they found a thing like a teat of
an inch long, they questioned her about it, and she said, that she had
got a strain by carrying of water which caused that excrescence. But
upon narrower search, they found in her privy parts three more
excrescencies or teats, but smaller than the former: this deponent
farther saith, that in the long teat at the end thereof there was a
little hole, and it appeared unto them as if it had been lately
sucked, and upon the straining of it there issued out white milky
matter.'[320]
Temperance Lloyd, a Devon witch, was tried in 1682: 'Upon search of her
body this informant did find in her secret parts, two teats hanging nigh
together like unto a piece of flesh that a child had suckt. And each of the
said teats was about an inch in length.'[321] Bridget Bishop, one of the
New England witches, was tried in 1692: 'A Jury of Women found a
preternatural Teat upon her Body; But upon a second search, within 3 or 4
hours, there was no such thing to be seen.'[322] Elizabeth Horner, another
Devon witch, tried in 1696, 'had something like a Nipple on her Shoulder,
which the Children [who gave evidence] said was sucked by a Toad'.[323]
Widow Coman, an Essex witch, died a natural death in 1699: 'Upon her death
I requested Becke the midwife to search her body in the presence of some
sober women, which she did and assured me she never saw the like in her
life that her fundament was open like a mouse-hole and that in it were two
long bigges out of which being pressed issued blood that they were neither
piles nor emrods for she knew both but excrescencies like to biggs with
nipples which seemed as if they had been frequently sucked.'[324] Elinor
Shaw and Mary Phillips were executed in Northampton in 1704 for witchcraft:
'The Infernal Imps did Nightly Suck each of them a large Teat, or pieces of
red Flesh in their Privy Parts.'[325]
The positions of the marks are worth noting. Of the coloured mark it will
be seen from the evidence given above that there were certain well-defined
positions, which is in itself a strong suggestion of the artificial
character of this mark. In France the usual position was the left shoulder;
in the Basses-Pyrenees the left eye, the left side, and the thigh were also
commonly marked; the variations given by Boguet are the abdomen, the back,
and the right side of the neck. In England it seems that only the hand and
wrist were marked; in Somerset the exact position was between the upper and
middle joints of the fourth finger of the right hand, probably the
'ring-finger', but whether on the outer or inner surface is not recorded.
In Scotland the position is very varied, the right hand, the right side,
the shoulder, the back, the neck, and the loin; at Aberdeen the position on
the right hand is still further defined as being on the back and on the
third finger, i.e. the 'ring-finger'.
Reginald Scot does not distinguish between the two kinds of marks, when he
says that if the witch 'have anie privie marke under hir arme pokes, under
hir haire, under hir lip, or in her buttocke, or in her privities; it is a
presumption sufficient for the judge to proceed to give sentence of death
upon her'.[326] But from the positions in which supernumerary nipples are
known to occur, it would seem that he is speaking of the 'little Teat' and
not of the coloured mark. In six out of the thirty-two cases of
supernumerary nipple cited above, the number of nipples is not given;
though from the context it would appear that more than one was often found
on each of the accused. If, therefore, we allow two apiece for those cases
not definitely specified, there were sixty-three such nipples, an average
roughly of two to each person; the number varying, however, from one to
five (this last being a man). The position of the nipple on the body is
given in forty-five out of the sixty-three cases: abdomen 2, axilla 1,
buttock 1, fundament 3, groin 2, pudenda 30, shoulder 3, side 3, under
tongue 1. In writing of supernumerary nipples and _mammae erraticae_
Williams quotes cases recorded by modern observers, in which the accessory
organ occurred on the abdomen, axilla, inguinal region, outer side of
thigh, shoulder, and face.[327]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 221: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]
[Footnote 222: Id. ib., p. 145.]
[Footnote 223: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 201.]
[Footnote 224: Id., _Parole_, p. 85; Hale, p. 26.]
[Footnote 225: Id., _Vie_, p. 211; Hale, p. 29.]
[Footnote 226: Id. ib., p. 223; Hale, p. 37.]
[Footnote 227: Ravaisson (the years 1679-81).]
[Footnote 228: Reg. Scot., Bk. II, p. 36 (quoting from _C. Agrippa_).]
[Footnote 229: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xxxix.]
[Footnote 230: Ib., pp. xl, xli.]
[Footnote 231: Kinloch, pp. 124, 125.]
[Footnote 232: Glanvil, ii, p. 291.]
[Footnote 233: Philobiblon Society, viii, p. 24.]
[Footnote 234: Potts, B 2.]
[Footnote 235: Horneck, pt. ii., pp. 317-20.]
[Footnote 236: Howell, vi, 669; J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts_,
ii, p. 44.]
[Footnote 237: Mackenzie, Title x, pp. 47, 48.]
[Footnote 238: Reginald Scot, Bk. III, pp. 40-2.]
[Footnote 239: W. Forbes, ii, 33, ed. 1730.]
[Footnote 240: Potts, B 4, D 3.]
[Footnote 241: Mackenzie, p. 47, ed. 1699.]
[Footnote 242: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 182.]
[Footnote 243: Id. ib., p. 131.]
[Footnote 244: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 322.]
[Footnote 245: Danaeus, ch. ii, E 1.]
[Footnote 246: Lord Fountainhall mentions a case where a pregnant woman
excepted the unborn child, at which the devil was very angry. _Decisions_,
i, p. 14.]
[Footnote 247: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 248: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 249: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 214; Hale, p. 31.]
[Footnote 250: Glanvil, ii, pp. 136, 148.]
[Footnote 251: _Isobel Inch_, p. 16.]
[Footnote 252: Kinloch, p. 125. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 253: Burns Begg, p. 239.]
[Footnote 254: Id., pp. 223-4.]
[Footnote 255: Id., p. 237.]
[Footnote 256: Lea, iii, p. 536.]
[Footnote 257: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 38.]
[Footnote 258: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]
[Footnote 259: _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 88.]
[Footnote 260: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 172.]
[Footnote 261: _Examination of Joan Williford_, p. 4.]
[Footnote 262: Davenport, p. 1.]
[Footnote 263: _Mrs. Joan Peterson_, p. 4.]
[Footnote 264: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223; Hale, p. 37.]
[Footnote 265: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 136.]
[Footnote 266: Green, p. 14.]
[Footnote 267: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 196.]
[Footnote 268: Increase Mather, p. 205.]
[Footnote 269: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, vi (1892), p. 106.]
[Footnote 270: Monseur, p. 84.]
[Footnote 271: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 131.]
[Footnote 272: _Highland Papers_, vol. iii, p. 6.]
[Footnote 273: Ib., vol. iii, p. 12.]
[Footnote 274: Ib., vol. iii, p. 13.]
[Footnote 275: _Highland Papers_, vol. iii, p. 22.]
[Footnote 276: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 321.]
[Footnote 277: Howell, vi, 660; J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.]
[Footnote 278: J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 36.]
[Footnote 279: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 617.]
[Footnote 280: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 239, 246.]
[Footnote 281: Burns Begg, x, pp. 224, 227, 232, 239.]
[Footnote 282: Scot, Bk. III, p. 43; see also Danaeus, ch. iii.]
[Footnote 283: Mackenzie, title x, p. 48.]
[Footnote 284: Forbes, ii, p. 33.]
[Footnote 285: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 120, 165. Spelling
modernized.]
[Footnote 286: Boguet, pp. 315, 316, 317.]
[Footnote 287: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 195, 399.]
[Footnote 288: _Isobel Inch_, p. 16.]
[Footnote 289: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 290: Hale, p. 46.]
[Footnote 291: Howell, iv, 854-5.]
[Footnote 292: Kinloch, pp. 124-6.]
[Footnote 293: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223.]
[Footnote 294: Sharpe, p. 132.]
[Footnote 295: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 17.]
[Footnote 296: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 148, 156.]
[Footnote 297: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 291.]
[Footnote 298: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]
[Footnote 299: _Narrative of the Sufferings_, pp. xli, xliv.]
[Footnote 300: Sinclair, p. 259.]
[Footnote 301: Thompson and Miles, ii, p. 341.]
[Footnote 302: _Journal of Anatomy_, xiii, pp. 438, 447.]
[Footnote 303: Id., xiii, p. 153.]
[Footnote 304: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 8, 9.]
[Footnote 305: _Elisabeth Sawyer_, B 3, obv. and rev.]
[Footnote 306: Howell, iv, 838, 843, 848, 849, 850, 851.]
[Footnote 307: _Four Notorious Witches at Worcester_, p. 4. The place is
wrongly given: it should be Essex, not Worcester.]
[Footnote 308: Davenport, p. 15.]
[Footnote 309: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]
[Footnote 310: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 30.]
[Footnote 311: Id., xl, p. 38.]
[Footnote 312: _County Folklore_, ii, p. 139.]
[Footnote 313: _Prod. and Trag. Hist._, p. 6.]
[Footnote 314: Bower, p. 28.]
[Footnote 315: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 69.]
[Footnote 316: Gerish, _Relation of Mary Hall_, p. 24.]
[Footnote 317: Howell, iv, 827 note.]
[Footnote 318: Hale, p. 58.]
[Footnote 319: Petto, p. 18.]
[Footnote 320: Howell, vi, 696.]
[Footnote 321: Id., viii, 1022.]
[Footnote 322: Mather, p. 137.]
[Footnote 323: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 62.]
[Footnote 324: Gilbert, p. 6.]
[Footnote 325: _Witches of Northamptonshire_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 326: R. Scot, Bk. II, ch. 5.]
[Footnote 327: _Journal of Anatomy_, xxv, 225 seq.]
IV. THE ASSEMBLIES
There were two kinds of assemblies; the one, known as the Sabbath, was the
General Meeting of all the members of the religion; the other, to which I
give--on the authority of Estebene de Cambrue--the name of Esbat, was only
for the special and limited number who carried out the rites and practices
of the cult, and was not for the general public.
The derivation of the word Sabbath in this connexion is quite unknown. It
has clearly nothing to do with the number seven, and equally clearly it is
not connected with the Jewish ceremonial. It is possibly a derivative of
_s'esbattre_, 'to frolic'; a very suitable description of the joyous gaiety
of the meetings.
1. _Sabbath_
_Locomotion._--The method of going to the meetings varied according to the
distance to be traversed. In an immense majority of cases the means of
locomotion are not even mentioned, presumably therefore the witches went on
foot, as would naturally be the case in going to the local meeting or
Esbat, which was attended only by those who lived near. There are, however,
a few instances where it was thought worth while to mention that the
worshippers walked to the meeting. Boguet (1598), who yields to none in his
accounts of magical means of going to the Sabbath, says, 'les Sorciers
neatmoins vont quelquefois de pied au Sabbat, ce qui leur aduient
principalement, lors que le lieu, ou ils font leur assemblee, n'est pas
guieres eslongne de leur habitation', and cites in confirmation the
evidence of George and Antoinette Gandillon and their father Pierre, Clauda
Ianprost, Clauda Ianguillaume, Iaquema Paget, Gros Iaques, the two brothers
Claude and Claude Charloz, Pierre Willermoz, l'Aranthon, Pernette Molard,
Ianne Platet, and Clauda Paget.[328] Iaquema Paget's account of how she and
Antoine Tornier went to a meeting on their way home from the harvest field
(see p. 121), proves that they were on foot. The Lang-Niddry witches (1608)
clearly walked, they 'convenit thame selffis at Deane-fute of Lang-Niddry
... thaireftir thay past altogidder to the said Beigis hous in Lang-Nydry
[where they drank]; and thaireftir come with all thair speid to
Seaton-thorne be-north the zet; quhair the Devill callit for the said
Christiane Tod, and past to Robert Smartis house, and brocht hir out....
And thay thaireftir past altogidder, with the Devill, to the irne zet of
Seatoun.... And thaireftir come all bak agane to the Deane-fute, quhair
first thai convenit.'[329] The distance from Lang Niddry to Seaton Castle
is under a mile. Isaac de Queyran (1609), a young fellow of twenty-five,
told de Lancre that those living at a distance flew home through the air,
the near ones returned on foot.[330] Barthelemy Minguet of Brecy was tried
in 1616: 'Enquis, de quelle facon sa femme fut au Sabbat la premiere fois.
Respond, qu'elle y fut transportee par le Diable, lequel la rapporta apres
le Sabbat, & que la seconde fois qu'elle y a este, elle y fut de son pied
avec luy, & s'en retourna de son pied, & qu'elle n'y a iamais este que ces
deux fois.'[331] Helen Guthrie of Forfar (1661) said that 'herselfe,
Isobell Shyrie, and Elspet Alexander, did meit togither at ane aile house
near to Barrie, a litle befor sunsett, efter they hade stayed in the said
house about the spaice of ane houre drinking of thrie pintis of ale
togidder, they went foorth to the sandis, and ther thrie other women met
them, and the divell wes there present with them all ... and they parted so
late that night that she could get no lodging, but wes forced to lye at ane
dyk syde all night.'[332] Christian Grieve, of Crook of Devon (1662),
acknowledged 'that ye came to the foresaid meeting immediately after your
goodman and the rest went to bed, and that ye locked the door and put the
key under the same, and that ye and the said Margaret Young your neighbor
came foot for foot to the foresaid meeting and that ye stayed at the
foresaid meeting about the space of two hours and came back again on your
foot, and the foresaid Margaret Young with you, and found the key of the
door in that same place where you left it, and declared that neither your
husband nor any other in the house was waking at your return'.[333] At
Lille (1661) the girl Bellot, then aged fifteen, said that 'her Mother had
taken her with her when she was very Young, and had even carried her in her
Arms to the Witches Sabbaths or Assemblies'.[334] At Strathdown (eighteenth
century) the witches went along the side of the river Avon to
Craic-pol-nain, fording the river on foot.[335]
In the cases cited above there is nothing in the least bizarre or
extraordinary, but there are other methods recorded of reaching the distant
meetings. Sometimes the obvious means was by riding on a horse; sometimes
the witches were accused, or claimed the power, of flying through the air,
of riding in the air on a stick, of riding on animals or human beings,
which latter were sometimes in their own natural form and sometimes
enchanted into the form of animals.
The following instances are of those who rode to or from the meetings on
horseback. Agnes Sampson of North Berwick (1590) said that 'the Devil in
mans likeness met her going out in the fields from her own house at
_Keith_, betwixt five and six at even, being her alone and commanded her to
be at _North-Berwick_ Kirk the next night: And she passed there on
horse-back, conveyed by her Good-son, called Iohn Couper'.[336] Boguet
(1608) mentions, in passing, the fact that the witches sometimes rode on
horses.[337] The Lancashire witches (1613), after the meeting at Malking
Tower, 'went out of the said House in their owne shapes and likenesses. And
they all, by that they were forth of the dores, gotten on Horseback, like
vnto foals, some of one colour, some of another.'[338] This was the usual
mode of locomotion among the Lancashire witches, for Margaret Johnson
(1633) said that at the meeting at Hoarstones 'there was, at y^t tyme,
between 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the said meetinge'.[339]
Isobell Gowdie (1662) said, 'I haid a little horse, and wold say, "Horse
and Hattock, in the Divellis name!"'[340] The most detailed account is from
Sweden (1669):
'Another Boy confessed too, that one day he was carried away by his
Mistriss, and to perform the Journey he took his own Father's Horse
out of the Meadow where it was, and upon his return she let the Horse
go in her own ground. The next morning the Boys Father sought for his
Horse, and not finding it, gave it over for lost; but the Boy told him
the whole story, and so his Father fetcht the Horse back again.'[341]
We now come to the marvellous and magical means of locomotion. The belief
in the power of witches to ride in the air is very ancient and universal in
Europe. They flew either unsupported, being carried by the Devil, or were
supported on a stick; sometimes, however, an animal which they rode passed
through the air. The flying was usually preceded by an anointing of the
whole or part of the body with a magical ointment.
The earliest example of unsupported flying is from Paul Grilland (1537),
who gives an account of an Italian witch in 1526, who flew in the air with
the help of a magic ointment.[342]
Reginald Scot (1584) says that the ointment 'whereby they ride in the aire'
was made of the flesh of unbaptized children, and gives two recipes:
[1] 'The fat of yoong children, and seeth it with water in a brasen
vessell, reseruing the thickest of that which remaineth boiled in the
bottome, which they laie up and keepe, untill occasion serueth to use
it. They put hereunto Eleoselinum, Aconitum, Frondes populeas, and
Soote.' [2] 'Sium, acarum vulgare, pentaphyllon, the blood of a
flitter mouse, solanum somniferum, and oleum. They stampe all these
togither, and then they rubbe all parts of their bodys exceedinglie,
till they looke red, and be verie hot, so as the pores may be opened,
and their flesh soluble and loose. They ioine herewithall either fat,
or oil in steed thereof, that the force of the ointment maie the
rather pearse inwardly, and so be more effectuall. By this means in a
moonlight night they seeme to be carried in the aire.'[343]
So far this is only hearsay evidence, but there is also a certain amount of
first-hand testimony, the witches declaring that they actually passed
through the air above ground, or had seen others do so.
In 1598 'Thieuenne Paget racontoit, que le Diable s'apparut a elle la
premiere fois en plein midy, en forme d'vn grand homme noir, & que
comme elle se fut baillee a luy, il l'embrassa & l'esleva en l'air, &
la transporta en la maison du prel de Longchamois ... & puis la
rapporta au lieu mesme, ou il l'auoit prise. Antide Colas disoit, que
le soir, que Satan s'apparut a elle en forme d'vn homme de grande
stature, ayant sa barbe & ses habillemens noirs, il la transporta au
Sabbat, & qu'aux autres fois, il la venoit prendre dans son lict, &
l'emportoit comme si c'eust este vn vent froid, l'empoignant par la
teste.'[344]
Isaac de Queyran (1609), whose evidence has already been quoted, said that
the witches living at a distance flew home through the air.[345] In France
(1652) 'lors qu'elle vouloit aller aux danses, elle se oindoit d'ung onguen
qui lui estoit donne par vn sorcier envoye par le diable. Que lors elle
s'en alloit comme ung vent aux dictes danses avecque les aultres.'[346] At
Crook of Devon (1661) Bessie Henderson confessed 'that ye was taken out of
your bed to that meeting in an flight'.[347] The most detail comes from an
English source: the Somerset witches (1664) claimed that they habitually
flew through the air by means of a magical oil and magical words. Elizabeth
Style said:
'Before they are carried to their meetings, they anoint their
Foreheads, and Hand-wrists with an Oyl the Spirit brings them (which
smells raw) and then they are carried in a very short time, using
these words as they pass, _Thout, tout a tout, tout, throughout and
about_. And when they go off from their Meetings, they say, _Rentum,
Tormentum_ ... all are carried to their several homes in a short
space.' Alice Duke gave the same testimony, noting besides that the
oil was greenish in colour. Anne Bishop, the Officer of the Somerset
covens, confessed that 'her Forehead being first anointed with a
Feather dipt in Oyl, she hath been suddenly carried to the place of
their meeting.... After all was ended, the Man in black vanished. The
rest were on a sudden conveighed to their homes.'[348]
The belief that the witches actually rode in the air seated on some
concrete object, such as an animal, a human being, or a stick, is both
ancient and universal, and is reflected in the ecclesiastical and civil
laws, of which the earliest is the decree of the ninth century, attributed
to the Council of Ancyra. 'Certeine wicked women following sathans
prouocations, being seduced by the illusion of diuels, beleeve and
professe, that in the night times they ride abroad with _Diana_, the
goddesse of the _Pagans_, or else with _Herodias_, with an innumerable
multitude, vpon certeine beasts ... and doo whatsoeuer those fairies or
ladies command.'[349] The laws of Lorraine (1329-46) decree that 'celui qui
fera magie, sortilege, billets de sort, pronostic d'oiseau ou se vanteroit
d'avoir chevauche la nuit avec Diane ou telle autre vielle qui se dit
magicienne, sera banni et payera dix livres tournois'.[350]
The witches themselves confirmed the statements about riding on animals to
the Sabbath. Rolande du Vernier (1598) confessed 'que lors qu'elle y fut,
elle y alla sur vn gros mouton noir, qui la portoit si viste en l'air,
qu'elle ne se pouuoit recognoistre'.[351] De Lancre says that the witches
'se font porter iusqu'audit lieu, sur vne beste, qui semble parfois vn
cheual, & parfoys vn homme'.[352] Margaret Johnson (1633) 'saith, if they
desyre to be in any place upon a sodaine, theire devill or spirit will,
upon a rodde, dogge, or any thinge els, presently convey them
thither'.[353] One of Madame Bourignon's girls, then aged twelve (1661),
declared that 'her said Lover came upon a little Horse, and took her by the
Hand, asking her if she would be his Mistress, and she saying Ay, she was
catched up into the Air with him and the other Girls, and they flew all
together to a great Castle'.[354] The Swedish witches (1669) said:
'He set us on a Beast which he had there ready, and carried us over
Churches and high walls ... he gives us a horn with a Salve in it,
wherewith we do anoint our selves; and then he gives us a Saddle, with
a Hammer and a wooden nail, thereby to fix the Saddle; whereupon we
call upon the Devil, and away we go.... For their journey they said
they made use of all sorts of Instruments, of Beasts, of Men, of Spits
and Posts. What the manner of their Journey is, God alone knows....
Blockula is scituated in a delicate large Meadow whereof you can see
no end. They went into a little Meadow distinct from the other, where
the Beasts went that they used to ride on: But the Men whom they made
use of in their Journey, stood in the House by the Gate in a
slumbering posture, sleeping against the wall.'[355]
Human beings were also said to be ridden upon in other places besides
Sweden. Agnes Spark of Forfar (1661) said she 'hard people ther present did
speake of Isabell Shirie, and say that shoe was the devill's horse, and
that the divill did allwayes ryde upon hir, and that shoe was shoad lyke
ane mare, or ane horse'.[356] Ann Armstrong, of a Northumbrian Coven
(1673)--
'saith, that since she gave information against severall persons who
ridd her to severall places where they had conversation with the
divell, she hath beene severall times lately ridden by Anne Driden and
Anne Forster, and was last night ridden by them to the rideing house
in the close on the common.... Whilst she was lying in that condition
[i.e. "a fitt"], which happened one night a little before Christmas,
about the change of the moone, the informant see the said Anne Forster
come with a bridle, and bridled her and ridd upon her crosse-leggd,
till they come to (the) rest of her companions at Rideing millne
bridg-end, where they usually mett. And when she light of her back,
pulld the bridle of this informer's head, now in the likenesse of a
horse; but, when the bridle was taken of, she stood up in her own
shape.... And when they had done, bridled this informer, and the rest
of the horses, and rid home.... Upon Collupp Munday last, being the
tenth of February, the said persons met at Allensford, where this
informant was ridden upon by an inchanted bridle by Michael Aynsley
and Margaret his wife. Which inchanted bridle, when they tooke it from
her head, she stood upp in her owne proper person.... On Monday last
at night, she, being in her father's house, see one Jane Baites, of
Corbridge, come in the forme of a gray catt with a bridle hanging on
her foote, and breath'd upon her and struck her dead, and bridled her,
and rid upon her in the name of the devill southward, but the name of
the place she does not now remember. And the said Jane allighted and
pulld the bridle of her head.'[357]
The method of locomotion which has most impressed the popular imagination
and has become proverbial was riding on a stick, generally said to be a
broomstick. It must, however, be remembered that one of the earliest cases
on record of stick-riding does not definitely state that the witch flew
through the air. This was the case of the Lady Alice Kyteler in 1324, when
'in rifleing the closet of the ladie, they found a Pipe of oyntment,
wherewith she greased a staffe, upon the which she ambled and galloped
through thick and thin, when and in what maner she listed'.[358] Though
Holinshed is not always a reliable authority, it is worth while to compare
this account with the stick-riding of the Arab witches and the tree-riding
of the Aberdeen Covens (see pp. 110, 134).
The number of cases vouched for by the persons who actually performed or
saw the feat of riding on a stick through the air are disappointingly few.
Guillaume Edeline, prior of St. Germain-en-Laye (1453), 'se mit en telle
servitude de l'ennemy, qu'il luy convenoit estre en certain lieu toutes
fois qu'il estoit par ledit ennemy evocque: ouquel lieu ilz avoient
accoustume faire leur consistoire, et ne luy falloit que monter sur ung
balay, qu'aussi-tost il estoit prestement transporte la ou ledit
consistoire se faisoit'.[359] The Guernsey witch, Martin Tulouff (1563),
confessed '[*q] il soy est trouve avecq la dite viellesse ou elle
chevaucha ung genest et luy ung aultre, et [*q] lad^te viellesse monta a
mont la chemynee et [*q] il en perdyt la veue et [*q] elle disoet devat
[*q] monter "Va au nom du diable et luciffer dess[~q=] roches et espynes"
et [*q] po^r luy il ne pouvoet ainsy faire, et d^t [*q] sa mere a
chevauche le genest [*p] IV ou V foys et [*q] il l'a veue monter a mont la
cheminee'.[360] Danaeus (1575) sums up the evidence of the witches
themselves: 'He promiseth that himself will conuay them thither, that are
so weak that they cannot trauaile of themselues: which many tymes he doth
by meanes of a staffe or rod, which he deliuereth vnto th[~e], or promiseth
to doo it by force of a certen oyntment, which he will geue them: and
sometimes he offreth them an horse to ride vpon.'[361] Boguet's experience
(1598) is more dramatic than that of Danaeus: 'Les autres y vont, tantost
sur vn Bouc, tantost sur vn cheual, & tantost sur vn ballet, ou ramasse,
sortans ces derniers de leurs maisons le plus souuent par la cheminee....
Les vns encor se frottent auparauant de certaine graisse, & oignement: les
autres ne se frottent en aucune facon.'[362] He also records the actual
evidence of individual witches: Francoise Secretain said 'qu'elle avoit
este vne infinite de fois au Sabbat & assemblee des Sorciers ... & qu'elle
y alloit sur vn baston blanc, qu'elle mettoit entre ses
iambes.[363]--Claudine Boban, ieune fille confessa, qu'elle, & sa mere
montoient sur vne ramasse,[364] & que sortans le contremont de la cheminee
elles alloient par l'air en ceste facon au Sabbat.'[365] In Belgium Claire
Goessen (1603) confessed 'qu'elle s'est trouvee a diverses assemblees
nocturnes tenues par lui, dans lesquelles elle s'est laissee transporter au
moyen d'un baton enduit d'onguent'.[366] Isobell Gowdie (1662) was fully
reported as regards the methods of locomotion used by the witches, though
in other places her evidence is unfortunately cut short:
'I haid a little horse, and wold say, "Horse and Hattock, in the
Divellis name!" And than ve void flie away, quhair ve vold, be ewin as
strawes wold flie wpon an hie-way. We will flie lyk strawes quhan we
pleas; wild-strawes and corne-strawes wilbe horses to ws, an ve put
thaim betwixt our foot, and say, "Horse and Hattok, in the Divellis
name!" ... Quhan we wold ryd, we tak windle-strawes, or been-stakes
[bean-stalks], and put them betwixt owr foot, and say thryse,
Horse and Hattok, horse and goe,
Horse and pellattis, ho! ho!
and immediatlie we flie away whair euir we wold.... All the Coeven did
fflie lyk cattis, bot Barbara Ronald, in Brightmanney, and I, still
[always] read on an horse, quhich ve vold mak of a straw or
beein-stalk.'[367]
Julian Cox (1664) said that 'one evening she walkt out about a Mile from
her own House, and there came riding towards her three persons upon three
Broom-staves, born up about a yard and an half from the ground. Two of them
she formerly knew, which was a Witch and a Wizzard.... The third person she
knew not. He came in the shape of a black Man.'[368] Two of the New England
witches (1692) confessed to riding on a pole; Mary Osgood, wife of Capt.
Osgood of Andover, 'was carried through the air to five-mile pond ... she
was transported back again through the air, in company with the forenamed
persons, in the same manner as she went, and believes they were carried
upon a pole'.[369] Goody Foster's evidence was reported by two authors:
'One Foster confessed that the Devil carry'd them on a pole, to a
Witch-meeting; but the pole broke, and she hanging about [Martha] Carrier's
neck, they both fell down, and she then received an hurt by the Fall,
whereof she was not at this very time recovered.'[370] The second account
is substantially the same: 'In particular Goody F. said (_Inter alia_) that
she with two others (one of whom acknowledged the same) Rode from Andover
to the same Village Witch meeting upon a stick above ground, and that in
the way the stick brake, and gave the said F. a fall: whereupon, said she,
I got a fall and hurt of which I am still sore.'[371]
_Site._--The Sabbath seems to have been originally held on a fixed site. So
much so was this the case that de Lancre is able to say, 'communement ils
l'appellent Aquelarre, qui signifie Lane de Bouc, comme qui diroit la lane
ou lade, ou le Bouc conuoque ses assemblees. Et de faict les Sorciers qui
confessent, nomm[~e]t le lieu pour la chose, & la chose ou Assemblee pour
le lieu: tellement qu'encore que proprement Lane de Bouc, soit le Sabbat
qui se tient es landes, si est-ce qu'ils appellent aussi bien Lane de Bouc,
le Sabbat qui se tient es Eglises, & es places des villages, paroisses,
maisons, & autres lieux.'[372] The confusion of the original _Lane de
Bouc_, i.e. the Sabbath or Great Assembly, with local meetings is thus
shown to be due to the inaccuracy of the witches themselves; and therefore
it is not surprising that de Lancre and other authors should also fail to
distinguish between the two. Still, in many of the records there are
certain indications by which it is possible to recognize the localities
where the real Sabbath, the true _Lane de Bouc_, was held.
De Lancre himself notes that the Sabbath must be held near a lake, stream,
or water of some kind.[373] Bodin, however, gives a better clue, 'Les lieux
des assemblees des Sorciers sont notables, & signalez de quelques arbres,
ou croix.'[374] The _croix_ is clearly the Christian form of the standing
stone which is a marked feature in many descriptions of the Sabbath; and
Bodin's statement recalls one of the laws of Cnut in the eleventh century,
'We earnestly forbid every heathenism: heathenism is, that men worship
idols; that is that they worship heathen gods, or stones, or forest trees
of any kind.'
Estebene de Cambrue (1567) said, 'Le lieu de ceste grande conuocation
s'appelle generalement par tout le pays la Lanne de Bouc. Ou ils se mettent
a dancer a l'entour d'vne pierre, qui est plantee audit lieu, sur laquelle
est assis vn grand homme noir.'[375] At Poictiers in 1574 four witches, one
woman and three men, said that they went 'trois fois l'an, a l'assemblee
generale, ou plusieurs Sorciers se trouuoy[~e]t pres d'vne croix d'vn
carrefour, qui seruoit d'enseigne'.[376] At Aberdeen in 1596 the witches
acknowledged that they danced round the market cross and the 'fische croce'
on All-Hallow-eve; and also round 'ane gray stane' at the foot of the hill
at Craigleauch.[377] Margaret Johnson (1633) said 'shee was not at the
greate meetinge at Hoarestones at the Forest of Pendle upon All Saints
day'.[378] Though no stone is actually mentioned the name suggests that
there had been, or still were, one or more stones standing in that place.
The Swedish witches (1669) seem to have used the same site for both kinds
of meetings; _Blockula_ seems to have been a building of some kind, set in
a meadow which was entered by a painted gate; within the building were
rooms and some kind of chapel for the religious service.[379] The New
England recorders (1692) did not enter into much detail, but even among
them the fact is mentioned that there was 'a General Meeting of the
Witches, in a Field at _Salem_-Village'.[380]
In modern times the identification of stones or of certain places with the
Devil or with witch meetings is very noticeable. Out of innumerable
instances I will mention only a few. In Guernsey the Catioroc is always
identified as the site of the Sabbath. In Belgium 'a Godarville (Hainaut)
se trouve un _tunnel_ hante par les sorcieres; elles y tiennent leur
sabbat'.[381]
'Un bloc de pierre isole et d'aspect extraordinaire est generalement
appele _pierre du diable_. Exemples: A) le dolmen detruit pres de
Namur; B) la grande pierre en forme de table a demi encastree dans la
route qui conduit du village de Seny a celui d'Ellemelle (Candroz); C)
_le fais du diable_, bloc de gres d'environ 800 metres cubes, isole
dans la bruyere entre Wanne et Grand-Halleux pres de Stavelot; D) les
_murs du diable_ a Pepinster, &c.--Dans plusieurs cantons, il y a un
terrain que l'on appele _tchan de makral_, "champ des sorciers". C'est
le cas pres de Remouchamps, pres de Tongres, pres de la Gileppe et
pres de Grand-Halleux.'[382]
It is also noticeable how many of our own stone circles, such as the Nine
Maidens, the Dancing Maidens, and so on, are connected by tradition with
women who danced there on the Sabbath.
_Date._--It appears from the evidence that certain changes took place in
course of time in the religion; and, as might be expected, this is shown
very markedly in the festivals. The ancient festivals remained all through,
and to them were added the festivals of the succeeding religions. The
original celebrations belonged to the May-November year, a division of time
which follows neither the solstices nor the agricultural seasons; I have
shown below (pp. 130, 178) that there is reason to believe these festivals
were connected with the breeding seasons of the flocks and herds. The chief
festivals were: in the spring, May Eve (April 30), called Roodmas or Rood
Day in Britain and Walpurgis-Nacht in Germany; in the autumn, November Eve
(October 31), called in Britain Allhallow Eve. Between these two came: in
the winter, Candlemas (February 2); and in the summer, the Gule of August
(August 1), called Lammas in Britain. To these were added the festivals of
the solstitial invaders, Beltane at midsummer and Yule at midwinter; the
movable festival of Easter was also added, but the equinoxes were never
observed in Britain. On the advent of Christianity the names of the
festivals were changed, and the date of one--Roodmas--was slightly altered
so as to fall on May 3; otherwise the dates were observed as before, but
with ceremonies of the new religion. Therefore Boguet is justified in
saying that the witches kept all the Christian festivals. But the Great
Assemblies were always held on the four original days, and it is this fact
which makes it possible to distinguish with certainty between the Sabbath
and the Esbat whenever dates are mentioned.
De Lancre, generalizing from the evidence before him, says, 'Quelquefois il
y a des Sabbats & assemblees generales qui se font ordinairement les quatre
festes annuelles';[383] and he also gives the words of a witch, tried in
1567: 'Estebene de Cambrue dit que les Sorcieres n'alloient en la grande
assemblee & au grand Sabbat que quatre fois l'annee.'[384] The four actual
days are given in only one trial, that of Issobell Smyth at Forfar in 1661,
'By these meitings shee mett with him every quarter at Candlemas, Rud-day,
Lambemas, and Hallomas',[385] but it is very clear that these were the
regular days, from the mention of them individually in both England and
Scotland. At North Berwick 'Barbara Napier was accused of being present at
the convention on Lammas Eve at the New haven' [three Covens, i.e.
thirty-nine persons, were assembled]. 'And the said Barbara was accused
that she gave her bodily presence upon All Hallow even last was, 1590
years, to the frequent convention holden at the Kirk of North-Berwick,
where she danced endlong the Kirk-yard, and Gelie Duncan played on a trump,
John Fian, missellit, led the ring; Agnes Sampson and her daughters and all
the rest following the said Barbara, to the number of seven score
persons.'[386] The dittays against the witches of Aberdeen in 1596 show
that 'wpoun Hallowewin last bypast, att tuelff houris at ewin or thairby,
thow the said Thomas Leyis ... withe ane gryit number of vtheris witchis,
come to the mercatt and fische croce of Aberdene, wnder the conduct and
gyding of the Dewill present withe you, all in company, playing befoir yow
on his kynd of instrumentis. Ye all dansit about baythe the saidis croces,
and the meill mercatt, ane lang space of tyme.'[387] Christen Michell and
Bessie Thom had been not only at the Allhallow Eve meeting with Thomas
Leyis but also at another before that. 'Thow confessis that, thrie yeris
sensyn, vpon the Ruidday, airlie in the morning,' [Bessie Thom: 'befoir
sone rysing'] 'thow, accumpaniet with ... certan vtheris witchis, thy
devilische adherentis, convenit vpon Sainct Katherines Hill ... and thair,
vnder the conduct of Sathan, present with yow, playing befoir yow, efter
his forme, ye all dansit a devilische danse, rydand on treis, be a lang
space.'[388] In 1597 Issobell Richie, Margrat Og, Helene Rogie, Jonet
Lucas, Jonet Dauidsone, Issobell Oige, and Beatrice Robbie were accused of
a meeting at Craigleauche, near Aberdeen: 'Thow art indyttit for the being
at the twa devylische dances betuixt Lumfannand and Cragleauche, with
vmquhile Margerat Bane, vpon Alhalowewin last, quhair thow conferrit with
the Dewill.'[389] In Ayrshire in 1604 Patrik Lowrie and his
companion-witches were accused that they 'att Hallowevin in the yeir of God
foirsaid, assemblit thame selffis vpon Lowdon-hill, quhair thair appeirit
to thame ane devillische Spreit'.[390] Margaret Johnson, of the second
generation of Lancashire witches, in 1633 said 'shee was not at the greate
meetinge at Hartford in the Forrest of Pendle on All Saintes day'.[391]
Isobel Gowdie (Auldearne, 1662) does not enter into her usual detail, but
merely states that 'a Grand Meitting vold be about the end of ilk
Quarter'.[392]
Of the festivals belonging to later religions several mentions are made. De
Lancre, when giving a general account of the ceremonies, says that the
witches of the Basses-Pyrenees went to their assemblies at Easter and other
solemn festivals, and that their chief night was that of St. John the
Baptist.[393] Jane Bosdeau, from the Puy-de-Dome district (1594), bears
this out, for she went to a meeting with the Devil 'at Midnight on the Eve
of St. John'.[394] Antide Colas (1598) 'auoit este au Sabbat a vn chacun
bon iour de l'an, comme a Noel, a Pasques, a la feste de Dieu'.[395] Both
generations of Lancashire witches (1613 and 1633) kept Good Friday.[396]
Jonet Watson of Dalkeith (1661) was at a meeting 'about the tyme of the
last Baille-ffyre night'.[397] The Crook of Devon witches (1662) met on St.
Andrew's Day, at Yule.[398] In Connecticut (1662) the 'high frolic' was to
be held at Christmas.[399]
_Hour._--The actual hour at which the Sabbath was held is specified in very
few cases; it appears to have been a nocturnal assembly, beginning about
midnight and lasting till early dawn or cockcrow. 'Le coq s'oyt par fois es
sabbats sonnat la retraicte aux Sorciers.'[400]
In the Vosges in 1408 the meeting was held 'en la minuit et la deuxieme
heure'.[401] In Lorraine in 1589 'Johannes a Villa und Agathina des
Schneiders Francisci Weib, sagt, eine oder zwey Stunde vor Mitternacht were
die bequemste Zeit darzu'.[402] At North Berwick, in 1590, Agnes Sampson
arrived at the appointed place 'about eleven hours at even'.[403] The
Aberdeen witches in 1597 held their dance 'wpon Hallowewin last bypast, at
tuelff houris at ewin or thairby' (or more particularly) 'betuixt tuell &
ane houris at nycht'.[404] In 1598 the Lyons witch Francoise Secretain
'adioustoit qu'elle alloit tousiours au Sabbat enuiron la minuit, &
beaucoup d'autres sorciers, que i'ay eu en main, ont dit le mesme'. Antide
Colas, another Lyonnaise, went to the meeting on Christmas Eve between the
midnight mass and the mass at dawn.[405]
The only daylight meeting which can be identified as a Sabbath occurred at
Aberdeen, and may have been peculiar either to the locality or to the
May-Day festival; or it may have been simply the continuation of the
festival till the sun rose. Christen Michell and Bessie Thom were each
accused that 'vpon the Ruidday, thrie yeris sensyn bygane, airlie in the
morning, befoir sone rysing, thow convenit vpon Sanct Katherines Hill,
accumpaniet with a numer of thy devilische factioun and band, the Devill
your maister in cumpanie with yow'.[406]
2. _The Esbat_
_Business._--The Esbat differed from the Sabbath by being primarily for
business, whereas the Sabbath was purely religious. In both, feasting and
dancing brought the proceedings to a close. The business carried on at the
Esbat was usually the practice of magic for the benefit of a client or for
the harming of an enemy. Sometimes the Devil appears to have ordered his
followers to perform some action by which to impress the imagination of
those who believed in his power though they did not worship him. Very often
also the Esbat was for sheer enjoyment only, without any ulterior object,
as the following quotations show:
Estebene de Cambrue (1567), who is the authority for the name Esbat as
applied to local meetings, says that 'les petites assemblees qui se font
pres des villes ou parroisses, ou il n'y va que ceux du lieu, ils les
appellent les esbats: & se font ores en vn lieu de ladicte paroisse, ores
en vn autre, ou on ne faict que sauter & folastrer, le Diable n'y estant
auec tout son grand arroy comme aux grandes assemblees'.[407] Alesoun
Peirsoun (1588) was taken by a party of men and women, under the leadership
of a man in green, 'fordir nor scho could tell; and saw with thame pypeing
and mirrynes and gude scheir, and wes careit to Lowtheane, and saw wyne
punchounis with tassis with them'.[408] Jonet Barker (1643) said that 'scho
and ye said Margaret Lauder being w^{t}hin ye said Jonet Cranstones house
tua pyntis of beir war drukkin be thame thre togidder in ye said house at
quhilk ye devill appeirit to thame in ye liknes of ane tryme gentill man
and drank w^t thame all thre and that he Imbracet the said margaret lauder
in his armes at ye drinking of ye beir and put his arme about hir
waist'.[409] Isobel Bairdie (1649) was accused of meeting the Devil and
drinking with him, 'the devil drank to her, and she pledging him, drank
back again to him, and he pledged her, saying, _Grammercie, you are very
welcome_.'[410] Janet Brown (1649) 'was charged with having held a meeting
with the Devil appearing as a man, at the back of Broomhills, who was _at a
wanton play_ with Isobel Gairdner the elder, and Janet Thomson'.[411] In
Forfar Helen Guthrie (1661) confessed that she went to several meetings; at
one in the churchyard 'they daunced togither, and the ground under them wes
all fyre flauchter, and Andrew Watson hade his vsuale staff in his hand,
altho he be a blind man yet he daunced alse nimblie as any of the companye,
and made also great miriement by singing his old ballads, and that Isobell
Shyrrie did sing her song called Tinkletum Tankletum; and that the divill
kist every one of the women'. At another meeting 'they all daunced togither
a whyle, and then went to Mary Rynd's house and sat doune together at the
table ... and made them selfes mirrie; and the divell made much of them
all, but especiallie of Mary Rynd, and he kist them all'.[412] Elspet Bruce
of the same Coven, 'by turning the sive and sheires, reased the divell, who
being werry hard to be laid againe, ther wes a meiting of witches for
laying of him ... and at this meiting they had pipe-music and
dauncing'.[413] Isobell Gowdie (1662) gives an account of one of these
joyous assemblies: 'We killed an ox, in Burgie, abowt the dawing of the
day, and we browght the ox with ws hom to Aulderne, and did eat all amongst
ws, in an hows in Aulderne, and feasted on it.'[414] Marie Lamont (1662)
also enjoyed her meetings; the first at which she was present was held in
Kettie Scott's house, where the devil 'sung to them, and they dancit; he
gave them wyn to drink, and wheat bread to eat, and they warr all very
mirrie. She confesses, at that meiting the said Kettie Scott made her first
acquaintance with the devill, and caused her to drink to him, and shak
hands with him.--Shee was with Katie Scot and others at a meitting at
Kempoch, wher they danced, and the devil kissed them when they went
away.'[415] Annaple Thomson and the other witches of Borrowstowness
(1679)--
'wis at several mettings with the devill in the linkes of
Borrowstonenes, and in the howsse of you Bessie Vickar, and ye did
eatt and drink with the devill, and with on another, and with witches
in hir howss in the night tyme; and the devill and the said Wm Craw
browght the ale which ye drank, extending to about sevin gallons, from
the howss of Elizabeth Hamilton; and yow the said Annaple had ane
other metting abowt fyve wekes ago, when yow wis goeing to the
coalhill of Grange, and he inveitted you to go alongst, and drink with
him.... And yow the said Margret Hamilton has bein the devill's
servant these eight or nyne yeeres bygane; and he appered and
conversed with yow at the town-well at Borrowstownes, and several
tymes in yowr awin howss, and drank severall choppens of ale with
you.'[416]
The magical ceremonies performed by the witches with the help of the Devil
were usually for the destruction of, or for doing harm to, an enemy.
Sometimes, however, the spells were originally for the promotion of
fertility, but were misunderstood by the recorders and probably by the
witches themselves. Alexia Violaea (1589) said that 'nachdem sie were mit
ihren Gespielen umb und umb gelauffen eine ziemliche gut Weile, habe sie
pflegen in die Hoehe ueber sich zu werffen ein reines subtiles Pulverlein,
welches ihr der Teuffel darzu gegeben habe, darvon Raupen, Kaeffern,
Heuschrecken, und dergleichen andere Beschaedigung mehr, so Hauffenweise
wuechsen, dass die Acker darmit in einem Augenblick ueberall beschmeist
wuerden'.[417] Isobel Gowdie's magical charm (1662) seems to come under this
category:
'We went be-east Kinlosse, and ther we yoaked an plewghe of paddokis.
The Devill held the plewgh, and Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, our
Officer, did drywe the plewghe. Paddokis did draw the plewgh, as oxen;
qwickens wer sowmes, a riglen's horne wes a cowter, and an piece of an
riglen's horne wes an sok. We went two seuerall tymes abowt; and all
we of the Coven went still wp and downe with the plewghe, prayeing to
the Divell for the fruit of that land.'[418]
The greater number of meetings were occupied with business of a magical
character with the intention of harming certain specified persons; though
any other kind of business was also transacted. The North Berwick witches
opened the graves which the Devil indicated in order to obtain the means of
making charms with dead men's bones; on another occasion they attempted to
wreck a ship by magic.[419] The Lang Niddry witches (1608) went to the
house of Beigis Tod, where they drank, and there christened a cat.[420] The
Lancashire witches (1613) met at Malking Tower for two purposes; the first
was to give a name to the familiar of Alison Device, which could not be
done as she was not present, being then in prison; the second was to
arrange a scheme or plot for the release of Mother Demdike, the principal
witch of the community, then a prisoner in Lancaster Castle; the plot
involved the killing of the gaoler and governor, and the blowing up of the
castle.[421] In 1630 Alexander Hamilton was tried in Edinburgh,
'the said Alexr Hamiltoun haifing concaivet ane deidlie haitrent
agains umqle Elizabeth Lausone Lady Ormestoun younger becaus the said
Alexr being at her zet asking for almous she choisit him therfra
saying to him "away custroun carle ye will get nothing heir". The said
Alexr therupon in revenge therof accompaneit wt tua wemen mentionet in
his depostiones come to Saltoun woid quhair he raisit the devill and
quha appeirit to him and his associattis in the likenes of ane man
cled in gray and the said Alexr and his associattis haifing schawin to
him the caus of thair coming desyring him to schaw to thame be quhat
meanes thay micht be revendget upon the said Lady.'[422]
Margaret Johnson (1633) deposed that she was not at the great witch-meeting
on All Saints' Day, but was at a smaller meeting the Sunday after, 'where
there was, at yt tyme, between 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the
said meetinge, and the end of theire said meeting was to consult for the
killinge and hurtinge of men and beasts.'[423] The Forfar witches (1661)
claimed to have wrecked a ship.[424] Isobel Gowdie (1662) is as usual very
dramatic in her account; on one occasion the witches met to make a charm
against the minister of Auldearne, Mr. Harie Forbes: 'Satan wes with ws and
learned ws the wordis to say thryse ower. Quhan we haid learned all thes
wordis from the Divell, we fell all down wpon owr kneis, with owr hear down
ower owr showlderis and eyes, and owr handis lifted wp, and owr eyes
stedfastlie fixed wpon the Divell; and said the forsaidis wordis thryse
ower to the Divell, striktlie, against Maister Harie Forbes his recowering
from the said seiknes.' When making an image only a few of the witches were
present with the Devil.[425] Marie Lamont (1662) claimed that her Coven
raised storms on two occasions; and on a third, they in the likeness of
'kats', and the Devil as a man with cloven feet, made a charm with 'wyt
sand' against Blackhall younger and Mr. John Hamilton.[426] Amongst the
most detailed accounts of the wax or clay images, and of the ritual for
killing the person whom the image represented, are those of the Somerset
witches[427] (1664). The baptism of the figure is an interesting point. The
Paisley witches (1678) had a meeting to make a clay figure in order to kill
an enemy of the witch in whose house the meeting was held.[428] At
Borrowstowness part of the accusation was that 'ye and ilk ane of yow was
at ane metting with the devill and other witches at the croce of Murestane,
upon the threttein of October last, where you all danced and the devill
acted the pyiper, and where yow indewored to have destroyed Andrew
Mitchell.'[429] In New England the witches accused George Burroughs 'that
he brought Poppets to them, and Thorns to stick into those Poppets'.[430]
At the Esbats it is also evident that the Devil wished to maintain an
appearance of miraculous power not only before the world at large, but in
the eyes of the witches as well. This will account for the meetings on the
sea-shore in raging storms when vessels were liable to be wrecked, and
there are also many indications that the destruction of an enemy was
effected by means more certain than the making and pricking of a wax or
clay figure, means which were used after the figure had been made. Some of
the methods of maintaining this prestige are of the simplest, others are
noted without any explanation: 'Satan faict en ce lieu [le Sabbat] tant de
choses estrages & nouuelles que leur simplicite & abus prend cela pour
quelques miracles.'[431] At Forfar (1661) the means of obtaining the result
are apparent; during a great storm the Devil and the witches destroyed the
bridge of Cortaquhie, and the destruction was so arranged as to appear to
have been effected by magical power; but Helen Guthrie confessed that 'they
went to the bridge of Cortaquhie with intentione to pull it doune, and that
for this end shee her selfe, Jonnet Stout, and others of them, did thrust
ther shoulderis againest the bridge, and that the divell wes bussie among
them acting his pairt'. Issobell Smyth, who also assisted on the occasion,
said, 'Wee all rewed that meitting, for wee hurt our selves lifting.'[432]
Still more simple was the method of destroying the harvest of a field at
Crook of Devon, where Bessie Henderson 'confessed and declared that Janet
Paton was with you at ane meeting when they trampit down Thos. White's rie
in the beginning of harvest, 1661, and that she had broad soales and
trampit down more nor any of the rest'.[433] The Devil of Mohra in Sweden
cared only to impress his followers; when the wall which they were building
fell down 'some of the Witches are commonly hurt, which makes him laugh,
but presently he cures them again'.[434]
_Site._--In some places the Esbat was held at a fixed site, in others the
site varied from week to week. In both cases, the locality was always in
the near neighbourhood of the village whose inhabitants attended the
meeting.
'Pour le lieu ordinaire c'est es carrefours, co[~m]e disoit Isaac de
Queyran, qui deposoit y auoir este au carrefour du Palays Galienne,
pres la ville de Bourdeaux; ou aux places des paroisses au deuant des
Eglises, & le plus souuent au droict de la grand' porte, si l'Eglise
est plantee au milieu de la place comme elle est souuent, afin que le
Diable plante sa chaire tout vis a vis du grand autel ou on met le
Sainct sacrement: comme il est en la place d'Ascain, ou tous les
tesmoins du lieu, nous ont dict que le Sabbat se faisoit. Il a aussi
accoustume les tenir en quelque lieu desert, & sauuage, comme au
milieu d'vne lande; & encore en lieu du tout hors de passage, de
voisinage, d'habitation, & de rencontre: Et communement ils
s'appellent Aquelarre[435] qui signifie Lane de Bouc, comme qui diroit
la lane ou lade, ou le Bouc conuoque ses assemblees.'[436]
Danaeus emphasizes the variation of both site and date: 'They meete
togither in certen apointed places, not al of them togither, nor at once,
but certen of them whom he pleaseth to call, so that he apointeth where
they shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the nighte.'[437] The
Windsor witches, however, 'did accustome to meete within the backeside of
Maister Dodges in the Pittes there'.[438] Boguet's evidence also points to
there being a settled site for the Esbat in each village:
'Les Sorciers du coste de Longchamois s'assembloient en vn pre, qui
est sur le grand chemin tirant a S. Claude, ou l'on voit les ruines
d'vne maison. Ceux du coste de Coirieres tenoient leur Sabbat, sous le
village de Coirieres proche l'eau, en vn lieu appelle es Combes, qui
est du tout sans chemin. [Autres] se retrouuoient en vn lieu dict es
Fontenelles, sous le village de Nezan, qui est vn lieu assez
descouuert ... le Sabbat des Sorciers de la Moueille se tenoit en la
Cour du Priore du mesme lieu.'[439]
Jane Bosdeau (1594) went twice a week regularly to 'a Rendezvous of above
Sixty Witches at Puy de dome'.[440] And the Swedish witches went so
uniformly to one place that there was a special building for their rites:
'They unanimously confessed that _Blockula_ is scituated in a delicate
large Meadow whereof you can see no end. The place or house they met
at, had before it a Gate painted with divers colours; through this
Gate they went into a little Meadow distinct from the other.... In a
huge large Room of this House, they said, there stood a very long
Table, at which the Witches did sit down: And that hard by this Room
was another Chamber where there were very lovely and delicate
Beds.'[441]
On the whole, the weight of evidence in England and Scotland is in favour
of Danaeus's statement that there was no fixed site, though this should be
taken as referring to the local meetings only, not to the Great Assemblies.
The Forfar witch-trials give much information: Helen Guthrie
'wes at a meitting in the church yeard of Forfar in the Holfe
therof.... Betwixt the oatseid and the bearseid [barleysowing], she
wes at ane other meitting at the Pavilione hollis.... This same year,
betwixt the oatseid and bearseid, she was at a thrid meiting in the
church yeard of Forfar in the holfe thereof, about the same tyme of
the night as at the [former] meitings, viz. at midnight.--About the
beginning of the last oat seid tyme, Isabell Syrie did cary hir
[Jonet Howat] to the Insch within the loch of Forfar, shoe saw at this
tyme, about threteen witches with the divill, and they daunced
togither.... About four wiekes after the forsaid meiting in the Insch,
the said Isabell Syrie caried hir to ane other meiting at
Muryknowes.--About three and a halfe yeares since, she [Elspet
Alexander] was at a meiting with the divill at Peterden, midway
betwixt Forfar and Dondie.... About four wiekes after this mieting at
Petterden, shoe was at ane second mieting at the Muryknowes ... shoe
was present at ane thrid mieting near Kerymure.'[442]
Isobel Gowdie's evidence is detailed as usual: 'The last tyme that owr
Coven met, we, and an vther Coven, wer dauncing at the Hill of Earlseat;
and befor that, betwixt Moynes and Bowgholl; and befor that we ves beyond
the Meikleburne; and the vther Coven being at the Downie-hillis we went
from beyond the Meikle-burne, and went besyd them, to the howssis at the
Wood-end of Inshoch.... Befor Candlemas, we went be-east Kinlosse.'[443]
The same facts were elicited from the Kinross-shire witches; Robert Wilson
'confessed ye had ane meeting with the Devill at the Stanriegate, bewest
the Cruick of Devon ... the Devil appointed them to meet at the Bents of
Balruddrie'.--Margaret Huggon confessed 'that ye was at another meeting
with Sathan at the Stanriegate, bewest the Cruik of Devon ... lykeways ye
confessed ye was at another meeting with Satan at the Heathrie Knowe
be-east the Cruik of Devon, where the Gallows stands ... a meeting at the
back of Knocktinnie at the Gaitside ... and another at the bents of
Newbiggin'.--Janet Brugh 'confessed that ye was at ane meeting at
Stanriegate ... ye confessed that about Yule last bypast ye was at ane
meeting with Sathan at Turfhills ... lykeways ye confessed that ye was at
the Bents of Balruddrie and Gibson's Craig, where Sathan was present at
them both'.--Christian Grieve 'freely confessed that ye was at ane meeting
with Sathan at the back of Andrew Dowie his house'.[444] The Somerset
witches (1664) varied in this respect. Those of Wincanton met in different
places: Elizabeth Style 'hath been at several general meetings in the night
at High Common, and a Common near _Motcombe_, at a place near _Marnhull_,
and at other places'.--Alice Duke 'hath been at several meetings in Lie
Common, and other places in the night'. But the Brewham Coven appear to
have met commonly at Hussey's Knap in Brewham Forest.[445]
Occasionally a reason is given for the change of site. 'Parfois vn Sabbat
finy a vn coin de paroisse, on s'en va le tenir a vne autre, ou le Diable
mene les mesmes personnes: mais la, on y en rencontre d'autres'.[446]
Sometimes also a sidelight is thrown upon these gatherings, which explains
the fact that in many cases the witches said that they did not know all the
people present at a given meeting:
'Antoine Tornier, Et Iaquema Paget ont confesse, que comme elles
retournoient a certain iour par ensemble de glanner, passans au long
du [=p]re de Longchamois, elles apperceurent que l'on y tenoit le
Sabbat; Surquoy elles poserent bas leurs fardeaux, & allerent au lieu
predict, ou elles firent comme les autres, & puis se retirerent
chacune en leurs maisons, apres auoir reprins leurs fardeaux.'[447]
The Salem Witches (1692) met 'upon a plain grassy place, by which was a
Cart path and sandy ground in the path, in which were the tracks of Horses
feet'.[448]
_Date and Hour._--There was no fixed day or hour for the Esbat, and in this
it differed from the Sabbath, which was always at night. The Devil let his
followers know the time, either by going to them himself or by sending a
message by the officer. The message might be by word of mouth, or by some
signal understood by the initiated.
Though there was no fixed day for the Esbat, it seems probable that one day
in the week was observed in each locality.
Danaeus, in his general survey of the cult in 1575, says: 'He apointeth
where they shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the night:
wherein they haue no surenes, nor certentie. For these meetinges are not
weekely, nor monthly, nor yeerely, but when and how often it shall seeme
good to this their maister. And many times himself warneth them to meete,
sometimes hee apoynteth others to warne them in his staede. But when he
doth it himself, he appeareth vnto them in likenesse of a man.'[449] De
Lancre says that in the Basses-Pyrenees 'le lieu ou on le trouue
ordinairement s'appelle Lanne de bouc, & en Basque _Aquelarre de verros,
prado del Cabron_, & la les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts durant,
celle du Lundy, du Mercredy, & du Vendredy.--Les iours ordinaires de la
conuocation du Sabbat, ou pour mieux dire les nuicts, sont celles du
Mercredy venant au Ieudy, & du Vendredy venant au Samedy.--Catherine de
Naguille de la paroisse d'Vstarits, aagee de onze ans, & sa compagne, nous
out asseure qu'elles auoi[~e]t este au Sabbat en plein midy.'[450] Jane
Bosdeau (1594) 'every Wednesday and Friday met a Rendezvous of aboue Sixty
Witches at Puy de dome'.[451] Boguet says that the day of the Sabbath was
variable, usually Thursday night;[452] while, according to Bodin, the most
frequent was 'entre la nuict du Lundi & Mardi'.[453] Boguet also goes on to
say, 'Le Sabbat ne se tient pas tousiours de nuict, ains que les Sorciers y
vont aussi quelquefois de iour, selon que firent Antoine Tornier, & Iaquema
Paget, & plusieurs autres de leur secte le confessent.'[454] The Lorraine
witches also had the same custom:
'Alle zugleich, so viel ihrer bisher in Lotharingen peinlich sind
verhoeret worden, bekandten, dass solche Versammlung in keiner andern
Nacht, als welche zu nechst vor dem Donnerstag oder Sambstag hergehet,
gehalten werden.--Johannes a Villa und Agathina des Schneiders
Francisci weib, sagt, eine oder zwey Stunde vor Mitternacht, were die
bequemste Zeit darzu, und zwar nicht allein zu diesen Gespensten,
sondern auch sonsten zu allerhand Gespensten, Bollergeisten,
Irrgeisten, &c. Aber die Stunde nach Mitternacht diene nicht
darzu.'[455]
The English and Scotch evidence is to the same effect. The witches 'are
likewise reported to have each of them a Spirit or Imp attending on, or
assigned to them.... These give the Witches notice to be ready on all
Solemn appointments, and meetings, which are ordinarily on Tuesday or
Wednesday night'.[456] Janet Breadheid of the Auldearne Coven emphasizes
the irregularity of the dates: 'Efter that, we vold still meit euerie ten,
twelve, or twantie dayes continwally.'[457] Marie Lamont merely notes that
the meetings were at night: 'The devil came to Kattrein Scott's house in
the midst of the night.... When she had been at a mietting sine Zowle last,
with other witches, in the night, the devill convoyed her home in the
dawing.'[458] The Somerset witches had no special night: 'At every meeting
before the Spirit vanisheth away, he appoints the next meeting place and
time,'[459] and Mary Green went to a meeting 'on Thursday Night before
Whitsunday last.'[460] At Paisley the meeting was on Thursday, the 4th of
January, 1678, in the night, in John Stuart's house.[461] The Swedish
witches were much harder worked: 'whereas formerly one journey a week would
serve his turn, from their own Town to the place aforesaid, now they were
forced to run to other Towns and places for Children, and that some of them
did bring with them some fifteen, some sixteen Children every night.'[462]
The more modern examples suggest that the date became more fixed: 'On croit
que c'est toujours un vendredi soir que les sorciers et sorcieres se
reunissent.'[463] 'Sorciers et sorcieres vont au _sabbat_ le vendredi, a
travers les airs.'[464]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 328: Boguet, pp. 106-7.]
[Footnote 329: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 542-3.]
[Footnote 330: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 331: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 808.]
[Footnote 332: Kinloch, pp. 122-3.]
[Footnote 333: Burns Begg, p. 239.]
[Footnote 334: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 211; Hale, p. 29.]
[Footnote 335: Stewart, p. 174.]
[Footnote 336: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 337: Boguet, p. 104.]
[Footnote 338: Potts, G 4.]
[Footnote 339: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 340: Pitcairn, iii, p. 604.]
[Footnote 341: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 320.]
[Footnote 342: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 178.]
[Footnote 343: Scot, pp. 41, 184. Scot is as usual, extraordinarily
inaccurate in his statements. The correct formulae, as given by Wierus,
will be found in Appendix V, with notes on the ingredients by Prof. A. J.
Clark.]
[Footnote 344: Boguet, p. 96.]
[Footnote 345: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 346: H. G. van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, p. 215. Unfortunately
neither name nor place are given in the transcription.]
[Footnote 347: Burns Begg, p. 223.]
[Footnote 348: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 141, 148-9, 151.]
[Footnote 349: Scot, Bk. iii, p. 66; Lea, iii, p. 493. I give Scot's
translation as being more racily expressed.]
[Footnote 350: J. Bournon, p. 19.]
[Footnote 351: Boguet, p. 96.]
[Footnote 352: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 353: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 354: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 214; Hale, p. 31.]
[Footnote 355: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 316, 317, 318, 319, 321.]
[Footnote 356: Kinloch, p. 129.]
[Footnote 357: Surtees Society, xl, pp. 191-2, 194, 197; Denham Tracts, ii,
pp. 299-301, 304, 307.]
[Footnote 358: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]
[Footnote 359: Chartier, iii, p. 45; Lea, iii, p. 536.]
[Footnote 360: From a trial in the Greffe, Guernsey.]
[Footnote 361: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 362: Boguet, p. 104.]
[Footnote 363: Id., pp. 9, 104.]
[Footnote 364: A marginal note against the word _ramasse_ gives 'autrement
balait, & en Lyonnois coiue'.]
[Footnote 365: Boguet, pp. 9, 97, 104.]
[Footnote 366: Cannaert, p. 49.]
[Footnote 367: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 608, 613.]
[Footnote 368: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 194.]
[Footnote 369: Howell, vi, 660; J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts
Bay_, p. 31.]
[Footnote 370: Cotton Mather, p. 158; Burr, p. 244. _See also_ J.
Hutchinson, ii, pp. 35-6.]
[Footnote 371: Burr, p. 418.]
[Footnote 372: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 65.]
[Footnote 373: Id. ib., p. 72.]
[Footnote 374: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 181.]
[Footnote 375: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 376: Bodin, p. 187.]
[Footnote 377: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8, 114, 149, 153, 165,
167.]
[Footnote 378: Whitaker, p. 216; Baines, i, p. 607 note, where the name is
given as _Hartford_. The importance of the stone in the Sabbath ceremonies
is very marked in the account of a meeting in Northumberland (1673). Ann
Armstrong declared that 'she and the rest had drawne their compasse nigh to
a bridg end, and the devil placed a stone in the middle of the compasse,
they sett themselves downe, and bending towards the stone, repeated the
Lord's prayer backwards'. Denham Tracts, ii, p. 307; Surtees Soc., xl, p.
197.]
[Footnote 379: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 321, 324.]
[Footnote 380: Mather, p. 131.]
[Footnote 381: Harou, _La Tradition_, vi (1892), p. 367.]
[Footnote 382: Monseur, pp. 2, 88.]
[Footnote 383: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 384: Id. ib., p. 123.]
[Footnote 385: Kinloch, p. 133.]
[Footnote 386: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 245. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 387: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8.]
[Footnote 388: Ib., i, Christen Michell, p. 165; Bessie Thom, p. 167.]
[Footnote 389: Ib., i, Issobell Richie, p. 142; Margrat Og, p. 144; Helene
Rogie, p. 147; Jonet Lucas, p. 149; Jonet Dauidsone, p. 150; Issobell Oige,
p. 152; Beatrice Robbie, p. 153.]
[Footnote 390: Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.]
[Footnote 391: Baines, i, p. 607 note.]
[Footnote 392: Pitcairn, iii, p. 606.]
[Footnote 393: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]
[Footnote 394: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 395: Boguet, p. 125.]
[Footnote 396: Chetham Society, vi, p. lxxiii; Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 397: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 398: Burns Begg, pp. 219, 226, 237.]
[Footnote 399: J. Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii, p. 17;
Taylor, p. 98.]
[Footnote 400: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 154.]
[Footnote 401: Bournon, p. 23.]
[Footnote 402: Remigius, pt. i, p. 72.]
[Footnote 403: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239.]
[Footnote 404: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97, 114, 165, 167.]
[Footnote 405: Boguet, pp. 119, 125.]
[Footnote 406: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167.]
[Footnote 407: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 408: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]
[Footnote 409: From the record in the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 410: Arnot, p. 358.]
[Footnote 411: Id., p. 358.]
[Footnote 412: Kinloch, pp. 120, 121.]
[Footnote 413: Id., p. 122.]
[Footnote 414: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]
[Footnote 415: Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.]
[Footnote 416: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]
[Footnote 417: Remigius, pt. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 418: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603; see below, p. 171.]
[Footnote 419: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 210-11, 217, 239.]
[Footnote 420: Id., ii, pp. 542-3.]
[Footnote 421: Potts, C 3, G 3, I 2, I 3.]
[Footnote 422: From the trial of 'Alexr Hamiltoun, warlok', in the
Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 423: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 424: Kinloch, p. 122.]
[Footnote 425: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 609, 613.]
[Footnote 426: Sharpe, pp. 132-4.]
[Footnote 427: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137-8, 164.]
[Footnote 428: Id., pt. ii, p. 294.]
[Footnote 429: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 201.]
[Footnote 430: Mather, p. 125.]
[Footnote 431: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 135.]
[Footnote 432: Kinloch, pp. 122, 133.]
[Footnote 433: Burns Begg, p. 224.]
[Footnote 434: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 323.]
[Footnote 435: The full name is Aquelarre de verros, prado del Cabron.]
[Footnote 436: De Lancre, Tableau, pp. 64-5.]
[Footnote 437: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 438: _Rehearsall_, p. 7.]
[Footnote 439: _Boguet_, pp. 126-7.]
[Footnote 440: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 43.]
[Footnote 441: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 321.]
[Footnote 442: Kinloch, pp. 120 seq.]
[Footnote 443: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]
[Footnote 444: Burns Begg, pp. 226 seq.]
[Footnote 445: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 140, 148, 156, 161.]
[Footnote 446: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 447: Boguet, p. 102.]
[Footnote 448: Burr, p. 418.]
[Footnote 449: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 450: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 62, 398.]
[Footnote 451: F. Hutchinson, p. 43.]
[Footnote 452: Boguet, p. 124.]
[Footnote 453: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 182.]
[Footnote 454: Boguet, p. 123.]
[Footnote 455: Remigius, pp. 71, 72.]
[Footnote 456: _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 4.]
[Footnote 457: Pitcairn, iii, p. 617.]
[Footnote 458: Sharpe, pp. 131, 133.]
[Footnote 459: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 139.]
[Footnote 460: Id., pt. ii, p. 164.]
[Footnote 461: Id., pt. ii, pp. 293, 297.]
[Footnote 462: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 318.]
[Footnote 463: Monseur, p. 87.]
[Footnote 464: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, 1892, vi, p. 106.]
V. THE RITES
1. _General_
The exact order of the ceremonies is never given and probably varied in
different localities, but the general rule of the ritual at the Sabbath
seems to have been that proceedings began by the worshippers paying homage
to the Devil, who sat or stood in a convenient place. The homage consisted
in renewing the vows of fidelity and obedience, in kissing the Devil on any
part of his person that he chose to indicate, and sometimes in turning a
certain number of times widdershins. Then followed the reports of all magic
worked since the previous Sabbath, either by individuals or at the Esbats,
and at the same time the witches consulted the Master as to their cases and
received instructions from him how to proceed; after which came admissions
to the society or marriages of the members. This ended the business part of
the meeting. Immediately after all the business was transacted, the
religious service was celebrated, the ceremonial of which varied according
to the season of the year; and it was followed by the 'obscene' fertility
rites. The whole ceremony ended with feasting and dancing, and the assembly
broke up at dawn.
This was apparently the usual course of the ritual of the Sabbath; the
Esbat had less ceremonial, and the religious service was not performed. The
Devil himself often went round and collected the congregation; and, not
being in his 'grand arroy', he appeared as a man in ordinary dress. Instead
of the religious service with the adoration of the god, the witches worked
the spells and charms with which they bewitched or unbewitched their
enemies and friends, or they exercised new methods which they learnt from
their Master, or received instructions how to practise the arts of healing
and secret poisoning, of causing and blasting fertility.
There are a few general accounts of the usual course of the Sabbath ritual.
Danaeus (1575) does not distinguish clearly between the two classes of
meetings, but at the same time he seems to have realized that a certain
order was followed:
'Satan calleth them togither into a Diuelish Sinagoge, and that he may
also vnderstand of them howe well and diligently they haue fulfilled
their office of intoxicating committed vnto them, and who they haue
slaine: wherefore they meete togither in certen apointed places....
Wh[~e] they meete together he appeareth visibly vnto them in sundrie
fourmes, as the head and chiefe of that congregation.... Then doe they
all repeate the othe which they haue geuen vnto him, in acknowledging
him to be their God, th[~e] fal they to dauncing.... Whiche beeing all
finished, then he demaundeth agayne of them what they woulde require
of him.... Vnto some he geueth poysons ready made, and others he
teacheth howe to make and mingle new.... Finally, if in any thing they
neede his presence and helpe, by couenant he promiseth to be present
with them.'[465]
Boguet (1589) is more exact, as he obtained his knowledge at first hand:
'Les Sorciers estans assemblez en leur Synagogue adorent premierement
Satan ... ils luy offrent des chandelles, & le baisent aux parties
honteuses de derriere. Quelquefois encor il tient vne image noire,
qu'il faut baiser aux Sorciers.... Les Sorciers en second lieu
dansent.... Les danses finies, les Sorciers viennent a s'accoupler....
Les Sorciers, apres s'estre veautrez parmy les plaisirs immondes de la
chair, banquettent & se festoient.... Les Sorciers rendent conte a
Satan de ce qu'ils ont fait des la derniere assemblee.... Il fait
renoncer de nouueau a ces miserables, Dieu, Chresme, & Baptesme. Il
leur fait rafraischir le serment solennel qu'ils ont fait.'[466]
The English account is put together from foreign sources to a great extent:
'They are carryed out of the house, either by the Window, Door, or
Chimney, mounted on their Imps.... Thus brought to the designed place,
they find a great number of others arrived there by the same means:
who, before Lucifer takes his place in his throne as King, do make
their accustomed homage, Adoring, and Proclaiming him their Lord, and
rendring him all Honour. This Solemnity being finished, they sit to
Table where no delicate meats are wanting.... At the sound of many
pleasant Instruments the table is taken away, and the pleasant consort
invites them to a Ball.... At the last, the lights are put out. The
Incubus's in the shapes of proper men satisfy the desires of the
Witches, and the Succubus's serve for whores to the Wizards. At last
before Aurora brings back the day, each one mounts on his spirit, and
so returns to his respective dwelling place.... Sometimes at their
solemn assemblies, the Devil commands, that each tell what wickedness
he hath committed.... When the assembly is ready to break up, and the
Devil to dispatch them, he publisheth this law with a loud voice,
_Revenge your selves or else you shall dye_, then each one kissing the
Posteriors of the Devil returns upon their aiery Vehicles to their
habitations.'[467]
2. _Homage_
In some places the witches saluted their Chief by falling on their knees,
and also by certain manual gestures; in other places by curtsies and
obeisances. In Scotland, France, and Belgium, another rite was also in
vogue, that of kissing the Devil on any part of his person that he might
direct. At Como and Brescia the witches, 'when they paid reverence to the
presiding demon, bent themselves backwards, lifting a foot in the air
forwards.'[468]
Remigius, writing of the Lorraine witches in 1589, says:
'Es erzehlte die Beatrix Bayona dass einer unter ihnen allen der
Oberster wer, welcher in einer Zell auff einem hohen Stuhl saesse, sehr
ernsthafftig und praechtig heraus, zu demselbigen trete je einer nach
dem andern, mit Furcht und Zittern, falle ihm zum Zeichen seiner
Ehrerbietung fuer die Fuesse, und umbfange ihn mit aller Demuth und
Reverentz.--Erstlich fallen sie nieder auff ihre Knie; darnach legen
sie die Haende ausswendig zusammen, als diejenigen pflegen zu thun,
welche obtestiren, jedoch auff dem Ruecken und verkehrter Weise, sie
haben den Ruecken zu ihm gewandt, bleiben so lang kniend, biss er
selbsten zu ihnen sagt, dass es genugsam sey.'[469]
In Somerset (1664) the witches always mention the salutation:
'At their first meeting the Man in black bids them welcome, and they
all make low obeysance to him.--[Elizabeth Style, Alice Duke, Anne
Bishop, Mary Penny] met about nine of the Clock in the Night, in the
Common near _Trister_ Gate, where they met a Man in black Clothes
with a little Band, to whom they did Courtesie and due
observance.--Mary Green [went with others to] Hussey's Knap in the
Forrest in the Night time, where met them the Fiend in the shape of a
little Man in black Clothes with a little band, to him all made
obeysances.... On Thursday Night before Whitsunday last [she met
several others] and being met they called out _Robin_. Upon which
instantly appeared a little Man in black Clothes to whom all made
obeysance, and the little Man put his hand to his Hat, saying, How do
ye? speaking _low_ but _big_. Then all made low obeysances to him
again.'[470]
As late as the eighteenth century there is a similar account.[471]
Danaeus (1575) and Cooper (1617) are the only writers who mention the kiss
in their general accounts of the ceremonies. The former says: 'Then biddeth
he th[~e] that they fall down & worship him, after what maner and gesture
of body he pleaseth, and best liketh of. Thus some of them falle downe at
his knees, some offre vnto him black burning cadles, other kisse him in
some part of his body where he appeareth visibly.'[472] Cooper mentions it
as part of the admission ceremony: 'Secondly, when this acknowledgement is
made, in testimoniall of this subiection, Satan offers his back-parts to be
kissed of his vassall.'[473]
The ceremony is one of the earliest of which there is any record. In 1303 a
Bishop of Coventry was accused at Rome of a number of crimes, amongst
others 'quod diabolo homagium fecerat, et eum fuerit osculatus in
tergo'.[474] Guillaume Edeline was tried in 1453; he was 'docteur en
theologie, prieur de S. Germain en Laye, et auparavant Augustin, et
religieux de certaines aultres ordres. Confessa ledit sire Guillaume, de sa
bonne et franche voulente, avoir fait hommage audit ennemy en l'espece et
semblance d'ung mouton, en le baisant par le fondement en signe de
reverence et d'hommage.'[475] Martin Tulouff, tried in Guernsey in 1563,
went to a meeting, 'ou ly avoet chinq ou vi chatz, d'ou il y en avoet ung
qui estoit noir, qui menoit la dance, et d^t [*q] il estoit sur ses pieds
plat, et que ladite Collennette le besa [*p] de derriere, et luy [*p] la
crysse. Et luy dist ladite vieillesse [*q] ledit chat estoit le
diable.'[476] Estebene de Cambrue, in 1567, described the ceremonies at the
Sabbath: 'Ils se mettent a dancer a l'entour d'une pierre, sur laquelle est
assis vn grand homme noir, qu'elles appellent Mosieur, & chacun de
l'assemblee luy va baiser le derriere.'[477] The witches of Poictiers in
1574 'dansoyent a l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le
derriere'.[478] The same ceremony took place at North Berwick in 1590: 'Now
efter that the deuell had endit his admonitions, he cam down out of the
pulpit, and caused all the company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they
said was cauld lyk yce.'[479] Jane Bosdeau confessed that at meetings at
Puy-de-Dome in 1594 'all the Witches had Candles which they lighted at his,
and danced in a Circle Back to Back. They kiss'd his Backside, and pray'd
that he would help them.'[480] Andro Man of Aberdeen in 1597 confessed
'that all thay quha convenis with thame kissis Christsonday and the Quene
of Elphenis airss'.[481] Rolande de Vernois in 1598 'confessa que le Diable
se presenta pour lors au Sabbat en forme d'vn gros chat noir. Que tous
ceux, qui estoient au Sabbat, alloient baiser ce gros chat noir au
derriere.'[482] Cornelie van Beverwyck, aged 75, at Ghent in 1598, was
accused that 'vous n'avez pas craint de vous agenouiller devant lui, de lui
rendre hommage et de baiser son derriere en signe de soumission'.[483]
Claire Goessen in 1603 went to 'l'assemblee nocturne de Lembeke, ou, apres
la danse, elle a, comme tous les assistans, baise un bouc a l'endroit de sa
queue'.[484] Jeannette d'Abadie in 1609 in the Basses-Pyrenees said,
regarding the renunciation which she made on admission, 'il luy faisoit
renouueller toutes les fois qu'elle alloit au sabbat, puis elle l'alloit
baiser au derriere.'[485] At the celebrated trial of Louis Gaufredy at Aix
in 1610, Magdalene de Demandouls gave a detailed account of the homage
rendered by the witches:
'First the hagges and witches, who are people of a sordid and base
condition, are the first that come to adore the Prince of the
Synagogue, who is Lucifers lieftenant, and he that now holdeth that
place is Lewes Gaufridy: then they adore the Princesse of the
Synagogue who is a woman placed at his right hand. Next they goe and
worship the Diuell who is seated in a Throne like a Prince. In the
second place come the Sorcerers and Sorceresses, who are people of a
middle condition, and these performe the same kind of adoration with
the former, kneeling vpon the ground, but not prostrating themselves
as doe the other; although they kisse the hands and feet of the Diuell
as the first likewise doe. In the third place come the Magicians who
are Gentlemen and people of a higher ranke.'[486]
Isobel Gowdie of Auldearne in 1662 said, 'Somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a
bull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg, and he vold hold wp his taill wntill we
wold kiss his arce.'[487] The explanation of this rite is given in the
French authorities:
'Le Diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au dessoubs vn
visage d'homme noir, ou elle fut contrainte le baiser.--[Elle] depose,
Que la premiere fois qu'elle luy fut presentee elle le baisa a ce
visage de derriere au dessoubs d'vne grande queue: qu'elle l'y a baise
par trois fois, & qu'il auoit aussi ce visage faict comme le museau
d'vn bouc.--Il a vne grande queue au derriere, & vne forme de visage
au dessoubs: duquel visage il ne profere aucune parole, ains luy sert
pour le donner a baiser a ceux qui bon luy semble.--Es festes
solemnelles on baisoit le Diable au derriere, mais les notables
sorcieres le baisoient au visage.'[488] The two faces are thus
distinctly vouched for, and the use of them seems to have been to
distinguish the position of the witch in the society. The mask or
disguise is clearly indicated in the evidence of Isaac de Queyron, who
with others 'le baiserent a vne fesse qui estoit blanche & rouge, &
auoit la forme d'vne grande cuisse d'vn homme, & estoit velue'.[489]
The Devil was also kissed on other parts of his person. Marion Grant of the
Aberdeen witches (1597) confessed that he 'causit the kis him in dyvers
pairtis, and worship him on thy kneis as thy lord'.[490] Some of the Lyons
witches 'le baiserent aux parties honteuses de derriere: les autres le
baisent sur l'espaule.'[491] Jeannette d'Abadie in the Basses-Pyrenees
(1609) confessed 'que le Diable luy faisoit baiser son visage, puis le
nombril, puis le membre viril, puis son derriere'.[492] In connexion with
this last statement, it is worth comparing Doughty's account of an Arab
custom: 'There is a strange custom, (not only of nomad women, but in the
Arabic countries even among Christians, which may seem to remain of the old
idolatry among them,) of mothers, their gossips, and even young maidens,
visiting married women to kiss with a kind of devotion the _hammam_ of the
male children.'[493]
3. _The Dances_
Dances as an important part of fertility rites are too well known to need
description. The witches' dances, taken in conjunction with the dates of
the four great Sabbaths of the year, point to the fact that they also were
intended to promote fertility. There were several forms of ritual dances,
varying apparently according to the form of fertility required, whether of
crops, animals, or human beings. The jumping dance seems to have had for
its object the growth of the crops; the higher the performers jumped the
higher the crops would grow. The so-called 'obscene' or 'indecent' dance
was for the promotion of fertility among animals and women. When the
dancers were disguised as animals, the dance was for the increase of the
animals represented; when undisguised, for the fertility of human beings.
Although the dances took place at English witch meetings, they are merely
mentioned and not described. The Scotch trials give rather fuller accounts,
but the chief details are from France.
The two principal forms of the dance were the ring-dance and the
follow-my-leader dance, but there was also a very complicated form which
was not understood by the Inquisitors, who therefore dismiss it with the
words 'tout est en confusion'. It still survives, however, in the
Basses-Pyrenees, in some of the very villages which were inhabited by
witches in the sixteenth century--those witches whose proceedings de
Lancre describes so vividly.[494]
The ring dances were usually round some object; sometimes a stone,
sometimes the Devil stood or was enthroned in the middle. Thomas Leyis,
with a great number of other witches, 'came to the Market and Fish Cross of
Aberdeen, under the conduct and guiding of the Devil present with you, all
in company, playing before you on his kind of instruments: Ye all danced
about both the said crosses, and the meal market, a long space of time; in
the which Devil's dance, thou the said Thomas was foremost and led the
ring, and dang the said Kathren Mitchell, because she spoiled your dance,
and ran not so fast about as the rest. Testified by the said Kathren
Mitchell, who was present with thee at the time forsaid dancing with the
Devil.'[495] Margaret Og was indicted for going to Craigleauch 'on Hallow
even last, and there, accompanied by thy own two daughters, and certain
others, your devilish adherents and companions, ye danced all together,
about a great stone, under the conduct of Satan, your master, a long
space'.[496] Jonet Lucas was accused of 'danceing in ane ring' on the same
occasion.[497] Beatrice Robbie was 'indited as a notorious witch, in
coming, under the conduct of the Devil thy master, with certain others, thy
devilish adherents, to Craigleauche, and there dancing altogether about a
great stone, a long space, and the Devil your master playing before
you'.[498] In the Basses-Pyrenees, 'Ils se mettent a dancer a l'entour
d'une pierre, qui est plantee audit lieu, sur laquelle est assis un grand
homme noir.'[499] Jane Bosdeau, who 'confessed freely and without Torture
and continued constant in it in the midst of the Flames in which she was
burnt', said that she had been to a witch-meeting, 'and danced in a circle
back to back'.[500]
'Les Sorciers dansent, & font leurs danses en rond, doz contre doz.
Les boiteux y vont plus dispostement que les autres [et] incitoient
les autres a sauter & danser.[501] ... Quelquefois, mais rarement, ils
dansent deux a deux, & par fois l'vn ca & l'autre la, & tousiours en
confusion: estans telles danses semblables a celles des Fees, vrais
Diables incorporez, qui regnoient il n'y a pas log temps.'[502] 'On y
dance tousiours le dos tourne au centre de la dance, qui faict que les
filles sont si accoutumees a porter les mains en arriere en cette dace
ronde, qu'elles y trainent tout le corps, & luy donnent vn ply courbe
en arriere, ayant les bras a demy tournez: si bien que la plupart ont
le ventre communement grand, enfle & avance, & vn peu penchant sur le
deuant. On y dance fort peu souuent vn a vn, c'est a dire vn homme
seul auec vne femme ou fille.... On n'y dancoit que trois sortes de
bransles, communement se tournant les espaules l'vn a l'autre, & le
dos d'vn chascun visant dans le rond de la dance, & le visage en
dehors. La premiere c'est a la Bohemienne.... La seconde c'est a
sauts; ces deux sont en rond.'[503] 'Ils apperceurent a l'entree [d'vn
bois], vn rond, ou cerne, dans lequel il y auoit plusieurs vestiges de
pieds d'ho[~m]es, d'efans, & d'Ours, ou bien d'autres bestes
semblables,[504] lesquels estoient seulement enfoncez d'vn demy doigt
dans la neige, quoy que pour eux ils y entrassent iusques a la
ceinture.'[505]
The Swedish witches danced in the same manner. 'We used to go to a gravel
pit which lay hard by a cross-way, and there we put on a garment over our
heads, and then danced round.'[506] The round dance was so essentially a
witch dance that More says, 'It might be here very seasonable to enquire
into the nature of those large _dark Rings_ in the grass, which they call
_Fairy Circles_, whether they be the _Rendezvouz_ of Witches, or the
dancing places of those little Puppet Spirits which they call _Elves_ or
_Fairies_.'[507]
It will be seen from the above quotations that there were many varieties in
the ring dance; this was the case also in the follow-my-leader dance. There
seems to have been also a combination of the two dances; or perhaps it
would be more correct to say that sometimes the ring and follow-my-leader
figures were used together so as to form one complete dance, as in the
modern Lancers. In both forms of the dance one of the chief members of the
society was the 'ring-leader', or leader of the dance. In the
follow-my-leader dance this was often the Devil, but in the ring dances
this place was usually taken by the second in command. When, however, the
Devil was the leader, the second-in-command was in the rear to keep up
those who could not move so quickly as the others. As pace was apparently
of importance, and as it seems to have been a punishable offence to lag
behind in the dance, this is possibly the origin of the expression 'The
Devil take the hindmost'.
At North Berwick Barbara Napier met her comrades at the church, 'where she
danced endlong the Kirk yard, and Gelie Duncan played on a trump, John
Fian, missellit, led the ring; Agnes Sampson and her daughters and all the
rest following the said Barbara, to the number of seven score of
persons.'[508] Isobel Gowdie was unfortunately not encouraged to describe
the dances in which she had taken part, so that our information, instead of
being full and precise, is very meagre. 'Jean Martein is Maiden to the
Coven that I am of; and her nickname is "Over the dyke with it", because
the Devil always takes the Maiden in his hand next him, when we dance
Gillatrypes; and when he would loup from [words broken here] he and she
will say, "Over the dyke with it."'[509] Another Scotch example is Mr.
Gideon Penman, who had been minister at Crighton. He usually 'was in the
rear in all their dances, and beat up all those that were slow'.[510]
Barton's wife 'one night going to a dancing upon Pentland Hills, he [the
Devil] went before us in the likeness of a rough tanny Dog, playing on a
pair of Pipes'.[511] De Lancre concludes his description of the dances (see
above, p. 131) by an account of an 'endlong' dance. 'La troisieme est aussi
le dos tourne, mais se tenant tous en long, & sans se deprendre des mains,
ils s'approchent de si pres qu'ils se touchent, & se rencontrent dos a dos,
vn homme auec vne femme; & a certaine cadance ils se choquent & frapent
impudemment cul contre cul.'[512] It was perhaps this dance which the
Devil led: 'Le Diable voit parfois dancer simplement comme spectateur;
parfois il mene la dance, changeant souuent de main & se mettant a la main
de celles qui luy plaisent le plus.'[513] In Northumberland in 1673 'their
particular divell tooke them that did most evill, and danced with them
first.--The devill, in the forme of a little black man and black cloaths,
called of one Isabell Thompson, of Slealy, widdow, by name, and required of
her what service she had done him. She replyd she had gott power of the
body of one Margarett Teasdale. And after he had danced with her he
dismissed her, and call'd of one Thomasine, wife of Edward Watson, of
Slealy.'[514] Danaeus also notes that the Devil was the leader: 'Th[~e] fal
they to dauncing, wherin he leadeth the daunce, or els they hoppe and
daunce merely about him.'[515] This is perhaps what de Lancre means when he
says that 'apres la dance ils se mettent par fois a sauter'.[516] A curious
variation of the follow-my-leader dance was practised at Aberdeen on Rood
Day, a date which as I have shown elsewhere corresponds with the
Walpurgis-Nacht of the German witches. The meeting took place upon St.
Katherine's Hill, 'and there under the conduct of Satan, present with you,
playing before you, after his form, ye all danced a devilish dance, riding
on trees, by a long space.'[517]
Other variations are also given. 'The dance is strange, and wonderful, as
well as diabolical, for turning themselves back to back, they take one
another by the arms and raise each other from the ground, then shake their
heads to and fro like Anticks, and turn themselves as if they were
mad.'[518] Reginald Scot, quoting Bodin, says: 'At these magicall
assemblies, the witches neuer faile to danse; and in their danse they sing
these words, Har har, divell divell, danse here danse here, plaie here
plaie here, Sabbath sabbath. And whiles they sing and danse, euerie one
hath a broome in hir hand, and holdeth it vp aloft. Item he saith, that
these night-walking or rather night-dansing witches, brought out of
_Italie_ into _France_, that danse which is called _La Volta_.'[519] There
is also a description of one of the dances of the Italian witches: 'At Como
and Brescia a number of children from eight to twelve years of age, who had
frequented the Sabbat, and had been re-converted by the inquisitors, gave
exhibitions in which their skill showed that they had not been taught by
human art. The woman was held behind her partner and they danced backward,
and when they paid reverence to the presiding demon they bent themselves
backwards, lifting a foot in the air forwards.'[520]
In Lorraine the round dance always moved to the left. As the dancers faced
outwards, this would mean that they moved 'widdershins', i.e. against the
sun. 'Ferner, dass sie ihre Taentze in einem ronden Kreiss rings umbher
fuehren, und die Ruecke zusammen gekehret haben, wie eine unter den dreyen
Gratiis pfleget fuergerissen zu werden, und also zusammen tanzen. Sybilla
Morelia sagt, dass der Reyhen allezeit auff der lincken Hand umbher
gehe.'[521]
One form of the witches' dance seems to survive among the children in the
Walloon districts of Belgium. It appears to be a mixture of the ordinary
round dance and the third of de Lancre's dances; for it has no central
personage, and the striking of back against back is a marked feature. 'Les
enfants font une ronde et repetent un couplet. Chaque fois, un joueur
designe fait demi-tour sur place et se remet a tourner avec les autres en
faisant face a l'exterieur du cercle. Quand tous les joueurs sont
retournes, ils se rapprochent et se heurtent le dos en cadence.'[522]
4. _The Music_
The music at the assemblies was of all kinds, both instrumental and vocal.
The English trials hardly mention music, possibly because the Sabbath had
fallen into a decadent condition; but the Scotch and French trials prove
that it was an integral part of the celebration. The Devil himself was the
usual performer, but other members of the society could also supply the
music, and occasionally one person held the position of piper to the Devil.
The music was always as an accompaniment of the dance; the instrument in
general use was a pipe, varied in England by a cittern, in Scotland by 'the
trump' or Jew's harp, also an instrument played with the mouth.
The Somerset witches said that 'the Man in black sometimes playes on a Pipe
or Cittern, and the company dance'.[523]
The North Berwick witches (1590), when at the special meeting called to
compass the death of the king, 'danced along the Kirk-yeard, Geilis Duncan
playing on a Trump.'[524] The instrument of the Aberdeen Devil (1597),
though not specified, was probably a pipe; it is usually called 'his forme
of instrument' in the dittays. Isobel Cockie of Aberdeen was accused of
being at a Sabbath on Allhallow Eve: 'Thou wast the ring-leader, next
Thomas Leyis; and because the Devil played not so melodiously and well as
thou crewit, thou took his instrument out of his mouth, then took him on
the chaps therewith, and played thyself thereon to the whole company.'[525]
At another meeting, Jonet Lucas was present: 'Thou and they was under the
conduct of thy master, the Devil, dancing in ane ring, and he playing
melodiously upon ane instrument, albeit invisibly to you.'[526] At Tranent
(1659) eight women and a man named John Douglas confessed to 'having merry
meetings with Satan, enlivened with music and dancing. Douglas was the
pyper, and the two favourite airs of his majesty were "Kilt thy coat,
Maggie, and come thy way with me", and "Hulie the bed will fa'."'[527]
Agnes Spark at Forfar (1661) 'did see about a dozen of people dancing, and
they had sweet music amongst them, and, as she thought, it was the music of
a pipe'.[528] Barton's wife was at a meeting in the Pentland Hills, where
the Devil 'went before us in the likeness of a rough tanny Dog, playing on
a pair of Pipes. The Spring he played (says she) was, The silly bit
Chiken, gar cast it a pickle and it will grow meikle.'[529] At Crook of
Devon (1662) the two old witches, Margaret Huggon and Janet Paton,
confessed to being at a meeting, and 'the foresaids hail women was there
likeways and did all dance and ane piper play'.[530]
In France the instruments were more varied. Marie d'Aspilcouette, aged
nineteen, 'voyoit dancer auec violons, trompettes, ou tabourins, qui
rendoyent vne tres grande harmonie'.[531] Isaac de Queyran, aged
twenty-five, said that a minor devil (_diabloton_) played on a tambourine,
while the witches danced.[532] But as usual de Lancre is at his best when
making a general summary:
'Elles dancent au son du petit tabourin & de la fluste, & par fois
auec ce long instrument qu'ils posent sur le col, puis s'allongeant
iusqu'aupres de la ceinture; ils le battent auec vn petit baston: par
fois auec vn violon. Mais ce ne sont les seuls instrumes du sabbat,
car nous auos apprins de plusieurs, qu'on y oyt toute sorte
d'instrumens, auec vne telle harmonie, qu'il n'y a concert au monde
qui le puisse esgaler.'[533]
Vocal music was also heard at the meetings, sometimes as an accompaniment
of the dance, sometimes as an entertainment in itself. When it was sung as
a part of the dance, the words were usually addressed to the Master, and
took the form of a hymn of praise. Such a hymn addressed to the god of
fertility would be full of allusions and words to shock the sensibilities
of the Christian priests and ministers who sat in judgement on the witches.
Danaeus gives a general account of these scenes: 'Then fal they to
dauncing, wherin he leadeth the daunce, or els they hoppe and daunce merely
about him, singing most filthy songes made in his prayse.'[534] Sinclair
had his account from a clergyman: 'a reverend Minister told me, that one
who was the Devils Piper, a wizzard confest to him, that at a Ball of
dancing, the Foul Spirit taught him a Baudy song to sing and play, as it
were this night, and ere two days past all the Lads and Lasses of the town
were lilting it throw the street. It were abomination to rehearse
it.'[535] At Forfar Helen Guthrie told the court that Andrew Watson 'made
great merriment by singing his old ballads, and Isobell Shirrie did sing
her song called Tinkletum Tankletum'.[536] Occasionally the Devil himself
was the performer, as at Innerkip, where according to Marie Lamont 'he sung
to us and we all dancit'.[537] Boguet notes that the music was sometimes
vocal and sometimes instrumental: 'Les haubois ne manquent pas a ces
esbats: car il y en a qui sont commis a faire le devoir de menestrier;
Satan y ioue mesme de la flutte le plus souuent; & a d'autrefois les
Sorciers se contentent de chanter a la voix, disant toutefois leurs
chansons pesle-mesle, & auec vne confusion telle, qu'ils ne s'entendent pas
les vns les autres.'[538] At Aix in 1610 'the Magicians and those that can
reade, sing certaine Psalmes as they doe in the Church, especially _Laudate
Dominum de Coelis: Confitemini domino quoniam bonus_, and the Canticle
_Benedicite_, transferring all to the praise of Lucifer and the Diuels: And
the Hagges and Sorcerers doe houle and vary their hellish cries high and
low counterfeiting a kinde of villanous musicke. They also daunce at the
sound of Viols and other instruments, which are brought thither by those
that were skild to play vpon them.'[539] At another French trial in 1652
the evidence showed that 'on dansait sans musique, aux chansons'.[540]
5. _The Feast_
The feast, like the rest of the ritual, varied in detail in different
places. It took place either indoors or out according to the climate and
the season; in Southern France almost invariably in the open air, in
Scotland and Sweden almost always under cover; in England sometimes one,
sometimes the other. Where it was usual to have it in the open, tables were
carried out and the food laid upon them; indoor feasts were always spread
on tables; but in the English accounts of the open-air meal the cloth was
spread, picnic-fashion, on the ground. The food was supplied in different
ways; sometimes entirely by the devil, sometimes entirely by one member of
the community, and sometimes--picnic-fashion again--all the company brought
their own provisions. Consequently the quality of the food varied
considerably; on some occasions it was very good, on others very homely.
But no matter who provided it, the thanks of the feasters were solemnly and
reverently given to the Master, to whose power the production of all food
was due.
In a certain number of cases it is said that the food eaten at the feasts
was of an unsatisfying nature. This statement is usually made in the
general descriptions given by contemporary writers; it is rarely found in
the personal confessions. When it does so occur, it is worth noting that
the witch is generally a young girl. If this were always the case, it would
be quite possible that then, as now, dancing and excitement had a great
effect on the appetite, and that the ordinary amount of food would appear
insufficient.
The taboo on salt is interesting, but it does not appear to have been by
any means universal. It does not seem to occur at all in Great Britain,
where the food at the feasts was quite normal.
Some authorities appear to think that the witches ate the best of
everything. 'They sit to Table where no delicate meats are wanting to
gratifie their Appetites, all dainties being brought in the twinckling of
an Eye, by those spirits that attend the Assembly'.[541] Though this is
dramatically expressed it is confirmed by the statements of the witches
themselves. The Lancashire witches had a great feast when they met in
Malking Tower to consult as to the rescue of Mother Demdike.
'The persons aforesaid had to their dinners Beefe, Bacon, and roasted
Mutton; which Mutton (as this Examinates said brother said) was of a
Wether of Christopher Swyers of Barley: which Wether was brought in
the night before into this Examinates mothers house by the said Iames
Deuice, this Examinates said brother: and in this Examinates sight
killed and eaten.... And before their said parting away, they all
appointed to meete at the said Prestons wiues house that day
twelue-moneths; at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make
them a great Feast.'[542]
The feast of the Faversham witches was also indoors. 'Joan Cariden
confessed that Goodwife Hott told her within these two daies that there was
a great meeting at Goodwife Panterys house, and that Goodwife Dodson was
there, and that Goodwife Gardner should have been there, but did not come,
and the Divell sat at the upper end of the Table.'[543] This was always the
Devil's place at the feast, and beside him sat the chief of the women
witches. The Somerset trials give more detail than any of the other English
cases. Elizabeth Style said that 'at their meeting they have usually Wine
or good Beer, Cakes, Meat or the like. They eat and drink really when they
meet in their bodies, dance also and have Musick. The Man in black sits at
the higher end, and _Anne Bishop_ usually next him. He useth some words
before meat, and none after, his voice is audible, but very low.'[544] She
enters into a little more detail in another place: 'They had Wine, Cakes,
and Roastmeat (all brought by the Man in black) which they did eat and
drink. They danced and were merry, and were bodily there, and in their
Clothes.'[545] Alice Duke gave a similar account: 'All sate down, a white
Cloth being spread on the ground, and did drink Wine, and eat Cakes and
Meat.'[546] The Scotch trials show that it was usually the witches who
entertained the Master and the rest of the band. Alison Peirson, whose
adventures among the fairies are very interesting, stated that a man in
green 'apperit to hir, ane lustie mane, with mony mene and wemen with him:
And that scho sanit her and prayit, and past with thame fordir nor scho
could tell; and saw with thame pypeing and mirrynes and gude scheir, and
wes careit to Lowtheane, and saw wyne punchounis with tassis with
thame'.[547] On another occasion a very considerable meeting took place 'in
an old house near Castle Semple, where a splendid feast was prepared, which
pleased the royal visitor so much, that he complimented his entertainers
for their hospitality, and endearingly addressed them as "his
bairns"'.[548] The Forfar witches had many feasts; Helen Guthrie says of
one occasion:
'They went to Mary Rynd's house and sat doune together at the table,
the divell being present at the head of it; and some of them went to
Johne Benny's house, he being a brewer, and brought ale from hence ...
and others of them went to Alexander Hieche's and brought aqua vitae
from thence, and thus made themselfes mirrie; and the divill made much
of them all, but especiallie of Mary Rynd, and he kist them all except
the said Helen herselfe, whose hand onlie he kist; and shee and Jonet
Stout satt opposite one to another at the table.'[549]
Of the meeting at Muryknowes there are several accounts. The first is by
little Jonet Howat, Helen Guthrie's young daughter: 'At this meiting there
wer about twenty persones present with the divill, and they daunced
togither and eat togither, having bieff, bread, and ale, and shoe did eat
and drink with them hir self, bot hir bellie was not filled, and shoe
filled the drink to the rest of the company.'[550] Elspet Alexander
confirms this statement, 'The divill and the witches did drinke together
having flesh, bread, and aile';[551] and so also does the Jonet Stout who
sat opposite to Helen Guthrie at the table, 'The divill and the said
witches did eat and drinke, having flesh, bread, and aile upon ane table,
and Joanet Huit was caper and filled the drinke'.[552] On one occasion they
tried to wreck the Bridge of Cortaquhie; 'when we had done, Elspet [Bruce]
gaive the divell ane goose in hir own house, and he dated hir mor than them
all, because shee was ane prettie woman.'[553] The Kinross-shire witches
obtained their food from the Devil, and this is one of the few instances of
complaints as to the quality of it. 'Sathan gave you [Robert Wilson] both
meat and drink sundry times, but it never did you any good';[554] and Janet
Brugh 'confessed that ye got rough bread and sour drink from Sathan at the
Bents of Balruddrie'.[555] According to Marie Lamont, 'the devill came to
Kattrein Scott's house, in the midst of the night. He gave them wyn to
drink, and wheat bread to eat, and they warr all very mirrie.'[556] Isobel
Gowdie's confession gives a wealth of detail as usual:
'We would go to several houses in the night time. We were at
Candlemas last in Grangehill, where we got meat and drink enough. The
Devil sat at the head of the table, and all the Coven about. That
night he desired Alexander Elder in Earlseat to say the grace before
meat, which he did; and is this:[557] "We eat this meat in the Devil's
name" [etc.]. And then we began to eat. And when we had ended eating,
we looked steadfastly to the Devil, and bowing ourselves to him, we
said to the Devil, We thank thee, our Lord, for this.--We killed an
ox, in Burgie, about the dawing of the day, and we brought the ox with
us home to Aulderne, and did eat all amongst us in an house in
Aulderne, and feasted on it.'[558]
At Borrowstowness the witches went to different houses for their feasts,
which seem to have been supplied partly by the hostess, partly by the Devil
and the guests.
'Ye and each person of you was at several meetings with the devil in
the links of Borrowstowness, and in the house of you Bessie Vickar,
and ye did eat and drink with the devil, and with one another, and
with witches in her house in the night time; and the devil and the
said William Craw brought the ale which ye drank, extending to about
seven gallons, from the house of Elizabeth Hamilton.'[559]
In 1692 Goodwife Foster of Salem gave a rather charming description of the
picnic feast with the Coven from Andover:
'I enquired what she did for Victuals' [at the meeting]; 'She answered
that she carried Bread and Cheese in her pocket, and that she and the
Andover Company came to the Village before the Meeting began, and sat
down together under a tree, and eat their food, and that she drank
water out of a Brook to quench her thirst.'[560]
The Continental evidence varies very little from the British. Except in a
few details, the main facts are practically the same. De Lancre summarizes
the evidence which he himself collected, and contrasts it with what other
authorities said on the subject:
'Les liures disent que les sorciers mangent au Sabbat de ce que le
Diable leur a appreste: mais bien souu[~e]t il ne s'y trouue que des
viandes qu'ils ont porte eux mesmes. Parfois il y a plusieurs tables
seruies de bons viures, & d'autres fois de tres meschans: & a table on
se sied selon sa qualite, ayant chacun son Demon assis aupres, &
parfois vis a vis. Ils benissent leur table inuoquant Beelzebub, & le
tenant pour celui qui leur faict ce bien.'[561]
The young man-witch, Isaac de Queyran, told de Lancre that the witches sat
at a table with the Black Man at the end, and had bread and meat which was
spread on a cloth.[562] The evidence at the trial of Louis Gaufredy at Aix
in 1610 gives other details, though the eating of children's flesh is
probably an exaggeration:
'They prouide a banquet, setting three tables according to the three
diuersities of the people above named. They that haue the charge of
bread, doe bring in bread made of corne. The drink which they haue is
Malmsey. The meate they ordinarily eate is the flesh of young
children, which they cooke and make ready in the Synagogue, sometimes
bringing them thither aliue by stealing them from those houses where
they haue opportunity to come. They haue no vse of kniues at table for
feare least they should be laid a crosse. They haue also no
salt.'[563]
Boguet also collected a considerable amount of information from the witches
who fell into his hands:
'Les Sorciers, apres s'estre veautrez parmi les plaisirs immondes de
la chair, banquettent & se festoient: leurs banquets estans composez
de plusieurs sortes de viandes, selon les lieux, & qualitez des
personnes. Par deca la table estoit couuerte de beurre, de fromage, &
de chair. Clauda Ianguillaume, Iaquema Paget, & quelques autres
adioustoient qu'il y auoit vne grande chaudiere sur le feu, dans
laquelle chacun alloit prendre de la chair. On y boit aussi du vin, &
le plus souuent de l'eau.... Antoine Tornier a confesse qu'elle en
auoit beu [le vin] dans vn goubelet de bois; les autres parloient
seulement d'eau. Mais il n'y a iamais sel en ces repas.... Les
Sorciers auant que de prendre leur repas benissent la table, mais auec
des parolles remplies de blasphemes, faisans Beelzebub autheur &
conseruateur de toutes choses.... Ils accordent tous, qu'il n'y a
point de gout aux viandes qu'ils mangent au Sabbat, & que la chair
n'est autre chair que de cheual. Et adioustent en outre, que lors
qu'ils sortent de table, ils sont aussi affamez que quand ils
entrent. Antide Colas racontoit particulierement que les viandes
estoient froides.... Toutesfois il faut croire que bien souuent l'on
mange au Sabbat a bon escient, & non par fantaisie &
imagination.'[564]
The cold food occurs also in the accusation against a Belgian witch,
Elizabeth Vlamynx, in 1595: 'Vous-meme vous avez apporte aux convives un
hochepot [hutsepot] froid, que vous aviez prepare d'avance.'[565]
In Sweden the witches collected the food and sent it to the Devil, who gave
them as much of it as he thought fit. The feast was always held indoors in
the house known as Blockula.
'In a huge large Room of this House, they said, there stood a very
long Table, at which the Witches did sit down.... They sate down to
Table, and those that the Devil esteemed most, were placed nearest to
him, but the Children must stand at the door, where he himself gives
them meat and drink. The diet they did use to have there, was, they
said, Broth with Colworts and Bacon in it, Oatmeal, Bread spread with
Butter, Milk and Cheese. And they added that sometimes it tasted very
well, and sometimes very ill.'[566]
6. _Candles_
At first sight it would seem that the candles were naturally used only to
illuminate the midnight festivities, but the evidence points to the burning
lights being part of the ritual. This is also suggested by the importance,
in the cult, of the early-spring festival of Candlemas; a festival which
has long been recognized as of pre-Christian origin.
The light is particularly mentioned in many instances as being carried by
the Devil, usually on his head; the witches often lit their torches and
candles at this flame, though sometimes it seems that the Devil lit the
torch and then presented it to the witch. To call the chief of the cult
_Lucifer_ was therefore peculiarly appropriate, especially at the Candlemas
Sabbath.
In 1574 the witches of Poictiers went to a cross-roads: 'la se trouuoit vn
grand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux assistans, & dansoyent
a l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le derriere, auec vne
chandelle ardente.'[567] The witches of North Berwick in 1590 mention
candles as part of the ritual:
'At ther meting be nycht in the kirk of Northberick, the deuell, cled
in a blak gown with a blak hat upon his head, preachit vnto a gret
nomber of them out of the pulpit, having lyk leicht candles rond about
him.[568]--John Fian blew up the Kirk doors, and blew in the lights,
which were like mickle black candles, holden in an old man's hand,
round about the pulpit.[569]--[John Fian] was taken to North Berwick
church where Satan commanded him to make him homage with the rest of
his servants; where he thought he saw the light of a candle, standing
in the midst of his servants, which appeared blue lowe [flame].'[570]
In 1594 at Puy-de-Dome Jane Bosdeau went 'at Midnight on the Eve of St John
into a Field, where there appeared a great Black Goat with a Candle between
his Horns'.[571] At Aberdeen in 1597 Marion Grant confessed that 'the
Deuill apperit to the, within this auchteine dayis or thairby, quhome thow
callis thy god, about ane hour in the nicht, and apperit to the in ane
gryte man his lickness, in silkin abuilzeament [habiliment], withe ane
quhyt candill in his hand'.[572] In 1598 the witches whom Boguet tried said
that--
'les Sorciers estans assemblez en leur Synagogue adorent premierement
Satan, qui apparoit la, tantost en forme d'vn grand homme noir,
tantost en forme de bouc, & pour plus grand hommage, ils luy offrent
des chandelles, qui rendent vne flamme de couleur bleuee. Quelquefois
encor il tient vne image noire, qu'il fait baiser aux Sorciers. Antide
Colas & ses compagnes, en baisant ceste image, offroient vne chandelle
ou buche d'estrain ardente. Ces chandelles leur sont baillees par le
Diable, & se perdent & esuanouissent des lors qu'elles luy out este
offertes. Il s'en est trouue qui ont confesse qu'ils alloient allumer
le plus souuent leurs chandelles a vne autre chandelle, que le Demon,
estant en forme de bouc, portoit au dessus de la teste entre les deux
cornes.'[573]
Some of the witches of the Basses-Pyrenees, tried in 1609, said that the
Devil was--
'comme vn grand bouc, ayat deux cornes deuant & deux en derriere. Mais
le commun est qu'il a seulement trois cornes, & qu'il a quelque espece
de lumiere en celle du milieu, de laquelle il a accoustume au sabbat
d'esclairer, & donner du feu & de la lumiere, mesmes a ces Sorcieres
qui tiennent quelques chandelles alumees aux ceremonies de la Messe
qu'ils veulent contrefaire. On luy voit aussi quelque espece de bonet
ou chapeau au dessus de ses cornes.--Toute l'assemblee le vient adorer
le baisant sous la queue, & allumant des chandelles noires.'[574]
Barthelemy Minguet of Brecy, a man of twenty-five, tried in 1616, described
the ceremonies of the Sabbath; after the sermon the worshippers 'vont a
l'offerte, tenant en leurs mains des chandelles de poix noire qui leur sont
donnees par le Diable'.[575] In 1646 Elizabeth Weed of Great Catworth,
Hunts, confessed that the Devil came to her at night, 'and being demanded
what light was there, she answered, none but the light of the Spirit.'[576]
In 1652 a French witch stated that at the Sabbath 'on dansait sans musique,
aux chansons. Toutes les femmes y etoient tenues par les diables par lors
il y avoit de la lumiere une chandelle tenue au millieu par une femme que
ne connoit.... Au milieux il y auoit une feme masquee tenant une
chandelle.'[577] Barton's wife was at a witch meeting in the Pentland
Hills, 'and coming down the hill when we had done, which was the best
sport, he [the Devil] carried the candle in his bottom under his tail,
which played ey wig wag wig wag.'[578] Helen Guthrie in 1661 does not
expressly mention candles or torches, but her description of the flickering
light on the ground suggests their use. She 'was at a meiting in the
churchyeard of Forfar in the Holfe therof, and they daunced togither, and
the ground under them wes all fyre flauchter'.[579] The Somerset witches
stated that, when they met, 'the Man in Black bids them welcome, and they
all make low obeysance to him, and he delivers some Wax Candles like little
Torches, which they give back again at parting.'[580] The light seems to
have been sometimes so arranged, probably in a lantern, as to be diffused.
This was the case at Torryburn, where the assembly was lit by a light
'which came from darkness', it was sufficiently strong for the dancers to
see one another's faces, and to show the Devil wearing a cap or hood which
covered his neck and ears.[581] The latest account of a witch-meeting in
the eighteenth century describes how the witches of Strathdown went to
Pol-nain and there were 'steering themselves to and fro in their riddles,
by means of their oars the brooms, hallooing and skirling worse than the
bogles, and each holding in her left hand a torch of fir'.[582]
There is one account where the candle was for use and not for ritual. John
Stuart of Paisley, in 1678, admitted the Devil and some witches into his
room one night in order to make a clay image of an enemy. 'Declares, that
the black man did make the figure of the Head and Face and two Arms to the
said Effigies. Declares, that the Devil set three Pins in the same, one in
each side, and one in the Breast: And that the Declarant did hold the
Candle to them all the time the Picture was making.'[583] John Stuart was
the principal person on this occasion, and therefore had the honour of
holding the light. The description of the event suggests that the saying
'To hold a candle to the Devil' took its rise in actual fact.
The material of which the candles or torches were made was pitch, according
to de Lancre, and at North Berwick the lights were 'like lighted candles'
burning with a blue flame. The white candle seems to have been essentially
the attribute of the devil, the black candles or torches being distinctive
of the witches. That the lights burned blue is due to the material of which
the torches were made. The evanescent character of the light, when a wisp
of straw was used, is noted in the evidence of Antide Colas.
7. _The Sacrament_
The earliest example of the religious services occurs in 1324 in the trial
of Lady Alice Kyteler: 'In rifeling the closet of the ladie, they found a
Wafer of sacramentall bread, hauing the diuels name stamped thereon in
stead of Jesus Christ.'[584] According to Boguet (1589) the Devil did not
always perform the religious service himself, but mass was celebrated by a
priest among his followers; this custom is found in all countries and seems
to have been as common as that the Devil himself should perform the
service.
'Celuy, qui est commis a faire l'office, est reuestu d'vne chappe
noire sans croix, & apres auoir mis de l'eau dans le calice, il tourne
le doz a l'autel, & puis esleue vn rond de raue teinte en noir, au
lieu de l'hostie, & lors tous les Sorciers crient a haute voix,
_Maistre, aide nous_. Le Diable en mesme temps pisse dans vn trou a
terre, & fait de l'eau beniste de son vrine, de laquelle celuy, qui
dit la messe, arrouse tous les assistans auec vn asperges noir.'[585]
The Devil of the Basses Pyrenees (1609) performed the religious ceremony
himself:
'Il s'habille en Prestre pour dire Messe, laquelle il fait semblant de
celebrer auec mille fourbes & souplesses, aupres d'vn arbre, ou
parfois aupres d'vn rocher, dressant quelque forme d'autel sur des
colones infernales, & sur iceluy sans dire le _Confiteor_, ny
l'_Alleluya_, tournant les feuillets d'vn certain liure qu'il a en
main, il commence a marmoter quelques mots de la Messe, & arriuant a
l'offertoire il s'assiet, & toute l'assemblee le vient adorer le
baisant sous la queue, & allumant des chandelles noires: Puis luy
baisent la main gauche, tremblans auec mille angoisses, & luy offrent
du pain, des [oe]ufs, & de l'argent: & la Royne du Sabbat les recoit,
laquelle est assise a son coste gauche, & en sa main gauche elle tient
vne paix ou platine, dans laquelle est grauee l'effigie de Lucifer,
laquelle on ne baise qu'apres l'auoir premierement baisee a elle. Puis
il se met a prescher, son subiect est communement de la vaine
gloire.... Il finit son sermon, & continue ses autres ceremonies,
leuant vne certaine Hostie laquelle est noire & ronde, auec sa figure
imprimee au dessus: & disant ces paroles, _Cecy est mon corps_, il
leue l'Hostie sur ses cornes: & a cette esleuatio tous ceux de
l'assemblee l'ador[~e]t en disant ces mots, _Aquerra Goity, Aquerra
Beyty, Aquerra Goity, Aquerra Beyty_, qui veut dire, _Cabron arriba,
Cabron abaro_, de mesme en font ils au Calice repetant ces mots,
iusqu'a ce qu'il a vuide tout ce qui est dans iceluy. Puis toute
l'assemblee enuironnant l'autel en forme de croissant ou demy-lune,
prosternez par terre, il leur fait vn autre sermon, puis leur baille a
communier par ordre, donnant a chacun vn petit morceau de l'hostie, &
pour leur donner moyen de l'aualer aisement, il leur donne deux
gorgees de quelque medicine infernale, & certain breuuage de si
mauuais goust & odeur, que l'aualant ils suent, & neantmoins il est si
froid, qu'il leur gele le corps, les nerfs, & les moueelles. Puis il
s'accouple auec elles, & leur commande d'en faire de mesme, si bien
qu'ils commettent mille incestes & autres pechez contre nature. Puis
il les inuite a se mettre a table.'[586]
At Aix in 1610 Magdalene de Demandouls 'said that that accursed Magician
Lewes [Gaufredy] did first inuent the saying of Masse at the Sabbaths, and
did really consecrate and present the sacrifice to Lucifer.... She also
related, that the said Magician did sprinkle the consecrated wine vpon all
the company, at which time euery one cryeth, _Sanguis eius super nos &
filios nostros_.'[587]
Lord Fountainhall remarks, 'In 1670 we heard that the Devil appeared in the
shape of a Minister, in the copper mines of Sweden, and attempted the same
villainous apery.'[588] The Scotch witches, like the Swedish, performed the
rite after the manner of the Reformed Churches. In 1678--
'the devill had a great meeting of witches in Loudian, where, among
others, was a warlock who formerly had been admitted to the ministrie
in the presbyterian tymes, and when the bishops came in, conformed
with them. But being found flagitious and wicked, was deposed by them,
and now he turnes a preacher under the devill of hellish doctrine; for
the devill at this tyme preaches to his witches really (if I may so
term it) the doctrine of the infernall pitt, viz. blasphemies against
God and his son Christ. Among other things, he told them that they
were more happy in him than they could be in God; him they saw, but
God they could not see; and in mockrie of Christ and his holy
ordinance of the sacrament of his supper, he gives the sacrament to
them, bidding them eat it and to drink it in remembrance of himself.
This villan was assisting to Sathan in this action, and in
preaching.'[589]
Fountainhall in writing of the same convention of witches says that the
Devil 'adventured to give them the communion or holy sacrament, the bread
was like wafers, the drink was sometimes blood sometimes black moss-water.
He preached and most blasphemously mocked them, if they offered to trust in
God who left them miserable in the world, and neither he nor his Son Jesus
Christ ever appeared to them when they called on them, as he had, who would
not cheat them.'[590]
The Abbe Guibourg (1679), head of the Paris witches, 'a fait chez la
Voisin, revetu d'aube, d'etole et de manipule, une conjuration.'[591] The
same Abbe celebrated mass more than once over the body of a woman and with
the blood of a child, sacrificed for the occasion, in the chalice (see
section on Sacrifice). The woman, who served as the altar for these masses,
was always nude, and was the person for whose benefit the ceremony was
performed. Marguerite Montvoisin makes this clear:
'Il est vrai aussi qu'une sage-femme qui demeurait au coin de la rue
des Deux-Portes, distilla aussi les entrailles d'un enfant dont la
mere y avait accouche.... Avant la distillation, les entrailles de
l'enfant et l'arriere-faix de la mere avaient ete portes a
Saint-Denis, a Guibourg, par sa mere, la sage-femme et la mere de
l'enfant, sur le ventre de laquelle sa mere, a son retour, lui dit que
Guibourg avait dit la messe.'[592]
Guibourg acknowledged that, besides the one just quoted, he celebrated
three masses in this way. At the first he used a conjuration. 'Il dit la
deuxieme messe dans une masure sur les remparts de Saint-Denis, sur la meme
femme, avec les memes ceremonies.... Dit la troisieme a Paris chez la
Voisin sur la meme femme.'[593] The woman mentioned in Guibourg's
confession was Madame de Montespan herself. The following conjuration was
used at the first mass:
'sur le ventre d'une femme': 'Astaroth, Asmodee, princes d'amitie, je
vous conjure d'accepter le sacrifice que je vous presente de cet
enfant pour les choses que je vous demande, qui sont l'amitie du Roi,
de Mgr le Dauphin me soit continuee et etre honoree des princes et
princesses de la cour, que rien ne me soit denie de tout ce que je
demanderai au Roi, tant pour mes parents que serviteurs.'[594]
A very interesting case is that of the Rev. George Burroughs in New England
(1692):
'He was Accused by Eight of the Confessing Witches, as being an Head
Actor at some of their Hellish Randezvouses, and one who had the
promise of being a King in Satan's kingdom, now going to be
Erected.... One _Lacy_ testify'd that she and the prisoner [Martha
Carrier] were once Bodily present at a _Witch-meeting_ in _Salem
Village_; and that she knew the prisoner to be a Witch, and to have
been at a Diabolical sacrament.... Another _Lacy_ testify'd that the
prisoner was at the _Witch-meeting_, in _Salem Village_, where they
had Bread and Wine Administred unto them.... Deliverance Hobbs
affirmed that this [Bridget] _Bishop_ was at a General Meeting of the
Witches, in a Field at _Salem_-Village, and there partook of a
Diabolical Sacrament in Bread and Wine then administred.'[595]
Hutchinson had access to the same records and gives the same evidence,
though even more strongly: 'Richard Carrier affirmed to the jury that he
saw Mr. George Burroughs at the witch meeting at the village and saw him
administer the sacrament. Mary Lacy, sen^r. and her daughter Mary affirmed
that Mr. George Burroughs was at the witch meetings with witch sacrements,
and that she knows Mr. Burroughs to be of the company of witches.'[596]
John Hale has a similar record: 'This D. H. [Deliverance Hobbs] confessed
she was at a Witch Meeting at Salem Village.... And the said G. B. preached
to them, and such a Woman was their Deacon, and there they had a
Sacrament.'[597] Abigail Williams said 'that the Witches had a _Sacrament_
that day at an house in the Village, and that they had _Red Bread_ and _Red
Drink_'.[598] With the evidence before him Mather seems justified in saying
that the witches had 'their Diabolical Sacraments, imitating the _Baptism_
and the _Supper_ of our Lord'.[599]
8. _Sacrifices_
There are four forms of sacrifice: (1) the blood sacrifice, which was
performed by making an offering of the witch's own blood; (2) the sacrifice
of an animal; (3) the sacrifice of a human being, usually a child; (4) the
sacrifice of the god.
1. The _blood-sacrifice_ took place first at the admission of the neophyte.
Originally a sacrifice, it was afterwards joined to the other ceremony of
signing the contract, the blood serving as the writing fluid; it also seems
to be confused in the seventeenth century with the pricking for the Mark,
but the earlier evidence is clear. A writer who generalizes on the
witchcraft religion and who recognizes the sacrificial nature of the act is
Cooper; as he wrote in 1617 his evidence belongs practically to the
sixteenth century. He says:
'In further _token_ of their subiection unto Satan in yeelding vp
themselues wholy vnto his deuotion, behold yet _another ceremony_
heere vsually is performed: namely, _to let themselues bloud_ in some
apparant place of the body, yeelding the same to be _sucked by Satan_,
as a _sacrifice_ vnto him, and testifying thereby the full
_subiection_ of their _liues_ and _soules_ to his deuotion.'[600]
The earliest account of the ceremony is at Chelmsford in 1556. Elizabeth
Francis 'learned this arte of witchcraft from her grandmother. When shee
taughte it her, she counseiled her to geue of her bloudde to Sathan (as she
termed it) whyche she delyuered to her in the lykenesse of a whyte spotted
Catte. Euery time that he [the cat] did any thynge for her, she sayde that
he required a drop of bloude, which she gaue him by prycking herselfe.'
Some time after, Elizabeth Francis presented the Satan-cat to Mother
Waterhouse, passing on to her the instructions received from Elizabeth's
grandmother. Mother Waterhouse 'gaue him for his labour a chicken, which he
fyrste required of her and a drop of her blod. And thys she gaue him at all
times when he dyd any thynge for her, by pricking her hand or face and
puttinge the bloud to hys mouth whyche he sucked.'[601] In 1566 John
Walsh, a Dorset witch, confessed that 'at the first time when he had the
Spirite, hys sayd maister did cause him to deliuer one drop of his blud,
whych bloud the Spirite did take away vpon hys paw'.[602] In Belgium in
1603 Claire Goessen, 'apres avoir donne a boire de son sang a Satan, et
avoir bu du sien, a fait avec lui un pacte.[603]
In the case of the Lancashire witch, Margaret Johnson, in 1633, it is
difficult to say whether the pricking was for the purpose of marking or for
a blood sacrifice; the slight verbal alterations in the two MS. accounts of
her confession suggest a confusion between the two ideas; the one appears
to refer to the mark, the other (quoted here) to the sacrifice: 'Such
witches as have sharp bones given them by the devill to pricke them, have
no pappes or dugges whereon theire devil may sucke; but theire devill
receiveth bloud from the place, pricked with the bone; and they are more
grand witches than any y^t have marks.'[604] In Suffolk in 1645 'one Bush
of Barton widdow confessed that the Deuill appeared to her in the shape of
a young black man ... and asked her for bloud, which he drew out of her
mouth, and it dropped on a paper'.[605] At Auldearne, in 1662, the blood
was drawn for baptizing the witch; Isobel Gowdie said, 'The Divell marked
me in the showlder, and suked owt my blood at that mark, and spowted it in
his hand, and, sprinkling it on my head, said, "I baptise the, Janet, in my
awin name."' Janet Breadheid's evidence is practically the same: 'The
Divell marked me in the shoulder, and suked out my blood with his mowth at
that place; he spowted it in his hand, and sprinkled it on my head. He
baptised me thairvith, in his awin nam, Christian.'[606]
2. The _sacrifice of animals_ was general, and the accounts give a certain
amount of detail, but the ceremony was not as a rule sufficiently dramatic
to be considered worth recording. The actual method of killing the animal
is hardly ever given. The rite was usually performed privately by an
individual; on rare occasions it was celebrated by a whole Coven, but it
does not occur at the Great Assembly, for there the sacrifice was of the
God himself. The animals offered were generally a dog, a cat, or a fowl,
and it is noteworthy that these were forms in which the Devil often
appeared to his worshippers.
The chief authorities all agree as to the fact of animal sacrifices. Cotta
compares it with the sacrifices offered by the heathen:
'Some bring their cursed Sorcery vnto their wished end, by sacrificing
vnto the Diuell some liuing creatures, as _Serres_ likewise
witnesseth, from the confession of Witches in _Henry_ the fourth of
_France_ deprehended, among whom, one confessed to haue offered vnto
his Deuill or Spirit a Beetle. This seemeth not improbable, by the
Diabolicall litations (_sic_) and bloudy sacrifices, not onely of
other creatures, but euen of men, wherewith in ancient time the
heathen pleased their gods, which were no other then Diuels.'[607]
The number of sacrifices in the year is exaggerated by the writers on the
subject, but the witches themselves are often quite definite in their
information when it happens to be recorded. It appears from their
statements that the rite was performed only on certain occasions, either to
obtain help or as a thank-offering. Danaeus, speaking of the newly admitted
witch, says, 'Then this vngracious and new servant of satan, euery day
afterward offreth something of his goods to his patrone, some his dogge,
some his hen, and some his cat.'[608] Scot, who always improves on his
original, states that the witches depart after the Sabbath, 'not forgetting
euery daie afterwards to offer to him, dogs, cats, hens, or bloud of their
owne.'[609]
The earliest witch-trial in the British Isles shows animal sacrifice. In
1324 in Ireland Lady Alice Kyteler 'was charged to haue nightlie conference
with a spirit called Robin Artisson, to whom she sacrificed in the high
waie .ix. red cocks'.[610] In 1566 at Chelmsford Mother Waterhouse 'gaue
him [i.e. the Satan-cat] for his labour a chicken, which he fyrste required
of her, and a drop of her blod.... Another tyme she rewarded hym as before,
wyth a chicken and a droppe of her bloud, which chicken he eate vp cleane
as he didde al the rest, and she cold fynde remaining neyther bones nor
fethers.'[611] Joan Waterhouse, daughter of Mother Waterhouse, a girl of
eighteen, said that the Deuil came in the likeness of a great dog, 'then
asked hee her what she wolde geue hym, and she saide a red kocke.'[612]
John Walsh of Dorset, in 1566, confessed that 'when he would call him [the
Spirit], hee sayth hee must geue hym some lyuing thing, as a Chicken, a
Cat, or a Dog. And further he sayth he must geue hym twoo lyuing thynges
once a yeare.'[613] In Lorraine in 1589 Beatrix Baonensis said, 'Etliche
geben junge Huener, oder wohl alte Huener, wie Desideria Pari iensis, und
Cathelonia Vincentia gethan hatten: Etliche schneiden ihre Haar ab und
lieffern dieselbe dahin, etliche geben Spaeher, etliche Voegel oder sonst
nicht viel besonders, als da sein moechte gemuentzt Geld aus Rindern Ledder,
und wenn sie dergleichen nichts haben, so verschafft es ihnen ihr Geist,
auff dass sie staffirt seyn.'[614] In Aberdeen in 1597 Andro Man gave
evidence that 'the Devill thy maister, whom thow termis Christsunday ... is
rasit be the speking of the word _Benedicite_, and is laid agane be tacking
of a dog vnder thy left oxster in thi richt hand, and casting the same in
his mouth, and speking the word _Maikpeblis_.'[615] At Lang Niddry in 1608
the whole Coven performed a rite, beginning at the 'irne zet of Seatoun',
where they christened a cat by the name of Margaret, 'and thaireftir come
all bak agane to the Deane-fute, quhair first thai convenit, and cuist the
kat to the Devill.'[616] In 1630 Alexander Hamilton had consultations with
the Devil near Edinburgh, 'and afoir the devill his away passing the said
Alexr was in use to cast to him ather ane kat or ane laif or ane dog or any
uther sic beast he come be.'[617] In Bute in 1622 Margaret NcWilliam
'renounced her baptisme and he baptised her and she gave him as a gift a
hen or cock'.[618] In modern France the sacrifice of a fowl to the Devil
still holds good: 'Celui qui veut devenir sorcier doit aller a un _quatre
chemins_ avec une _poule noire_, ou bien encore au _cimetiere_, sur une
_tombe_ et toujours a _minuit_. Il vient alors quelqu'un qui demande: "Que
venez vous faire ici?" "J'ai une poule a vendre," repond-on. Ce quelqu'un
[est] le Mechant.'[619]
It is possible that the custom of burying a live animal to cure disease
among farm animals, as well as the charm of casting a live cat into the sea
to raise a storm, are forms of the animal sacrifice.
3. _Child Sacrifice._--The child-victim was usually a young infant, either
a witch's child or unbaptized; in other words, it did not belong to the
Christian community. This last is an important point, and was the reason
why unbaptized children were considered to be in greater danger from
witches than the baptized. 'If there be anie children vnbaptised, or not
garded with the signe of the crosse, or orizons; then the witches may or
doo catch them from their mothers sides in the night, or out of their
cradles, or otherwise kill them with their ceremonies.'[620] The same
author quotes from the French authorities the crimes laid to the charge of
witches, among which are the following: 'They sacrifice their owne children
to the diuell before baptisme, holding them vp in the aire vnto him, and
then thrust a needle into their braines'; and 'they burne their children
when they haue sacrificed them'.[621] Boguet says, 'Les Matrones, & sages
femmes sont accoustume d'offrir a Satan les petits enfans qu'elles
recoiuent, & puis les faire mourir auant qu'ils soient baptizez, par le
moy[~e] d'vne grosse espingle qu'elles leur enfoncent dans le
cerueau.'[622] Boguet's words imply that this was done at every birth at
which a witch officiated; but it is impossible that this should be the
case; the sacrifice was probably made for some special purpose, for which a
new-born child was the appropriate victim.
The most detailed account of such sacrifices is given in the trial of the
Paris witches (1679-81), whom Madame de Montespan consulted. The whole
ceremony was performed to the end that the love of Louis XIV should return
to Madame de Montespan, at that time his discarded mistress; it seems to be
a kind of fertility rite, hence its use on this occasion. The Abbe Guibourg
was the sacrificing priest, and from this and other indications he appears
to have been the Chief or Grand-master who, before a less educated
tribunal, would have been called the Devil. Both he and the girl Montvoisin
were practically agreed as to the rite; though from the girl's words it
would appear that the child was already dead, while Guibourg's evidence
implies that it was alive. Both witnesses gave their evidence soberly and
gravely and without torture. Montvoisin, who was eighteen years old, stated
that she had presented 'a la messe de Madame de Montespan, par l'ordre de
sa mere, un enfant paraissant ne avant terme, le mit dans un bassin,
Guibourg l'egorgea, versa dans le calice, et consacra le sang avec hostie'.
Guibourg's evidence shows that the sacrifice was so far from being uncommon
that the assistants were well used to the work, and did all that was
required with the utmost celerity:
'Il avait achete un ecu l'enfant qui fut sacrifie a cette messe qui
lui fut presente par une grande fille et ayant tire du sang de
l'enfant qu'il piqua a la gorge avec un canif, il en versa dans le
calice, apres quoi l'enfant fut retire et emporte dans un autre lieu,
dont ensuite on lui rapporta le c[oe]ur et les entrailles pour en
faire une deuxieme [oblation].'[623]
In Scotland it was firmly believed that sacrifices of children took place
in all classes of society: 'The justices of the peace were seen familiarly
conversing with the foul fiend, to whom one in Dumfries-shire actually
offered up his firstborn child immediately after birth, stepping out with
it in his arms to the staircase, where the devil stood ready, as it was
suspected, to receive the innocent victim.'[624] In the later witch-trials
the sacrifice of the child seems to have been made after its burying, as in
the case of the Witch of Calder in 1720, who confessed that she had given
the Devil 'the body of a dead child of her own to make a roast of'.[625]
It is possible that the killing of children by poison was one method of
sacrifice when the cult was decadent and victims difficult to obtain.
Reginald Scot's words, written in 1584, suggest that this was the case:
'This must be an infallible rule, that euerie fortnight, or at the least
euerie moneth, each witch must kill one child at the least for hir
part.'[626] Sinistrari d'Ameno, writing about a century later, says the
same: 'They promise the Devil sacrifices and offerings at stated times:
once a fortnight or at least each month, the murder of some child, or an
homicidal act of sorcery.'[627] It is impossible to believe in any great
frequency of this sacrifice, but there is considerable foundation in fact
for the statement that children were killed, and it accounts as nothing
else can for the cold-blooded murders of children of which the witches were
sometimes accused. The accusations seem to have been substantiated on
several occasions, the method of sacrifice being by poison.[628]
The sacrifice of a child was often performed as a means of procuring
certain magical materials or powers, which were obtained by preparing the
sacrificed bodies in several ways. Scot says that the flesh of the child
was boiled and consumed by the witches for two purposes. Of the thicker
part of the concoction 'they make ointments, whereby they ride in the aire;
but the thinner potion they put into flaggons, whereof whosoeuer drinketh,
obseruing certeine ceremonies, immediatelie becommeth a maister or rather a
mistresse in that practise and facultie.'[629] The Paris Coven confessed
that they 'distilled' the entrails of the sacrificed child after Guibourg
had celebrated the mass for Madame de Montespan, the method being probably
the same as that described by Scot. A variant occurs in both France and
Scotland, and is interesting as throwing light on the reasons for some of
the savage rites of the witches: 'Pour ne confesser iamais le secret de
l'escole, on faict au sabbat vne paste de millet noir, auec de la poudre du
foye de quelque enfant non baptise qu'on faict secher, puis meslant cette
poudre avec ladicte paste, elle a cette vertu de taciturnite: si bien que
qui en mange ne confesse iamais.'[630] At Forfar, in 1661, Helen Guthrie
and four others exhumed the body of an unbaptized infant, which was buried
in the churchyard near the south-east door of the church, 'and took
severall peices therof, as the feet, hands, a pairt of the head, and a
pairt of the buttock, and they made a py therof, that they might eat of it,
that by this meanes they might never make a confession (as they thought) of
their witchcraftis.'[631] Here the idea of sympathetic magic is very clear;
by eating the flesh of a child who had never spoken articulate words, the
witches' own tongues would be unable to articulate.
4. _Sacrifice of the God._--The sacrifice of the witch-god was a decadent
custom when the records were made in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. The accounts of the actual rite come from France and Belgium,
where a goat was substituted for the human victim. The sacrifice was by
fire in both those countries, and there are indications that it was the
same in Great Britain. It is uncertain whether the interval of time between
the sacrifices was one, seven, or nine years.
Bodin and Boguet, each writing from his own knowledge of the subject, give
very similar accounts, Bodin's being the more detailed. In describing a
trial which took place in Poictiers in 1574, he says: 'La se trouuoit vn
grand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux assistans, & dansoyent
a l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le derriere, auec vne
chandelle ardente: & cela faict, le bouc se consommoit en feu, & de la
c[~e]dre chacun en prenoit pour faire mourir le b[oe]uf [etc.]. Et en fin
le Diable leur disoit d'vne voix terrible des mots, Vengez vous ou vous
mourrez.'[632] Boguet says that in the Lyons district in 1598 the Devil
celebrated mass, and 'apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se consume en
feu, & reduit en cendre, laquelle les Sorciers recueillent, & cachent pour
s'en seruir a l'execution de leurs desseins pernicieux & abominables'.[633]
In 1603, a Belgian witch, Claire Goessen, was present at such a sacrifice,
and her account is therefore that of an eyewitness. 'Elle s'est laissee
transporter a l'assemblee nocturne de Lembeke, ou, apres la danse, elle a,
comme tous les assistans, baise un bouc a l'endroit de sa queue, lequel
bouc fut ensuite brule et ses cendres distribuees et emportees par les
convives.'[634] Jeanne de Belloc in 1609 'a veu le Grand maistre de
l'assemblee se ietter dans les flammes au sabbat, se faire brusler iusques
a ce qu'il estoit reduit en poudre, & les grandes & insignes sorcieres
prendre les dictes poudres pour ensorceler les petits enfants & les mener
au sabbat, & en prenoient aussi dans la bouche pour ne reueler
iamais'.[635] A French witch in 1652 declared that at the Sabbath 'le
diable s'y at mis en feu et en donne des cendres lesquelles tous faisaient
voller en l'air pour faire mancquer les fruits de la terre'.[636] At Lille
in 1661 the girls in Madame Bourignon's orphanage stated that 'on y adoroit
une bete; & qu'on faisoit avec elle des infamies; & puis sur la fin on la
bruloit, & chacun en prenoit des cendres, avec lesquelles on faisoit
languir ou mourir des personnes, ou autres animaux'.[637]
The collection and use of the ashes by the worshippers point to the fact
that we have here a sacrifice of the god of fertility. Originally the
sprinkling of the ashes on fields or animals or in running water was a
fertility charm; but when Christianity became sufficiently powerful to
attempt the suppression of the ancient religion, such practices were
represented as evil, and were therefore said to be 'pour faire mancquer les
fruits de la terre'.
The animal-substitute for the divine victim is usually the latest form of
the sacrifice; the intervening stages were first the volunteer, then the
criminal, both of whom were accorded the power and rank of the divine being
whom they personated. The period of time during which the substitute acted
as the god varied in different places; so also did the interval between the
sacrifices. Frazer has pointed out that the human victim, whether the god
himself or his human substitute, did not content himself by merely not
attempting to escape his destiny, but in many cases actually rushed on his
fate, and died by his own hand or by voluntary submission to the
sacrificer.
The witch-cult being a survival of an ancient religion, many of the beliefs
and rites of these early religions are to be found in it. Of these the
principal are: the voluntary substitute, the temporary transference of
power to the substitute, and the self-devotion to death. As times changed
and the ceremonies could no longer be performed openly, the sacrifices took
on other forms. I have already suggested that the child-murders, of which
the witches were often convicted, were in many cases probably offerings
made to the God. In the same way, when the time came for the God or his
substitute to be sacrificed, recourse was had to methods which hid the real
meaning of the ceremony; and the sacrifice of the incarnate deity, though
taking place in public, was consummated at the hands of the public
executioner. This explanation accounts for the fact that the bodies of
witches, male or female, were always burnt and the ashes scattered; for the
strong prejudice which existed, as late as the eighteenth century, against
any other mode of disposing of their bodies; and for some of the otherwise
inexplicable occurrences in connexion with the deaths of certain of the
victims.
Read in the light of this theory much of the mystery which surrounds the
fate of Joan of Arc is explained. She was put to death as a witch, and the
conduct of her associates during her military career, as well as the
evidence at her trial, bear out the fact that she belonged to the ancient
religion, not to the Christian. Nine years after her death in the flames
her commander, Gilles de Rais, was tried on the same charge and condemned
to the same fate. The sentence was not carried out completely in his case;
he was executed by hanging, and the body was snatched from the fire and
buried in Christian ground. Like Joan herself, Gilles received a
semi-canonization after death, and his shrine was visited by nursing
mothers. Two centuries later Major Weir offered himself up and was executed
as a witch in Edinburgh, refusing to the end all attempts to convert him to
the Christian point of view.
The belief that the witch must be burnt and the ashes scattered was so
ingrained in the popular mind that, when the severity of the laws began to
relax, remonstrances were made by or to the authorities. In 1649 the Scotch
General Assembly has a record: 'Concerning the matter of the buriall of
the Lady Pittadro, who, being vnder a great scandall of witchcraft, and
being incarcerat in the Tolbuith of this burgh during her triall before the
Justice, died in prison, The Comission of the Generall Assembly, having
considered the report of the Comittee appointed for that purpose, Doe give
their advyse to the Presbyterie of Dumfermling to show their dislike of
that fact of the buriall of the Lady Pittadro, in respect of the maner and
place, and that the said Presbyterie may labour to make the persons who hes
buried her sensible of their offence in so doeing; and some of the persons
who buried hir, being personallie present, are desired by the Comission to
shew themselvis to the Presbyterie sensible of their miscarriage
therein.'[638]
At Maidstone in 1652 'Anne Ashby, alias Cobler, Anne Martyn, Mary Browne,
Anne Wilson, and Mildred Wright of Cranbrook, and Mary Read, of Lenham,
being legally convicted, were according to the Laws of this Nation,
adjudged to be hanged, at the common place of Execution. Some there were
that wished rather they might be burnt to Ashes; alledging that it was a
received opinion among many, that the body of a witch being burnt, her
bloud is prevented thereby from becomming hereditary to her Progeny in the
same evill.'[639] The witches themselves also held the belief that they
ought to die by fire. Anne Foster was tried for witchcraft at Northampton
in 1674: 'after Sentence of Death was past upon her, she mightily desired
to be Burned; but the Court would give no Ear to that, but that she should
be hanged at the Common place of Execution.'[640]
9. _Magic Words_
The magic words known to the witches were used only for certain definite
purposes, the most important use being to raise the Devil. I have omitted
the charms which are founded on Christian prayers and formulas, and quote
only those which appear to belong to the witch-cult.
In the section on _Familiars_ it will be seen how the witches divined by
means of animals, which animals were allotted to them by the Chief. In
auguries and divinations of this kind in every part of the world a form of
words is always used, and the augury is taken by the first animal of the
desired species which is seen after the charm is spoken.
Agnes Sampson, the leading witch of the North Berwick Coven, 1590, summoned
her familiar by calling 'Elva', and then divined by a dog, whom she
dismissed by telling him to 'depart by the law he lives on'. She also used
the formula, 'Haill, hola!', and 'Hola!' was also the cry when a cat was
cast into the sea to raise a storm.[641] A man-witch of Alest, 1593, gave
the devil's name as Abiron: 'quand il le vouloit voir il disoit: vien
Abiron, sinon ie te quitteray.'[642] Andro Man at Aberdeen, 1597,
'confessis that the Devill, thy maister, is rasit be the speking of the
word _Benedicite_, and is laid agane be tacking of a dog vnder thy left
oxster in thi richt hand, and casting the same in his mouth, and speking
the word _Maikpeblis_.--He grantit that this word _Benedicite_ rasit the
Dewill, and _Maikpeblis_ laid him againe, strikin him on the faice with ane
deice with the left hand.'[643] Alexander Hamilton of East Lothian, 1630,
when covenanting with the devil, had 'ane battoun of fir in his hand the
devill than gave the said Alexr command to tak that battoun quhan evir he
had ado with him and therewt to strek thruse upone the ground and to
chairge him to ruse up foule theiff'; the divining animals in this case
were crows, cats, and dogs.[644] Marie Lamont of Innerkip, 1662, was
instructed to call the Devil _Serpent_ when she desired to speak with
him.[645]
The Somerset witches, 1664, cried out _Robin_ at an appointed place, and
the Master then appeared in his proper form as a man: Elizabeth Style and
Alice Duke also called him _Robin_ when summoning him privately, and
Elizabeth Style added, 'O Sathan give me my purpose', before saying what
she wished done.[646] The Swedish witches, 1669, called their Chief with
the cry, 'Antecessor, come and carry us to Blockula'; this they did at an
appointed place, and the Devil then appeared as a man.[647]
The words used before starting to a meeting are rarely recorded; only a few
remain. The earliest example is from Guernsey in 1563, when Martin Tulouff
heard an old witch cry as she bestrode a broomstick, 'Va au nom du diable
et luciffer [p=] dess[~q=] roches et espynes.' He then lost sight of her,
with the inference that she flew through the air, though he acknowledged
that he himself was not so successful.[648] The witches of the
Basses-Pyrenees, 1609, anointed themselves before starting, and repeated
the words 'Emen hetan, emen hetan', which de Lancre translates 'Ici et la,
ici et la'. 'Quelquefois plus furieuses elles se batent entre elles mesmes,
en disant, Ie suis le Diable, ie n'ay rien qui ne soit a toy, en ton nom
Seigneur cette tienne seruante s'oingt, & dois estre quelque iour Diable &
maling Esprit comme toy.' When, crossing water they cried, 'Haut la coude,
Quillet,' upon which they could cross without getting wet; and when going a
long distance they said, 'Pic suber hoeilhe, en ta la lane de bouc bien
m'arrecoueille.'[649] Isobel Gowdie, 1662, gives two variants of the magic
words used on these occasions: the first, 'Horse and hattock, in the
Divellis name' is not unlike the form given by Martin Tulouff; the second
is longer, 'Horse and hattock, horse and goe, Horse and pellattis, ho!
ho!'[650] The Somerset witches, 1664, when starting to the meeting, said,
'Thout, tout a tout, tout, throughout and about'; and when returning,
'Rentum tormentum'. At parting they cried, 'A Boy! merry meet, merry
part.'[651] They also had a long form of words which were used when
applying the flying ointment, but these are not recorded.
Other magical words were used at the religious services of the witches in
the Basses-Pyrenees (1609). At the elevation of the host the congregation
cried, '"Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty, Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty," qui
veut dire _Cabron arriba, Cabron abaro (sic)_'; at the elevation of the
chalice at a Christian service they said, 'Corbeau noir, corbeau noir.'
There were two forms of words to be used when making the sign of the cross;
the first was, 'In nomine Patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Agora, Agora
Valentia, Iouanda, goure gaitz goustia,' translated as 'Au nom de Patrique,
Petrique, d'Arragon, a cette heure a cette heure Valence, tout nostre mal
est passe'. The second roused de Lancre's horror as peculiarly blasphemous:
'In nomine patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Gastellaco Ianicot, Equidae ipordian
pot,' 'au nom de Patrique, petrique d'Arragon. Iannicot de Castille faictes
moy vn baiser au derriere.'[652] The mention of the ancient Basque god
Janicot makes this spell unusually interesting. As the dances were also a
religious rite the words used then must be recorded here. Bodin gives the
formula, 'Har, har, diable, diable, saute icy, saute la, ioue icy, ioue la:
Et les autres disoyent sabath sabath.'[653] The word _diable_ is clearly
Bodin's own interpellation for the name of the God, for the Guernsey
version, which is currently reported to be used at the present day, runs
'Har, har, Hou, Hou, danse ici', etc.; Hou being the name of an ancient
Breton god.[654] Jean Weir (1670) stated that at the instigation of some
woman unnamed she put her foot on a cloth on the floor with her hand upon
the crown of her head, and repeated thrice, 'All my cross and troubles go
to the door with thee.'[655] This seems to have been an admission ceremony,
but the words are of the same sentiment as the one recorded by de Lancre,
'tout notre mal est passe.'
There were also certain magical effects supposed to be brought about by the
use of certain words. Martin Tulouff (1563) claimed that he could bewitch
cows so that they gave blood instead of milk, by saying 'Butyrum de
armento', but he admitted that he also used powders to accomplish his
purpose.[656] Isobel Gowdie (1662) described how the witches laid a broom
or a stool in their beds to represent themselves during their absence at a
meeting. By the time that this record was made the witches evidently
believed that the object took on the exact appearance of the woman, having
forgotten its original meaning as a signal to show where she had gone. The
words used on these occasions show no belief in the change of appearance of
the object:
'I lay down this besom [or stool] in the Devil's name,
Let it not stir till I come again.'
Her statements regarding the change of witches into animals I have examined
in the section on Familiars (p. 234). The words used to effect these
changes are given in full. When a witch wished to take on the form of a
hare she said:
'I sall goe intill ane haire,
With sorrow, and sych, and meikle caire;
And I sall goe in the Divellis nam,
Ay quhill I com hom againe.'
To change into a cat or a crow the last two lines were retained unaltered,
but the first two were respectively,
'I sall goe intill ane catt,
With sorrow, and sych, and a blak shot'
or
'I sall goe intill a craw,
With sorrow, and sych, and a blak thraw.'
To return into human form the witch said:
'Haire, haire, God send thee caire.
I am in an haire's liknes just now,
Bot I sal be in a womanis liknes ewin now.'
From a cat or a crow, the words were 'Cat, cat, God send thee a blak shott'
or 'Craw, craw, God send thee a blak thraw', with the last two lines as
before. When the witch in animal form entered the house of another witch,
she would say, 'I conjure thee, Goe with me'; on which the second witch
would turn into the same kind of animal as the first. If, however, they met
in the open, the formula was slightly different, 'Divell speid the, Goe
thow with me,' the result being the same.[657]
The Somerset trials record the words used for cursing anything. These were
simply 'A Pox take it', the curse being supposed to take effect at once. If
the curse were pronounced over an image of a person the words were 'A Pox
on thee, I'le spite thee'.[658]
Alexander Elder's grace over meat is probably a corrupt form of some
ancient rite:
'We eat this meat in the Divellis nam,
With sorrow, and sych, and meikle shame;
We sall destroy hows and hald;
Both sheip and noat in till the fald.
Litle good sall come to the fore
Of all the rest of the litle store.'[659]
The 'conjuring of cats' was a distinct feature, and is clearly derived from
an early form of sacrifice. The details are recorded only in Scotland, and
it is possible that Scotland is the only country in which it occurred,
though the sanctity of the cat in other places suggests that the omission
in the records is accidental.
In the dittay against John Fian, 1590, he was 'fylit, for the chaissing of
ane catt in Tranent; in the quhilk chaise, he was careit heich aboue the
ground, with gryt swyftnes, and as lychtlie as the catt hir selff, ower ane
heicher dyke, nor he was able to lay his hand to the heid off:--And being
inquyrit, to quhat effect he chaissit the samin? Ansuerit, that in ane
conversatioune haldin at Brumhoillis, Sathan commandit all that were
present, to tak cattis; lyke as he, for obedience to Sathan, chaissit the
said catt, purpoiselie to be cassin in the sea, to raise windis for
distructioune of schippis and boitis.'[660] Agnes Sampson of the same Coven
as Fian confessed 'that at the time when his Majestie was in Denmark, shee
being accompanied by the parties before speciallie named, tooke a cat and
christened it, and afterwards bounde to each part of that cat, the cheefest
parte of a dead man, and severall joyntis of his bodie: And that in the
night following, the saide cat was convayed into the middest of the sea by
all the witches, sayling in their riddles or cives, as is aforesaid, and so
left the said cat right before the towne of Leith in Scotland. This doone,
there did arise such a tempest in the sea, as a greater hath not bene
seene.'[661] The legal record of this event is more detailed and less
dramatic; the sieves are never mentioned, the witches merely walking to the
Pier-head in an ordinary and commonplace manner. The Coven at Prestonpans
sent a letter to the Leith Coven that--
'they sould mak the storm vniuersall thro the sea. And within aucht
dayes eftir the said Bill [letter] wes delyuerit, the said Agnes
Sampsoune, Jonett Campbell, Johnne Fean, Gelie Duncan, and Meg Dyn
baptesit ane catt in the wobstaris hous, in maner following: Fyrst,
twa of thame held ane fingar, in the ane syd of the chimnay cruik, and
ane vther held ane vther fingar in the vther syd, the twa nebbis of
the fingars meting togidder; than thay patt the catt thryis throw the
linkis of the cruik, and passit itt thryis vnder the chimnay.
Thaireftir, att Begie Toddis hous, thay knitt to the foure feit of the
catt, foure jountis of men; quhilk being done, the sayd Jonet fechit
it to Leith; and about mydnycht, sche and the twa Linkhop, and twa
wyfeis callit Stobbeis, came to the Pier-heid, and saying thir words,
'See that thair be na desait amangis ws'; and thay caist the catt in
the see, sa far as thay mycht, quhilk swam owre and cam agane; and
thay that wer in the Panis, caist in ane vthir catt in the see att xj
houris. Eftir quhilk, be thair sorcerie and inchantment, the boit
perischit betuix Leith and Kinghorne; quhilk thing the Deuill did, and
went befoir, with ane stalf in his hand.'[662]
Beigis Todd was concerned in another 'conjuring of cats', this time at
Seaton.
'Eftir thay had drukkin togidder a certane space, thay, in thair
devillische maner, tuik ane katt, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw
the said Beigis cruik; and thaireftir come with all thair speed to
Seaton-thorne, be-north the [3]et.... And thay thaireftir past
altogidder, with the Devill, to the irne [3]et [iron gate] of Seatoun,
quhair of new thay tuik ane cat, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw
the said Irne-[3]ett: And immediatlie thaireftir, came to the barne,
foiranent George Feudaris dur, quhair thai christened the said catt,
and callit hir _Margaret_: And thaireftir come all bak agane to the
Deane-fute, quhair first thai convenit, and cuist the kat to the
Devill.'[663]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 465: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 466: Boguet, pp. 131-9.]
[Footnote 467: _Pleasant Treatise_, pp. 5-7.]
[Footnote 468: Lea, iii, p. 501.]
[Footnote 469: Remigius, pt. i, pp. 89, 91.]
[Footnote 470: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 139, 163, 164.]
[Footnote 471: W. G. Stewart, p. 175.]
[Footnote 472: Danaeus, ch. ii.]
[Footnote 473: Cooper, p. 90.]
[Footnote 474: Rymer, i, p. 956.]
[Footnote 475: Chartier, iii, p. 45.]
[Footnote 476: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]
[Footnote 477: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 478: Bodin, p. 187.]
[Footnote 479: Melville, p. 396; _see also_ Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp.
210-12, 239, 246.]
[Footnote 480: F. Hutchinson, p. 43.]
[Footnote 481: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 121, 125.]
[Footnote 482: Boguet, p. 411.]
[Footnote 483: Cannaert, p. 46.]
[Footnote 484: Id., p. 50.]
[Footnote 485: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 131.]
[Footnote 486: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 334-5.]
[Footnote 487: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]
[Footnote 488: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 126, 128.]
[Footnote 489: Id. ib., p. 148.]
[Footnote 490: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 171.]
[Footnote 491: Boguet, p. 131.]
[Footnote 492: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 72, 131.]
[Footnote 493: Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, i, 89.]
[Footnote 494: Moret, _Mysteres Egyptiens_, pp. 247 seq.]
[Footnote 495: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 496: Ib., i, p. 144. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 497: Ib., p. 149.]
[Footnote 498: Ib., p. 153. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 499: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 500: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 43.]
[Footnote 501: Compare the account of the Forfar witch-dance. Kinloch, p.
120.]
[Footnote 502: Boguet, pp. 131-2.]
[Footnote 503: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]
[Footnote 504: Compare the dittay against Bessie Thom, who danced round the
Fish Cross of Aberdeen with other witches 'in the lyknes of kattis and
haris'. _Spalding Club Misc._, i, 167.]
[Footnote 505: Boguet, p. 127.]
[Footnote 506: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]
[Footnote 507: More, p. 232.]
[Footnote 508: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 509: Id., iii, p. 606. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 510: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]
[Footnote 511: Sinclair, p. 163.]
[Footnote 512: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]
[Footnote 513: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 212.]
[Footnote 514: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 195, 197.]
[Footnote 515: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 516: De Lancre, op. cit., p. 211.]
[Footnote 517: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167. Spelling modernized.
The account of the Arab witches should be compared with this. 'In the time
of Ibn Munkidh the witches rode about naked on a stick between the graves
of the cemetery of Shaizar.' Wellhausen, p. 159.]
[Footnote 518: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 519: Reg. Scot, Bk. iii, p. 42. La volta is said to be the origin
of the waltz.]
[Footnote 520: Lea, iii, p. 501.]
[Footnote 521: Remigius, p. 82.]
[Footnote 522: E. Monseur, p. 102.]
[Footnote 523: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 141.]
[Footnote 524: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 239, 246.]
[Footnote 525: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 114-15. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 526: Id., i, p. 149. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 527: _Spottiswoode Miscellany_, ii, p. 68.]
[Footnote 528: Kinloch, p. 129. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 529: Sinclair, p. 163.]
[Footnote 530: Burns Begg, pp. 234, 235.]
[Footnote 531: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 127.]
[Footnote 532: Id. ib., p. 150.]
[Footnote 533: Id. ib., p. 211.]
[Footnote 534: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 535: Sinclair, p. 219.]
[Footnote 536: Kinloch, p. 120.]
[Footnote 537: Sharpe, p. 131.]
[Footnote 538: Boguet, p. 132.]
[Footnote 539: Michaelis, _Hist._, p. 336.]
[Footnote 540: Van Elven, v (1891), p. 215.]
[Footnote 541: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 5.]
[Footnote 542: Potts, G 3, I 3, P 3.]
[Footnote 543: _Examination of Joan Williford_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 544: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139-40.]
[Footnote 545: Id., p. 138.]
[Footnote 546: Id., p. 149.]
[Footnote 547: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]
[Footnote 548: _Spottiswoode Misc._, ii, p. 67.]
[Footnote 549: Kinloch, p. 121.]
[Footnote 550: Id., p. 124.]
[Footnote 551: Id., p. 126.]
[Footnote 552: Id., p. 127.]
[Footnote 553: Id., p. 133. Dated = caressed.]
[Footnote 554: Burns Begg, p. 227.]
[Footnote 555: Id., p. 238.]
[Footnote 556: Sharpe, p. 131.]
[Footnote 557: The complete grace is given on p. 167. It will be seen that
it is a corrupt version of some ancient form of words.]
[Footnote 558: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 612, 613. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 559: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 560: Burr, p. 418.]
[Footnote 561: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 197.]
[Footnote 562: Id. ib., p. 148.]
[Footnote 563: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 335-6.]
[Footnote 564: Boguet, pp. 135-9.]
[Footnote 565: Cannaert, p. 45.]
[Footnote 566: Horneck, pp. 321-2, 327.]
[Footnote 567: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 187.]
[Footnote 568: Melville, p. 395.]
[Footnote 569: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. The ploughman, Gray Meal, who
took a large part in the ceremonies, was an old man.]
[Footnote 570: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 210.]
[Footnote 571: F. Hutchinson, _Hist. Essay_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 572: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 172.]
[Footnote 573: Boguet, p. 131.]
[Footnote 574: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 401.]
[Footnote 575: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 805.]
[Footnote 576: Davenport, p. 2.]
[Footnote 577: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215.]
[Footnote 578: Sinclair, p. 163. The account given by Barton's wife of the
position of the candle on the Devil's person is paralleled by the
peculiarly coarse description of the Light-bearers at the witch-sabbaths at
Muenster. Humborg, p. 120.]
[Footnote 579: Kinloch, p. 120.]
[Footnote 580: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 139.]
[Footnote 581: Chambers, iii, p. 298.]
[Footnote 582: Stewart, p. 175.]
[Footnote 583: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 294.]
[Footnote 584: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]
[Footnote 585: Boguet, p. 141.]
[Footnote 586: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 401-2.]
[Footnote 587: Michaelis, _Hist._, p. 337. The use of this phrase suggests
that the sprinkling was a fertility rite.]
[Footnote 588: Fountainhall, i, pp. 14, 15.]
[Footnote 589: Law, p. 145.]
[Footnote 590: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]
[Footnote 591: Ravaisson, 1679-81, p. 336.]
[Footnote 592: Id., p. 333.]
[Footnote 593: Id., p. 335.]
[Footnote 594: Ravaisson, p. 335.]
[Footnote 595: Cotton Mather, pp. 120, 131, 158.]
[Footnote 596: J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts Bay_, ii, p. 55.]
[Footnote 597: Burr, p. 417.]
[Footnote 598: Increase Mather, p. 210.]
[Footnote 599: Cotton Mather, p. 81.]
[Footnote 600: Cooper, p. 91.]
[Footnote 601: _Chelmsford Witches_, pp. 24, 26, 29, 30. Philobiblon
Society, viii.]
[Footnote 602: _Examination of John Walsh._]
[Footnote 603: Cannaert, p. 48.]
[Footnote 604: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 605: Stearne, p. 29.]
[Footnote 606: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 617.]
[Footnote 607: Cotta, p. 114.]
[Footnote 608: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 609: R. Scot, Bk. III, p. 44.]
[Footnote 610: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]
[Footnote 611: Philobiblon Society, viii, _Chelmsford Witches_, pp. 29,
30.]
[Footnote 612: Id. ib., viii, p. 34.]
[Footnote 613: _Examination of John Walsh._]
[Footnote 614: Remigius, pt. i, p. 54.]
[Footnote 615: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 120; Burton, i, p. 252.]
[Footnote 616: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 542-3.]
[Footnote 617: From an unpublished trial in the Justiciary Court at
Edinburgh. The meaning of the word _laif_ is not clear. The Oxford
dictionary gives _lop-eared_, the Scotch dictionary gives _loaf_. By
analogy with the other accounts one would expect here a word meaning a
hen.]
[Footnote 618: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 18.]
[Footnote 619: Lemoine, vi, p. 109.]
[Footnote 620: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]
[Footnote 621: Id., Bk. II, p. 32.]
[Footnote 622: Boguet, p. 205.]
[Footnote 623: Ravaisson, p. 334, 335.]
[Footnote 624: Sharpe, p. 147.]
[Footnote 625: Chambers, iii, p. 450.]
[Footnote 626: Scot, Bk. III, p. 42.]
[Footnote 627: Sinistrari de Ameno, p. 27.]
[Footnote 628: See, amongst others, the account of Mary Johnson (Essex,
1645), who was accused of poisoning two children; the symptoms suggest
belladonna. Howell, iv, 844, 846.]
[Footnote 629: Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]
[Footnote 630: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 128.]
[Footnote 631: Kinloch, p. 121.]
[Footnote 632: Bodin, _Fleau_, pp. 187-8.]
[Footnote 633: Boguet, p. 141.]
[Footnote 634: Cannaert, p. 50.]
[Footnote 635: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 133.]
[Footnote 636: _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215. Neither name nor place are
given.]
[Footnote 637: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87.]
[Footnote 638: _Scot. Hist. Soc._, xxv, p. 348. _See also_ Ross, _Aberdour
and Inchcolme_, p. 339.]
[Footnote 639: _Prod. and Trag. History_, p. 7.]
[Footnote 640: _Tryall of Ann Foster_, p. 8.]
[Footnote 641: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 211, 235, 238.]
[Footnote 642: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 772.]
[Footnote 643: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 120, 124.]
[Footnote 644: From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court of
Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 645: Sharpe, p. 132.]
[Footnote 646: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 164.]
[Footnote 647: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]
[Footnote 648: From the record of the trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]
[Footnote 649: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 123, 400.]
[Footnote 650: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 608.]
[Footnote 651: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 141. I have pointed out that the
cry of 'A Boy' is possibly the Christian recorder's method of expressing
the Bacchic shout 'Evoe'. See _Jour. Man. Or. Soc._, 1916-17, p. 65.]
[Footnote 652: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 401, 461, 462, 464.]
[Footnote 653: Bodin, p. 190.]
[Footnote 654: The names of the smaller islands are often compounded with
the name of this deity, e.g. Li-hou, Brecq-hou, &c.]
[Footnote 655: Law, p. 27 note.]
[Footnote 656: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]
[Footnote 657: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 607-8, 611.]
[Footnote 658: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 139, 148, 149.]
[Footnote 659: Pitcairn, iii, p. 612. Sych = sighing, lamentation.]
[Footnote 660: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 212.]
[Footnote 661: _Newes from Scotland_, see Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 218.]
[Footnote 662: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 237.]
[Footnote 663: Id., ii, p. 542.]
VI. THE RITES (_continued_)
WITCHES' RAIN-MAKING AND FERTILITY RITES
1. _General_
In common with many other religions of the Lower Culture, the witch-cult of
Western Europe observed certain rites for rain-making and for causing or
blasting fertility. This fact was recognized in the papal Bulls formulated
against the witches who were denounced, not for moral offences, but for the
destruction of fertility. The celebrated Decree of Innocent VIII, which in
1488 let loose the full force of the Church against the witches, says that
'they blight the marriage bed, destroy the births of women and the increase
of cattle; they blast the corn on the ground, the grapes of the vineyard,
the fruits of the trees, the grass and herbs of the field'. Adrian VI
followed this up in 1521 with a Decretal Epistle, denouncing the witches
'as a Sect deviating from the Catholic Faith, denying their Baptism, and
showing Contempt of the Ecclesiastical Sacraments, treading Crosses under
their Feet, and, taking the Devil for their Lord, destroyed the Fruits of
the Earth by their Enchantments, Sorceries, and Superstitions'.
The charms used by the witches, the dances, the burning of the god and the
broadcast scattering of his ashes, all point to the fact that this was a
fertility cult; and this is the view taken also by those contemporary
writers who give a more or less comprehensive account of the religion and
ritual. Though most of the fertility or anti-fertility charms remaining to
us were used by the witches either for their own benefit or to injure their
enemies, enough remains to show that originally all these charms were to
promote fertility in general and in particular. When the charm was for
fertility in general, it was performed by the whole congregation together;
but for the fertility of any particular woman, animal, or field, the
ceremony was performed by one witch alone or by two at most.
The power which the witches claimed to possess over human fertility is
shown in many of the trials. Jonet Clark was tried in Edinburgh in 1590
'for giving and taking away power from sundry men's Genital-members';[664]
and in the same year and place Bessie Roy was accused of causing women's
milk to dry up.[665] The number of midwives who practised witchcraft points
also to this fact; they claimed to be able to cause and to prevent
pregnancy, to cause and to prevent an easy delivery, to cast the
labour-pains, on an animal or a human being (husbands who were the victims
are peculiarly incensed against these witches), and in every way to have
power over the generative organs of both sexes. In short, it is possible to
say that, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the better the
midwife the better the witch.
The Red Book of Appin,[666] which was obtained from the Devil by a trick,
is of great interest in this connexion. It was said to contain charms for
the curing of diseases of cattle; among them must certainly have been some
for promoting the fertility of the herds in general, and individual animals
in particular. It is not unlikely that the charms as noted in the book were
the result of many experiments, for we know that the witches were bound to
give account to the Devil of all the magic they performed in the intervals
between the Sabbaths, and he or his clerk recorded their doings. From this
record the Devil instructed the witches. It is evident from the confessions
and the evidence at the trials that the help of the witches was often
required to promote fertility among human beings as well as among animals.
The number of midwives who were also witches was very great, and the fact
can hardly be accidental.
Witches were called in to perform incantations during the various events of
a farm-yard. Margrat Og of Aberdeen, 1597, was 'indyttit as a manifest
witche, in that, be the space of a yeirsyn or theirby, thy kow being in
bulling, and James Farquhar, thy awin gude son haulding the kow, thow
stuid on the ane syd of the kow, and thy dochter, Batrix Robbie, on the
vther syd, and quhen the bull was lowping the kow, thow tuik a knyff and
keist ower the kow, and thy dochter keapit the sam, and keist it over to
the agane, and this ye did thryiss, quhilk thou can nocht deny.'[667] At
Auldearne the Coven, to which Isobel Gowdie belonged, performed a ceremony
to obtain for themselves the benefit of a neighbour's crop. 'Befor
Candlemas, we went be-east Kinlosse, and ther we yoaked an plewghe of
paddokis. The Divell held the plewgh, and Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, our
Officer, did drywe the plewghe. Paddokis did draw the plewgh as oxen;
quickens wer sowmes, a riglen's horne was a cowter, and an piece of an
riglen's horne was an sok. We went two seueral tymes abowt; and all we of
the Coeven went still wp and downe with the plewghe, prayeing to the Divell
for the fruit of that land, and that thistles and brieris might grow
ther'.[668] Here the ploughing-ceremony was to induce fertility for the
benefit of the witches, while the draught animals and all the parts of the
plough connoted barrenness for the owner of the soil.
The most detailed account of a charm for human fertility is given in the
confession of the Abbe Guibourg, who appears to have been the Devil of the
Paris witches. The ceremony took place at the house of a witch-midwife
named Voisin or Montvoisin, and according to the editor was for the benefit
of Louis XIV or Charles II, two of the most notorious libertines of their
age.
'Il a fait chez la Voisin, revetu d'aube, d'etole et de manipule, une
conjuration en presence de la Des Oeillets [attendant of Madame de
Montespan], qui pretendait faire un charme pour le (Roi) et qui etait
accompagnee d'un homme qui lui donna la conjuration, et comme il etait
necessaire d'avoir du sperme des deux sexes, Des Oeillets ayant ses
mois n'en put donner mais versa dans le calice de ses menstrues et
l'homme qui l'accompagnait, ayant passe dans la ruelle du lit avec lui
Guibourg, versa de son sperme dans le calice. Sur le tout, la Des
Oeillets et l'homme mirent chacun d'une poudre de sang de
chauve-souris et de la farine pour donner un corps plus ferme a toute
la composition et apres qu'il eut recite la conjuration il tira le
tout du calice qui fut mis dans un petit vaisseau que la Des Oeillets
ou l'homme emporta.'[669]
The ecclesiastical robes and the use of the chalice point to this being a
ceremony of a religious character, and should be compared with the
child-sacrifices performed by the same priest or Devil (see pp. 150, 157).
An anti-fertility rite, which in its simplicity hardly deserves the name of
a ceremony, took place at Crook of Devon in Kinross-shire. Bessie Henderson
'lykeways confessed and declared that Janet Paton was with you at ane
meeting when they trampit down Thos. White's rie in the beginning of
harvest, 1661, and that she had broad soals and trampit down more nor any
of the rest'.[670]
2. _Rain-making_
The rain-making powers of the witches have hardly been noted by writers on
the subject, for by the time the records were made the witches were
credited with the blasting of fertility rather than its increase. Yet from
what remains it is evident that the original meaning of much of the ritual
was for the production of fertilizing rain, though both judges and
witnesses believed that it was for storms and hail.
One of the earliest accounts of such powers is given in the story quoted by
Reginald Scot from the _Malleus Maleficarum_, written in 1487, a century
before Scot's own book:
'A little girle walking abroad with hir father in his land, heard him
complaine of drought, wishing for raine, etc. Whie father (quoth the
child) I can make it raine or haile, when and where I list: He asked
where she learned it. She said, of hir mother, who forbad hir to tell
anie bodie thereof. He asked hir how hir mother taught hir? She
answered, that hir mother committed hir to a maister, who would at
anie time doo anie thing for hir. Whie then (said he) make it raine
but onlie in my field. And so she went to the streame, and threw vp
water in hir maisters name, and made it raine presentlie. And
proceeding further with hir father, she made it haile in another
field, at hir father's request. Herevpon he accused his wife, and
caused hir to be burned; and then he new christened his child
againe.'[671]
Scot also gives 'certaine impossible actions' of witches when he ridicules
the belief
'that the elements are obedient to witches, and at their commandement;
or that they may at their pleasure send raine, haile, tempests,
thunder, lightening; when she being but an old doting woman, casteth a
flint stone ouer hir left shoulder, towards the west, or hurleth a
little sea sand vp into the element, or wetteth a broome sprig in
water, and sprinkleth the same in the aire; or diggeth a pit in the
earth, and putting water therein, stirreth it about with hir finger;
or boileth hogs bristles; or laieth sticks acrosse vpon a banke, where
neuer a drop of water is; or burieth sage till it be rotten; all which
things are confessed by witches, and affirmed by writers to be the
meanes that witches vse to mooue extraordinarie tempests and
raine'.[672]
More quotes Wierus to the same effect: 'Casting of Flint-Stones behind
their backs towards the West, or flinging a little Sand in the Air, or
striking a River with a Broom, and so sprinkling the Wet of it toward
Heaven, the stirring of Urine or Water with their finger in a Hole in the
ground, or boyling of Hogs Bristles in a Pot.'[673]
The throwing of stones as a fertility rite is found in the trial of Jonet
Wischert, one of the chief witches at Aberdeen, and is there combined with
a nudity rite. 'In hervest last bypast, Mr. William Rayes huikes [saw thee
at] the heid of thi awin gudmannis croft, and saw the tak all thi claiss
about thi heid, and thow beand naikit from the middill down, tuik ane gryte
number of steynis, and thi self gangand baklenis, keist ane pairt behind
the our thi heid, and ane wther pairt fordward.'[674]
3. _Fertility_
Every contemporary writer who gives a general view of the religion and
ritual observes the witches' powers over human fertility. Boguet says, 'Ils
font encor cacher & retirer les parties viriles, et puis les font
ressortir quand il leur plait. Ils empeschent aussi tantost la copulation
charnelle de l'ho[~m]e & de la femme, en retirant les nerfs, & ostant la
roideur du membre; et tantost la procreation en destournant ou bouchant les
conduicts de la semence, pour empescher qu'elle ne descende aux vases de la
generation.'[675] Scot, who quotes generally without any acknowledgement
and often inaccurately, translates this statement, 'They also affirme that
the vertue of generation is impeached by witches, both inwardlie, and
outwardlie: for intrinsecallie they represse the courage, and they stop the
passage of the mans seed, so as it may not descend to the vessels of
generation: also they hurt extrinsecallie, with images, hearbs, &c.'[676]
Bodin also remarks that witches, whether male or female, can affect only
the generative organs.[677] Madame Bourignon says that the girls, whom she
befriended,
'told me, that Persons who were thus engaged to the Devil by a precise
Contract, will allow no other God but him, and therefore offer him
whatsoever is dearest to them; nay, are constrained to offer him their
Children, or else the Devil would Beat them, and contrive that they
should never arrive to the State of Marriage, and so should have no
Children, by reason that the Devil hath power by his Adherents, to
hinder both the one and the other.... So soon as they come to be able
to beget Children, the Devil makes them offer the desire which they
have of Marrying, to his Honor: And with this all the Fruit that may
proceed from their Marriage. This they promise voluntarily, to the end
that they may accomplish their Designs: For otherwise the Devil
threatens to hinder them by all manner of means, that they shall not
Marry, nor have Children.'[678]
Glanvil, writing on the Scotch trials of 1590, speaks of 'some Effects,
Kinds, or Circumstances of Witchcraft, such as the giving and taking away
power from sundry men's Genital-members. For which Jannet Clark was
accused.'[679] In the official record Jonet Clark was tried and condemned
for 'gewing of ane secreit member to Iohnne Coutis; and gewing and taking
of power fra sindrie mennis memberis. Item, fylit of taking Iohnne Wattis
secreit member fra him.'[680]
Sexual ritual occurs in many religions of the Lower Culture and has always
horrified members of the higher religions both in ancient and modern times.
In fertility cults it is one of the chief features, not only symbolizing
the fertilizing power in the whole animate world, but, in the belief of the
actors, actually assisting it and promoting its effects.
Such fertility rites are governed by certain rules, which vary in different
countries, particularly as to the age of girls, i.e. whether they are over
or under puberty. Among the witches there appears to have been a definite
rule that no girl under puberty had sexual intercourse with the Devil. This
is even stated as a fact by so great an authority as Bodin: 'Les diables ne
font point de paction expresse auec les enfans, qui leurs sont vouez, s'ils
n'ont attaint l'aage de puberte.'[681] The details of the trials show that
this statement is accurate. 'Magdalene de la Croix, Abbesse des Moniales de
Cordouee en Espaigne, confessa que Satan n'eust point copulation, ny
cognoissance d'elle, qu'elle n'eust douze ans.'[682] Bodin and De Lancre
both cite the case of Jeanne Hervillier of Verbery in Compiegne; she was a
woman of fifty-two at the time of her trial in 1578. She 'confessa qu'a
l'aage de douze ans sa mere la presenta au diable, en forme d'vn grand
homme noir, & vestu de noir, botte, esperonne, auec vne espee au coste, et
vn cheual noir a la porte, auquel la mere dit: Voicy ma fille que ie vous
ay promise: Et a la fille, Voicy vostre amy, qui vous fera bien heureuse,
et deslors qu'elle renonca a Dieu, & a la religion, & puis coucha auec elle
charnellement, en la mesme sorte & maniere que font les hommes auec les
femmes.'[683] De Lancre also emphasizes the age: 'Ieanne Haruillier depose
qu'encore sa mere l'eust voueee a Satan des sa naissance, neantmoins qu'il
ne la cognut charnellement qu'elle n'eust attainct l'aage de douze
ans.'[684] De Lancre's own experience points in the same direction; he
found that the children were not treated in the same way as adults, nor
were they permitted to join in all the ceremonies until after they had
passed childhood.[685]
The same rule appears to have held good in Scotland, for when little Jonet
Howat was presented to the Devil, he said, 'What shall I do with such a
little bairn as she?'[686] It is, however, rare to find child-witches in
Great Britain, therefore the rules concerning them are difficult to
discover.
Another rule appears to have been that there was no sexual connexion with a
pregnant woman. In the case of Isobel Elliot, the Devil 'offered to lie
with her, but forbore because she was with child; that after she was
_kirked_ the Devil often met her, and had _carnal copulation_ with
her'.[687]
Since the days of Reginald Scot it has been the fashion of all those
writers who disbelieved in the magical powers of witches to point to the
details of the sexual intercourse between the Devil and the witches as
proof positive of hysteria and hallucination. This is not the attitude of
mind of the recorders who heard the evidence at the trials. 'Les
confessions des Sorciers, que i'ay eu en main, me font croire qu'il en est
quelque chose: dautant qu'ils out tous recogneu, qu'ils auoient este
couplez auec le Diable, et que la semence qu'il iettoit estoit fort froide;
Ce qui est conforme a ce qu'en rapporte Paul Grilland, et les Inquisiteurs
de la foy.'[688] 'It pleaseth their new Maister oftentimes to offer
himselfe familiarly vnto them, to dally and lye with them, in token of
their more neere coniunction, and as it were marriage vnto him.'[689]
'_Witches_ confessing, so frequently as they do, that the Devil _lies with
them_, and withal complaining of his tedious and offensive _coldness_, it
is a shrewd presumption that he doth lie with them _indeed_, and that it is
not a meer _Dream_.'[690]
It is this statement of the physical coldness of the Devil which modern
writers adduce to prove their contention that the witches suffered from
hallucination. I have shown above (pp. 61 seq.) that the Devil was often
masked and his whole person covered with a disguise, which accounts for
part of the evidence but not for all, and certainly not for the most
important item. For in trial after trial, in places far removed from one
another and at periods more than a century apart, the same fact is vouched
for with just the small variation of detail which shows the actuality of
the event. This is that, when the woman admitted having had sexual
intercourse with the Devil, in a large proportion of cases she added, 'The
Devil was cold and his seed likewise.' These were women of every class and
every age, from just above puberty to old women of over seventy, unmarried,
married, and widows. It is unscientific to disbelieve everything, as Scot
does, and it is equally unscientific to label all the phenomena as the
imagination of hysterical women. By the nature of things the whole of this
evidence rests only on the word of the women, but I have shown above (pp.
63-5) that there were cases in which the men found the Devil cold, and
cases in which the women found other parts of the Devil's person to be cold
also. Such a mass of evidence cannot be ignored, and in any other subject
would obtain credence at once. But the hallucination-theory, being the
easiest, appears to have obsessed the minds of many writers, to the
exclusion of any attempt at explanation from an unbiassed point of view.
Students of comparative and primitive religion have explained the custom of
sacred marriages as an attempt to influence the course of nature by magic,
the people who practise the rite believing that thereby all crops and herds
as well as the women were rendered fertile, and that barrenness was
averted. This accounts very well for the occurrence of 'obscene rites'
among the witches, but fails when it touches the question of the Devil's
coldness. I offer here an explanation which I believe to be the true one,
for it accounts for all the facts; those facts which the women confessed
voluntarily and without torture or fear of punishment, like Isobel Gowdie,
or adhered to as the truth even at the stake amid the flames, like Jane
Bosdeau.
In ancient times the Sacred Marriage took place usually once a year; but
besides this ceremony there were other sexual rites which were not
celebrated at a fixed season, but might be performed in the precincts of
the temple of a god or goddess at any time, the males being often the
priests or temple officials. These are established facts, and it is not
too much to suppose that the witches' ceremonies were similar. But if the
women believed that sexual intercourse with the priests would increase
fertility, how much more would they believe in the efficacy of such
intercourse with the incarnate God of fertility himself. They would insist
upon it as their right, and it probably became compulsory at certain
seasons, such as the breeding periods of the herds or the sowing and
reaping periods of the crops. Yet as the population and therefore the
number of worshippers in each 'congregation' increased, it would become
increasingly difficult and finally impossible for one man to comply with
the requirements of so many women.[691] The problem then was that on the
one hand there were a number of women demanding what was in their eyes a
thing essential for themselves and their families, and on the other a man
physically unable to satisfy all the calls upon him. The obvious solution
of the problem is that the intercourse between the Chief and the women was
by artificial means, and the evidence in the trials points clearly to this
solution.
Artificial phalli are well known in the remains of ancient civilizations.
In ancient Egypt it was not uncommon to have statues of which the phallus
was of a different material from the figure, and so made that it could be
removed from its place and carried in procession. The earliest of such
statues are the colossal limestone figures of the fertility-god Min found
at Koptos, dating to the first dynasty, perhaps B.C. 5500.[692] But similar
figures are found at every period of Egyptian history, and a legend was
current at the time of Plutarch to account for this usage as well as for
the festival of the Phallephoria.[693] Unless the phallus itself were the
object of adoration there would be no reason to carry it in procession as a
religious ceremony, and it is easily understandable that such a cult would
commend itself chiefly to women.[694]
The phallus of a divine statue was not always merely for adoration and
carrying in procession; the Roman bride sacrificed her virginity to the god
Priapus as a sacred rite. This is probably the remains of a still more
ancient custom when the god was personated by a man and not by an image.
The same custom remained in other parts of the world as the _jus primae
noctis_, which was held as an inalienable right by certain kings and other
divine personages. As might be expected, this custom obtained also among
the witches.
'Le Diable faict des mariages au Sabbat entre les Sorciers &
Sorcieres, & leur joignant les mains, il leur dict hautement
Esta es buena parati
Esta parati lo toma.
Mais auant qu'ils couchent ensemble, il s'accouple auec elles, oste la
virginite des filles.'--Ieannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, 's'accusoit
elle mesme d'auoir este depucellee par Satan.'[695]
The occasional descriptions of the Devil's phallus show without question
its artificial character:
In 1598 in Lorraine 'es sagte die Alexia Dragaea, ihre Bulschafft
haette einen [Glied] so starcken etc. allezeit gehabt, wenn ihm
gestanden, und so gross als ein Ofengabel-Stiel, dessgleichen sie
zugegen zeigte, denn ohngefehr eine Gabel zugegen war, sagte auch wie
sie kein Geleuth weder Hoden noch Beutel daran gemerckt hat'.[696]
'Iaquema Paget adioustoit, qu'elle auoit empoigne plusieurs fois auec
la main le membre du Demon, qui la cognoissoit, et que le membre
estoit froid comme glace, long d'vn bon doigt, & moindre en grosseur
que celuy d'vn homme. Tieuenne Paget et Antoine Tornier adioustoient
aussi, que le membre de leurs Demons estoit long et gros, comme l'vn
de leurs doigts.'[697] 'Il a au deuant son membre tire et pendant, &
le monstre tousiours long d'vn coudee.--Le membre du Demon est faict a
escailles comme vn poisson.--Le membre du Diable s'il estoit estendu
est long enuiron d'vne aulne, mais il le tient entortille et sinueux
en forme de serpent.--Le Diable, soit qu'il ayt la forme d'homme, ou
qu'il soit en forme de Bouc, a tousiours vn membre de mulet, ayant
choisy en imitation celuy de cet animal comme le mieux pourueu. Il l'a
long et gros comme le bras.--Le membre du Diable est long enuiron la
moitie d'vne aulne, de mediocre grosseur, rouge, obscur, & tortu, fort
rude & comme piquant.--Ce mauuais Demon ait son membre myparty, moitie
de fer, moitie de chair tout de son long, & de mesme les genitoires.
Il tient tousiours son membre dehors.--Le Diable a le membre faict de
corne, ou pour le moins il en a l'apparence: c'est pourquoy il faict
tant crier les femmes.--Jeannette d'Abadie dit qu'elle n'a iamais
senty, qu'il eust aucune semence, sauf quand il la depucella qu'elle
la sentit froide, mais que celle des autres hommes qui l'ont cognue,
est naturelle.'[698]
Sylvine de la Plaine, 1616, confessed 'qu'il a le membre faict comme vn
cheual, en entrant est froid comme glace, iette la semence fort froide, &
en sortant la brusle comme si c'estoit du feu'.[699] In 1662 Isobel Gowdie
said, 'His memberis ar exceiding great and long; no man's memberis ar so
long & bigg as they ar.'[700]
The artificial phallus will account as nothing else can for the pain
suffered by many of the women; and that they suffered voluntarily, and even
gladly, can only be understood by realizing that they endured it for
motives other than physical satisfaction and pleasure. 'There appeared a
great _Black Goat_ with a _Candle_ between his Horns.... He had carnal
knowledge of her which was with great pain.'[701] 'Presque toutes les
Sorcieres rapportent que cet accouplement leur est le plus souuent
des-agreable, tant pour la laideur & deformite de Satan, que pour ce
qu'elles y ont vne extreme douleur.[702] 'Elle fuyoit l'accouplement du
Diable, a cause qu'ayant son membre faict en escailles il fait souffrir vne
extresme douleur.'[703] At the Sabbath in the Basses-Pyrenees, the Devil
took the women behind some sort of screen, and the children 'les oyent
crier comme personnes qui souffrent vne grande douleur, et ils les voyent
aussi tost reuenir au Sabbat toutes sanglantes'.[704] As regards brides,
'En cet accouplement il leur faict perdre vne infinite de sang, et leur
faict souffrir mille douleurs.'[705] Widow Bush of Barton said that the
Devil, who came to her as a young black man, 'was colder than man, and
heavier, and could not performe nature as man.'[706]
The physical coldness of the Devil is vouched for in all parts of
Europe.[707]
'Toutes les Sorcieres s'accordent en cela, que la semence, qu'elles
recoiuent du Diable, est froide comme glace: Spranger & les
Inquisiteurs, qui en ont veu vne infinite, l'escriuent ainsi. Remy,
qui a fait le procez a plus de deux milles Sorciers, en porte vn
tesmoignage irrefragable. Ie puis asseurer au semblable, que celles,
qui me sont passees par les mains, en ont confesse tout autant. Que si
la semence est ainsi froide, il s'ensuit qu'elle est destituee de ses
esprits vitaux, & ainsi qu'elle ne peut estre cause d'aucune
generation.'[708]
Isobel Gowdie and Janet Breadheid of Auldearne both said that the Devil was
'a meikle, blak, roch man, werie cold; and I fand his nature als cold
within me as spring-well-water'. Isobel continues, 'He is abler for ws that
way than any man can be, onlie he ves heavie lyk a malt-sek; a hudg nature,
verie cold, as yce.'[709]
Another point which goes to prove that the intercourse was by artificial
means was that pregnancy did not follow, except by special consent of the
woman. Jeannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, said, 'Elle fuyoit l'accouplement
du Diable, a cause qu'ayant son membre faict en escailles il fait souffrir
vne extresme douleur; outre que la semence est extresmement froide, si bien
qu'elle n'engrosse iamais, ni celle des autres hommes au sabbat, bien
qu'elle soit naturelle.'[710] Boguet remarks, 'Il me souuient,
qu'Antoinette Tornier, & Antoinette Gandillon, estans interroguees, si
elles craignoient point de deuenir enceintes des [oe]uures du Diable; l'vne
respondit qu'elle estoit trop vieille; l'autre que Dieu ne le vouloit pas
permettre.'[711] According to Jeanne Hervillier, the Devil 'coucha auec
elle charnellement, en la mesme sorte & maniere que font les hommes auec
les femmes, horsmis que la semence estoit froide. Cele dit elle continua
tous les huict ou quinze iours.... Et vn iour le diable luy demanda, si
elle vouloit estre enceinte de luy, ce qu'elle ne voulut pas.'[712] But
when the witch was willing to have a child, it is noticeable that there is
then no complaint of the Devil's coldness. At Maidstone in 1652 'Anne
Ashby, Anne Martyn, and one other of their Associates, pleaded that they
were with child pregnant, but confessed it was not by any man, but by the
Divell.... Anne Ashby and Anne Martyn confessed that the Divell had known
them carnally, and that they had no hurt by it.'[713]
The Devil appears to have donned or doffed his disguise in the presence of
his worshippers, and this was often the case at the time of the sexual
rites, whether public or private:
'Il cognoist les Sorcieres tantost en forme d'homme tout noir, &
tantost en forme de beste, comme d'vn chien, d'vn chat, d'vn bouc,
d'vn mouton. Il cognoissoit Thieuenne Paget, & Antoine Tornier en
forme d'vn homme noir: Et lors qu'il accouploit auec Iaquema Paget, &
Antoine Gandillon, il prenoit la figure d'vn mouton noir, portant des
cornes. Francoise Secretain a dit que son Demon se mettoit tantost en
chien, tantost en chat, et tantost en poule, quand il la vouloit
cognoistre charnellement. Or tout cecy me fait de tant mieux asseurer
l'accouplement reel du Sorcier, & de la Sorciere auec le Demon.'[714]
In the Basses-Pyrenees Marie d'Aspilcouette 'disoit le mesme, pour ce qui
est du membre en escailles, mais elle deposoit, que lors qu'il les vouloit
cognoistre, il quitoit la forme de Bouc, & prenoit celle d'homme.'[715] 'Il
entra dans sa chambre en forme d'ung chat et se changea en la posture d'un
home vestu de rouge.'[716] At an attempt to wreck a ship in a great storm
'the devil was there present with them all, in the shape of a great
horse.... They returned all in the same likeness as of before, except that
the devil was in the shape of a man.'[717] 'The Deivill apeired vnto her,
in the liknes of ane prettie boy in grein clothes.... And at that tyme the
Deivil gaive hir his markis; and went away from her in the liknes of ane
blak doug.'[718] 'He wold haw carnall dealling with ws in the shap of a
deir, or in any vther shap, now and then. Somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a
bull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg, etc., and haw dealling with ws.'[719] 'Yow
the said Margaret Hamilton, relict of James Pullwart ... had carnall
cowpulatiown with the devil in the lyknes of ane man, bot he removed from
yow in the lyknes of ane black dowg.'[720] The most important instance is
in Boguet's description of the religious ceremony at the Sabbath:
'Finalement Satan apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se consume en feu,
& reduit en cendre.'[721]
The witches' habit of speaking of every person of the other sex with whom
they had sexual intercourse at the Sabbath as a 'devil' has led to much
confusion in the accounts. The confusion has been accentuated by the fact
that both male and female witches often used a disguise, or were at least
veiled. 'Et pource que les hommes ne cedent guieres aux femmes en
lubricite, c'est pourquoy le Demon se met aussi en femme ou Succube.... Ce
qu'il fait principalement au Sabbat, selon que l'ont rapporte Pierre
Gandillon, & George Gandillon, pere & fils, & les autres, lesquels disent
tout vnanimement, qu'en leurs assemblees il y a plusieurs Demons, & que les
vns exercent le mestier de l'homme pour les femmes, & les autres le mestier
des femmes pour les hommes.'[722] 'The Incubus's in the shapes of proper
men satisfy the desires of the Witches, and the Succubus's serve for Whores
to the Wizards.'[723] Margaret Johnson said the same: 'Their spirittes
vsuallie have knowledge of theire bodies.... Shee also saith, that men
Witches usualie have woemen spirittes and woemen witches men
spirittes.'[724] The girls under Madame Bourignon's charge 'declared that
they had daily carnal Cohabitation with the Devil; that they went to the
Sabbaths or Meetings, where they Eat, Drank, Danc'd, and committed other
Whoredom and Sensualities. Every one had her Devil in form of a Man; and
the Men had their Devils in the form of a Woman.... They had not the least
design of changing, to quit these abominable Pleasures, as one of them of
Twenty-two Years old one day told me. _No_, said she, _I will not be other
than I am; I find too much content in my Condition; I am always
Caressed._'[725] One girl of twelve said definitely that she knew the Devil
very well, 'that he was a Boy a little bigger than her self; and that he
was her Love, and lay with her every Night'; and another girl named Bellot,
aged fifteen, 'said her Mother had taken her with her [to the Sabbath] when
she was very Young, and that being a little Wench, this Man-Devil was then
a little Boy too, and grew up as she did, having been always her Love, and
Caressed her Day and Night.'[726] Such connexions sometimes resulted in
marriage. Gaule mentions this fact in his general account: 'Oft times he
marries them ere they part, either to himselfe, or their Familiar, or to
one another; and that by the Book of Common Prayer (as a pretender to
witchfinding lately told me in the Audience of many).'[727] This statement
is borne out in the trials: 'Agnes Theobalda sagte, sie sey selbst zugegen
auff der Hochzeit gewesen, da Cathalina und Engel von Hudlingen, ihren
Beelzebub zur Ehe genommen haben.'[728] The Devil of Isobel Ramsay's Coven
was clearly her husband,[729] but there is nothing to show whether the
marriage took place before she became a witch, as in the case of Janet
Breadheid of Auldearne, whose husband 'enticed her into that craft'.[730] I
have quoted above (p. 179) the ceremony at the marriage of witches in the
Basses-Pyrenees. Rebecca Weste, daughter of a witch, married the Devil by
what may be a primitive rite; he came to her 'as shee was going to bed, and
told her, he would marry her, and that shee could not deny him; shee said
he kissed her, but was as cold as clay, and married her that night, in this
manner; he tooke her by the hand and lead her about the chamber, and
promised to be her loving husband till death, and to avenge her of her
enemies; and that then shee promised him to be his obedient wife till
death, and to deny God, and Christ Jesus.'[731] At Edinburgh in 1658 a
young woman called Anderson was tried: 'her confessioun was, that scho did
marry the devill.'[732] The Swedish witches in 1670 confessed that at
Blockula 'the Devil had Sons and Daughters which he did marry
together'.[733] Giraldus Cambrensis gives an account of a 'spirit' in the
form of a red-haired young man, called Simon, who 'was begotten upon the
wife of a rustic in that parish, by a demon, in the shape of her husband,
naming the man, and his father-in-law, then dead, and his mother, still
alive; the truth of which the woman upon examination openly avowed'.[734]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 664: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 206; Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 301.]
[Footnote 665: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 207.]
[Footnote 666: J. G. Campbell, pp. 293-4. The book was in manuscript, and
when last heard of was in the possession of the now-extinct Stewarts of
Invernahyle.]
[Footnote 667: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 143.]
[Footnote 668: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603. 'Toads did draw the plough as oxen,
couch-grass was the harness and trace-chains, a gelded animal's horn was
the coulter, and a piece of a gelded animal's horn was the sock.']
[Footnote 669: Ravaisson, 1679-81, p. 336.]
[Footnote 670: Burns Begg, p. 224.]
[Footnote 671: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 60.]
[Footnote 672: Id., Bk. III, p. 60.]
[Footnote 673: More, p. 168.]
[Footnote 674: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 93.]
[Footnote 675: Boguet, p. 211.]
[Footnote 676: R. Scot, p. 77.]
[Footnote 677: Bodin, pp. 125-7.]
[Footnote 678: Bourignon, _Vie_, pp. 222-3; Hale, pp. 37-8.]
[Footnote 679: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 301.]
[Footnote 680: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 206.]
[Footnote 681: Bodin, p. 465.]
[Footnote 682: Id., p. 465. The trial was in 1545, Magdalene being then
forty-two. See also _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 683: Id., p. 227.]
[Footnote 684: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 183.]
[Footnote 685: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 145, 398.]
[Footnote 686: Kinloch, p. 124.]
[Footnote 687: Arnot, p. 360.]
[Footnote 688: Boguet, p. 68.]
[Footnote 689: Cooper, p. 92.]
[Footnote 690: More, p. 241.]
[Footnote 691: 'The Deuill your maister, beand in liknes of ane beist, haid
carnall [deal] with ilk ane of you.'--_Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 149.]
[Footnote 692: Petrie, pp. 7-9; Capart, p. 223.]
[Footnote 693: Plutarch, _De Iside et Osiride_, xviii, 5.]
[Footnote 694: On the other hand, the female generative organs were also
adored, and presumably by men. This suggestion is borne out by the figures
of women with the pudenda exposed and often exaggerated in size. Such
figures are found in Egypt, where they were called Baubo, and a legend was
invented to account for the attitude; and similar figures were actually
known in ancient Christian churches (Payne Knight, _Discourse on the
Worship of Priapus_).]
[Footnote 695: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 132, 404.]
[Footnote 696: Remigius, pt. i, p. 19.]
[Footnote 697: Boguet, pp. 68-9.]
[Footnote 698: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 224-6.]
[Footnote 699: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 808.]
[Footnote 700: Pitcairn, iii, p. 610.]
[Footnote 701: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essays_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 702: Boguet, p. 69.]
[Footnote 703: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132.]
[Footnote 704: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 219.]
[Footnote 705: Id. ib., p. 404.]
[Footnote 706: Stearne, p. 29.]
[Footnote 707: The following references are in chronological order, and are
only a few out of the many trials in which this coldness of the Devil is
noted: 1565, Cannaert, p. 54; 1567, De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132; 1578,
Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 227; 1590, Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 219; 1598, Boguet,
_op. cit._, pp. 8, 412; 1645, Stearne, p. 29; 1649, Pitcairn, iii, p. 599;
1652, Van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215; 1661, Kinloch and Baxter,
p. 132; 1662, Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 611, 617; 1662, Burns Begg, x, pp.
222, 224, 231-2, 234; 1678, Fountainhall, i, p. 14; 1682, Howell, viii.
1032; 1705, _Trials of Elinor Shaw_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 708: Boguet, p. 92.]
[Footnote 709: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 611, 617.]
[Footnote 710: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132.]
[Footnote 711: Boguet, p. 78.]
[Footnote 712: Bodin, p. 227.]
[Footnote 713: _A Prodigious and Tragicall Historie_, pp. 4, 5.]
[Footnote 714: Boguet, p. 70.]
[Footnote 715: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 225.]
[Footnote 716: H. G. van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215. Place and
names not given.]
[Footnote 717: Kinloch, pp. 122, 123.]
[Footnote 718: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 719: Id., iii, pp. 611, 613.]
[Footnote 720: _Scots Magazine_, 1817, p. 201.]
[Footnote 721: Boguet, p. 141.]
[Footnote 722: Id., p. 65.]
[Footnote 723: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 6. The remembrance of the
numerous male devils at the Sabbath survives in the Samalsain dance in the
Basses-Pyrenees, where the male attendants on the King and Queen of the
dance are still called Satans. Moret, _Mysteres Egyptiens_, p. 247.]
[Footnote 724: Baines, i, pp. 607-8, note.]
[Footnote 725: Bourignon, _Parole_, pp. 86, 87; Hale, pp. 26, 27.]
[Footnote 726: Id., _Vie_, p. 211, 214; Hale, pp. 29, 31.]
[Footnote 727: Gaule, p. 63.]
[Footnote 728: Remigius, p. 131.]
[Footnote 729: Record of Trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary Court.]
[Footnote 730: Pitcairn, iii, p. 616.]
[Footnote 731: Howell, iv, 842.]
[Footnote 732: Nicoll's Diary, p. 212. _Bannatyne Club._]
[Footnote 733: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 323.]
[Footnote 734: Davies, p. 183. Cp. also the birth of Merlin. Giraldus
Cambrensis, _Itinerary_, Bk. I, xii, 91b.]
VII. THE ORGANIZATION
The cult was organized in as careful a manner as any other religious
community; each district however was independent, and therefore Mather is
justified in saying that the witches 'form themselves after the manner of
Congregational Churches'.[735]
1. _The Officer_
The Chief or supreme Head of each district was known to the recorders as
the 'Devil'. Below him in each district, one or more officers--according to
the size of the district--were appointed by the chief. The officers might
be either men or women; their duties were to arrange for meetings, to send
out notices, to keep the record of work done, to transact the business of
the community, and to present new members. Evidently these persons also
noted any likely convert, and either themselves entered into negotiations
or reported to the Chief, who then took action as opportunity served. At
the Esbats the officer appears to have taken command in the absence of the
Grand Master; at the Sabbaths the officers were merely heads of their own
Covens, and were known as Devils or Spirits, though recognized as greatly
inferior to the Chief. The principal officer acted as clerk at the Sabbath
and entered the witches' reports in his book; if he were a priest or
ordained minister, he often performed part of the religious service; but
the Devil himself always celebrated the mass or sacrament. In the absence
of all direct information on the subject, it seems likely that the man who
acted as principal officer became Grand Master on the death of the previous
Chief. Occasionally the Devil appointed a personal attendant for himself,
who waited upon him on all solemn occasions, but does not appear to have
held any official position in the community.
Estebene de Cambrue (1567) said that 'elle a veu au Sabbat vn Notaire
qu'elle nomme, lequel a accoustume de leuer les defauts de celles qui ont
manque de se trouuer au Sabbat.'[736] At the North Berwick meetings (1590),
there were several officers, of whom Fian was the chief.
'Robert Griersoun being namit, they all ran hirdie-girdie and wer
angrie: for it wes promisit he sould be callit "Ro^t the Comptroller,
alias Rob the Rowar," for expreming of his name.--Johnne Fiene wes
ewer nerrest to the Devill, att his left elbok; Gray Meill kepit the
dur.--The accusation of the saide Geillis Duncane aforesaide, who
confessed he [Fian] was their Regester, and that there was not one man
suffered to come to the Divels readinges but onelie hee.--[Fian's
confession] That at the generall meetinges of those witches, he was
always present; that he was clarke to all those that were in
subiection to the Divels service, bearing the name of witches; that
alway hee did take their oathes for their true service to the Divell;
and that he wrote for them such matters as the Divell still pleased to
commaund him.'[737]
Elizabeth Southerns, otherwise known as old Mother Demdike (1613), 'was
generall agent for the Deuill in all these partes'.[738] The 'eminent
warlok' Robert Grieve of Lauder (1649) 'was brought to a Confession of his
being the _Devils Officer_ in that Countrey for warning all Satans Vassals
to come to the Meetings, where, and whensoever the Devil required.... The
Devil gave him that charge, to be his Officer to warn all to the meetings;
(as was said before,) in which charge he continued for the space of
eighteen years and more.'[739] The evidence concerning Isobel Shyrie at
Forfar (1661) is too long to quote, but it is clear that she acted as the
officer.[740] Isobel Gowdie (1662) says definitely, 'Johne Young, in
Mebestowne, is Officer to owr Coeven', and remarks in another part of her
confession that 'Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, owr Officer, did drywe the
plewghe'.[741] The only indication of a change of personnel is given by
Janet Breadheid, of the same Coven as Isobel Gowdie.
'Johne Taylor, my husband, was then Officer, bot Johne Young in
Mebestoune, is now Officer to my Coeven. Quhan I cam first ther, the
Divell called tham all be thair names, on the book; and my husband,
than called thame at the door.... Whan we haid Great Meittingis,
Walter Ledy, in Penick, my husband, and Alexander Elder, nixt to the
Divell, wer Ruleris; and quhan ther wold be but fewar, I my self, the
deceassit Jean Suthirland, Bessie Hay, Bessie Wilsone, and Janet
Burnet wold rule thaim.'[742]
In Somerset (1664) Anne Bishop appears to have been the chief personage
under the Devil, in other words the Officer.[743] At Paisley (1678) Bessie
Weir 'was Officer to their several meetings.--Bessie Weir did intimate to
him [John Stewart], that there was a meeting to be at his house the next
day: And that the Devil under the shape of a black man, Margaret Jackson,
Margery Craige, and the said Bessie Weir, were to be present. And that the
said Bessie Weir required the Declarant to be there, which he
promised.'[744] In New England (1692) it appears that both Bridget Bishop
and Martha Carrier held high rank, and were probably Officers.
One duty seems to have been delegated to a particular individual, who might
perhaps hold no other office, or who might, on the other hand, be the chief
official; this was the manager, often the leader, of the dance. As pace
seems to have been an essential in the dance, the leader was necessarily
active and generally young. At North Berwick (1590) 'John Fein mussiled led
the ring'.[745] In Aberdeen (1596) Thomas Leyis was the chief person in the
dance; 'thow the said Thomas was formest and led the ring, and dang the
said Kathren Mitchell, becaus scho spillet your dans, and ran nocht so fast
about as the rest.'[746] Isobel Cockie of the same Coven was next in
importance; 'in the quhilk danse, thow was the ring leader nixt Thomas
Leyis.'[747] Mr. Gideon Penman (1678), who had once been minister at
Crighton, went to the Sabbaths, where the Devil spoke of him as 'Mr.
Gideon, my chaplain'.[748] The witches said that 'ordinarily Mr. Gideon
was in the rear in all their dances, and beat up those that were slow'.
This Mr. Gideon seems to be the same person as the 'warlock who formerly
had been admitted to the ministrie in the Presbyterian times, and now he
turnes a preacher under the devill.--This villan was assisting to Satan in
this action' [giving the sacrament] 'and in preaching.'[749]
The personal attendant of the Devil is rare. At Aberdeen (1596) Issobell
Richie was accused that 'at that tyme thow ressauit thy honours fra the
Dewyll, thy maister, and wer appoynted be him in all tymes thairefter, his
speciall domestick servand and furriour'.[750] John McWilliam Sclater
(1656) was appointed cloak-bearer to the Devil.[751]
The Devil's piper was also an official appointment in Scotland, but does
not occur elsewhere. John Douglas of Tranent (1659) was the Devil's
piper,[752] and so also was a man mentioned by Sinclair: 'A reverend
Minister told me, that one who was the Devils Piper, a wizzard confest to
him, that at a Ball of dancing, the Foul Spirit taught him a Baudy song to
sing and play.'[753]
The Queen of the Sabbath may perhaps be considered as an official during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though in early times she was
probably the chief personage in the cult, as Pearson has pointed out.[754]
It is not unlikely that she was originally the same as the Queen of
Elfhame; in Scotland, however, in the seventeenth century, there is a
Maiden of the Coven, which was an important position in the Esbat but
entirely distinct from the Queen of Faery, while in other places a woman,
not the Queen, is often the officer and holds the highest place after the
Grand Master.
Elizabeth Stile of Windsor (1579) said that 'mother Seidre dwelling in the
Almeshouse, was the maistres Witche of all the reste'.[755] Marion Grant of
Aberdeen (1597) confessed that 'the Devill thy maister causit the dans
sindrie tymes with him and with Our Ladye, quha, as thow sayes, was a fine
woman, cled in a quhyte walicot'.[756] In France (1609) the custom seems
to have been universal, 'en chasque village trouuer vne Royne du Sabbat',
who sat at the Devil's left hand during the celebration of the mass and
received the offerings of the faithful.[757] The witches called her both
the Grande Maitresse and the Reine du Sabbat.[758] Isobel Gowdie's
confession (1662) shows that the Queen of Elthame was not the same as the
chief woman of the Coven, for she saw the Queen only on going into the
fairy-howe, while the Maiden of the Coven was at each meeting. 'We doe no
great mater without owr Maiden.--Quhan we ar at meat, or in any vther place
quhateuir, the Maiden of each Coven sittis abow the rest, nixt the
Divell.'[759] In New England (1692) Deliverance Hobbs confessed that 'the
said G. B. preached to them, and such a woman was their Deacon'.[760]
2. _The Covens_
The word _coven_ is a derivative of 'convene', and is variously spelt
_coven_, _coeven_, _covine_, _cuwing_, and even _covey_. The special
meaning of the word among the witches is a 'band' or 'company', who were
set apart for the practice of the rites of the religion and for the
performance of magical ceremonies; in short, a kind of priesthood.
The Coven was composed of men and women, belonging to one district, though
not necessarily all from one village, and was ruled by an officer under the
command of the Grand Master. The members of the Coven were apparently bound
to attend the weekly Esbat; and it was they who were instructed in and
practised magical arts, and who performed all the rites and ceremonies of
the cult. The rest of the villagers attended the Esbats when they could or
when they felt so inclined, but did not necessarily work magic, and they
attended the Sabbaths as a matter of course. This view of the organization
of the religion is borne out by the common belief in modern France:
'Il est de croyance generale qu'il _faut un nombre fixe de sorciers et
de sorcieres dans chaque canton_. Le nouvel initie reprend les _vieux
papiers_ de l'ancien.--Les mauvaises gens forment une confrerie qui
est dirigee par une sorciere. Celle-ci a la _jarretiere_ comme marque
de sa dignite. Elles se la transmettent successivement par rang
d'anciennete. Il n'existe que cette difference de rang entre les
sorciers et les sorcieres. Ceux-la se recrutent aussi bien parmi les
gens _maries_ que chez les _celibataires_.'[761]
The 'fixed number' among the witches of Great Britain seems to have been
thirteen: twelve witches and their officer. The actual numbers can be
obtained, as a rule, only when the full record of the trial is available;
for when several witches in one district are brought to trial at the same
time they will always be found to be members of a Coven, and usually the
other members of the Coven are implicated or at least mentioned.
The earliest account of a Coven is in the trial of Bessie Dunlop (1567);
when Thom Reid was trying to induce her to join the society, he took her
'to the kill-end, quhair he forbaid her to speik or feir for onye thing
sche hard or saw; and quhene thai had gane ane lytle pece fordwerd, sche
saw twelf persounes, aucht wemene and four men: The men wer cled in
gentilmennis clething, and the wemene had all plaiddis round about thame
and wer verrie semelie lyke to se; and Thom was with thame.'[762] Clearly
this was a Coven with Thom as the Officer, and he had brought Bessie to see
and be seen. The witches tried at St. Osyth in Essex in 1582 were thirteen
in number.[763] At the meeting of the North Berwick witches (1590) to
consult on the means to compass the king's death, nine witches stood 'in
ane cumpany', and the rest 'to the nowmer of threttie persons in ane vthir
cumpany'; in other words, there were thirty-nine persons, or three Covens,
present.[764] At Aberdeen (1596-7) sixty-four names of witches occur in the
trials; of these, seven were merely mentioned as being known to the
accused, though not as taking part in the ceremonies, and five were
acquitted; thus leaving fifty-two persons, or four Covens. Out of these
fifty-two, one was condemned and executed at the assize in 1596 and twelve
in 1597, making in all thirteen persons, or one Coven, who were put to
death.[765] The great trial of the Lancashire witches in 1613 gives a grand
total of fifty-two witches, or four Covens, whose names occur in the
record. This includes the three Salmesbury witches mentioned by Grace
Sowerbuts, whose evidence was discredited as being the outcome of a 'Popish
plot' to destroy the three women as converts to the Reformed Church; but as
the record shows that the other accused witches were tried on similar
charges and condemned, it may be concluded that other causes occasioned the
acquittal. Taking together, however, only those witches who are mentioned,
in these trials, as having actually taken part in the ceremonies and
practices of witchcraft in the neighbourhood of Pendle, it will be found
that there were thirty-nine persons, or three Covens.[766] In Guernsey in
1617 Isabel Becquet confessed that--
'at the Sabbath the Devil used to summon the Wizards and Witches in
regular order (she remembered very well having heard him call the old
woman _Collette_ the first, in these terms: _Madame the Old Woman
Becquette_): then the woman _Fallaise_; and afterwards the woman
_Hardie_. Item, he also called _Marie_, wife of _Massy_, and daughter
of the said _Collette_. Said that after them she herself was called by
the Devil: in these terms: _The Little Becquette_: she also heard him
call there _Collas Becquet_, son of the said old woman (who [Collas]
held her by the hand in dancing, and some one [a woman] whom she did
not know, held her by the other hand): there were about six others
there she did not know.[767]
At Queensferry in 1644 thirteen women were tried and seven executed for
witchcraft.[768]
At Alloa (1658), though thirteen persons, or one Coven, were brought to
trial, the word is used to indicate a smaller number: 'Margret Duchall
lykewayis declared that ther was sex women mair besyd hir self that was in
thair cuwing' [then follow the names of the six].--'Jonet Blak confessed
severall meetings with the abowenamed cuwing.--Kathren Renny being asked
quhat meetingis scho had with the diwell, and the rest of hir cuwing, scho
ansuered scho had severall meitingis with all tham abowenamed.'[769] Little
Jonet Howat of Forfar (1661) said, 'Ther was thair present with the divell
besyd hirselfe, quhom he callit the prettie dauncer, the said Issobell
Syrie, Mairie Rynd, Hellen Alexander, Issobell Dorward, and utheris whoise
names shoe did not know, to the number of 13 of all.'[770] The trial of
Jonet Kerr and Issobell Ramsay at Edinburgh (1661) gives the names of
thirteen persons, or one Coven.[771] At Crook of Devon (1662) there were
tried twelve women and one man, i.e. one Coven.[772] Isobel Gowdie of
Auldearne (1662) gives the most detail concerning the Covens: 'Jean Mairten
is Maiden of owr Coeven. Johne Younge is Officer to owr Coeven.--Ther ar
threttein persons in ilk Coeven.' Her evidence shows that there were
several Covens in the district: 'The last tyme that owr Coven met, we, and
an vther Coven, wer dauncing at the Hill of Earlseat, and befor that we ves
beyond the Meikle-burne; and the vther Coven being at the Downie-hillis, we
went besyd them.--[She and four others] with the Divell, wer onlie at the
making of it [a charm], bot all the multitude of all owr Coevens got notice
of it, at the next meitting ... all my owin Coeven gott notice of it werie
schortlie.' She also notes that each member of her Coven 'has an Sprit to
wait wpon ws, quhan ve pleas to call wpon him'. Janet Breadheid, of the
same Coven as Isobel Gowdie, gives the names of thirty-nine persons, or
three Covens, who were present in the Kirk of Nairn when she was admitted
into the Society.[773] In Somerset (1664) the number of accused was
twenty-six persons, or two Covens.[774] At Newcastle-on-Tyne (1673) Ann
Armstrong stated that at the meeting at the 'rideing house in the close on
the common' she saw ten men and women whom she knew and 'thre more, whose
names she knowes not'. At another meeting 'at Rideing Millne bridg-end she
see the said Anne Forster, Anne Dryden, and Luce Thompson, and tenne more
unknowne to her.--Att the house of John Newton off the Riding, the said
Lucy wished that a boyl'd capon with silver scrues might come down to her
and the rest, which were five coveys consisting of thirteen person in every
covey.' At a large meeting at Allensford, where a great many witches were
present, 'every thirteen of them had a divell with them in sundry shapes.'
It is also noticeable that Ann Armstrong mentions twenty-six persons by
name as having been at various meetings to her knowledge.[775] At Paisley
(1692) thirteen persons of high position brought an action for libel
against six others for saying that they, the thirteen, had drunk the
Devil's health in the house of one of them; the libellers were punished,
but the number of persons libelled suggests that the accusation might have
been true.[776]
3. _Duties_
An important part of the organization was the system of reporting to the
Grand Master everything which had happened since the previous Great
Assembly. The chief work of the Covens was the performance of magical
rites, either publicly at the Esbats or privately in the houses of the
witches and their neighbours. As these rites, especially when performed
privately, were more or less in the nature of experiments, the results were
reported and when successful were recorded in writing for future use. The
book in which the records were made remained in the hands of the Devil, who
in this way had always a store of well-tried magical spells and recipes to
kill or cure, from which he could instruct his followers as occasion
demanded.
The position of the Devil as the instructor of the witches is to be found
in most of the trials in Great Britain. Cooper states this plainly: 'He
_deliuers_ unto his _Proselite_, and so to the rest, _the Rules of his
Art_, instructing them in the manner of _hurting_ and _helping_, and
acquainting them with such _medicines_ and _poysons_ as are vsuall
herevnto.'[777] Bessie Dunlop (1567) never attempted to cure any disease
without first consulting Thom Reid, 'quhen sundrie persounes cam to hir to
seik help for thair beist, thair kow or yow, or for ane barne that was tane
away with ane evill blast of wind, or elf-grippit, sche gait and sperit at
Thom, Quhat mycht help thame?--Sche culd do nathing, quhill sche had first
spokin with Thom.'[778] Alison Peirson (1588) learnt her craft from Mr.
William Simpson, her mother's brother's son, who lived among the fairy
folk; 'the saide Mr Williame tauld hir of ewerie seiknes and quhat herbis
scho sould tak to haill thame, and how scho sould vse thame; and gewis hir
his directioune att all tymes.'[779] Agnes Sampson, the Wise Wife of Keith
(1590), always asked the Devil's advice in serious cases; 'she had a
familiar spirit, who upon her call, did appear in a visible form, and
resolve her of any doubtful matter, especially concerning the life or death
of persons lying sick.'[780] Grissel Gairdner of Newburgh (1610) was
executed for consulting with the 'Devill, and seiking of responssis fra
him, at all tymes this fourtene or fyftene [3*]eir bygane, for effectuating
of hir devillisch intentiones'.[781] Elspeth Reoch in Orkney (1616)
confessed that the fairy man, whom she met, told her 'he wald lerne her to
ken and sie ony thing she wald desyre'.[782] Isobel Haldane of Perth (1623)
also obtained all her information as to life and death from the man with
the 'grey beird' whom she met among the fairy folk.[783] Jonet Rendall,
another Orkney witch (1629), stated that 'the devill apperit to you, Quhom
ye called Walliman, claid in quhyt cloathis with ane quhyt head and ane
gray beard, And said to you He sould learne yow to win almiss be healling
of folk'[784] Sandie Hunter was only moderately successful in curing cattle
till he covenanted with the Devil, who 'came to him in the form of a
Mediciner, and said, _Sandie, you have too long followed my trade, and
never acknowledged me for your Master. You must now take on with me, and be
my servant, and I will make you more perfect in your Calling._ Whereupon
the man gave up himself to the Devil. After this, he grew very famous
throw the Countrey, for his Charming and cureing of diseases in Men and
Beasts.'[785] Reginald Scot says that the witches were taught by the Devil
to make magical ointments, and that he 'supplied their want of powders and
roots to intoxicate withal'.[786] It was the Devil who pointed out which
graves were to be opened in order to obtain the material for working magic;
and when the bodies had been exhumed and dismembered, he told the witches
how to use the fragments.[787] It was the Devil who made[788] or
baptized[789] the wax and clay images, and who stuck the first thorn or pin
into them.[790] It was the Devil who held the mock plough at Auldearne, and
taught the witches of that place all the charms they knew. 'We get all this
power from the Divell', says Isobell Gowdie.[791] It was the Devil who
instigated and superintended the wrecking of the bridge at Cortaquhie,
concerning which Helen Guthrie said, 'shee her selfe, Jonnet Stout, and
others of them did thrust ther shoulderis againest the bridge', and Isobel
Smyth confessed, 'Wee all rewed that meitting, for wee hurt our selves
lifting.'[792]
The book in which the magical recipes were recorded must have been of great
value to its owner, and one which he would not willingly allow to pass out
of his hands. A volume of this kind was known to be extant till the
beginning of the last century; it was called the Red Book of Appin. There
are two stories as to how it was taken from the Devil, but both stories
agree that it was obtained by a trick. It was in manuscript and contained
charms for the cure of cattle, and was consulted when cows were bewitched
and refused to give milk. It was also supposed to confer magical powers on
the owner, who was said to know what the inquiry would be before the
inquirer opened his lips; and it was in itself so magical that the owner
had to wear a hoop of iron on his head when turning its leaves.[793]
Another Devil's-book was carried away, apparently as a joke, by Mr.
Williamson of Cardrona, who took it from the witches as they danced on
Minchmoor, but they followed him and he returned it.[794]
The system of reporting everything to the Chief of the community makes it
certain that he was supplied with such current information as made his
knowledge of public and private affairs appear miraculous to the
uninitiated. Even those who supplied that information had firm faith in his
supernatural power to kill or cure, and believed with equal ardour in the
charms which he taught them to make and use.
In reviewing the evidence it seems clear that the witches of the Covens
were bound to exercise their powers in the intervals between the meetings;
they were bound to attend those meetings, unless absolutely prevented, in
order to learn new methods as well as to make their reports; and they were
bound to obey the Grand Master's orders and to treat him with the deference
and respect due to his exalted position.
4. _Discipline_
Discipline was maintained by a system of rewards and punishments, enforced
or relaxed according to the personal character of the Chief. As a rule only
the severer punishments are recorded, but occasionally there are
indications of minor chastisements.
The contemporary writers make the system of rewards and punishments very
clear:
'Satan calleth them togither into a Diuelish Sinagoge, and that he may
also vnderstand of them howe well and diligently they haue fulfilled
their office of intoxicating committed vnto them, and who they haue
slaine.'[795] 'Such as are absent, and have no care to be assoygned,
are amerced to this paenalty, so to be beaten on the palms of their
feete, to be whipt with iron rods, to be pincht and suckt by their
Familiars till their heart blood come, till they repent them of their
sloath, and promise more attendance and diligence for the
future.'[796] '_Taking account also of the proceedings_ of his other
Schollers, and so approuing or condemning accordingly.'[797] Sometimes
at their solemn assemblies, the Devil commands, that each tell what
wickedness he hath committed, and according to the hainousness and
detestableness of it, he is honoured and respected with a general
applause. Those on the contrary, that have done no evil, are beaten
and punished.'[798]
The usual punishment was beating, which was inflicted for various offences,
chiefly disrespect or neglect of duty. At Arras in 1460 Jean Tacquet, a
rich eschevin, 'had endeavoured to withdraw his allegiance from Satan who
had forced him to continue it by beating him cruelly with a bull's
pizzle.'[799] In Lorraine (1589) the Grand Master seems to have been
peculiarly brutal:
'Jana Gerardina, Catharina Russa, und Francisca Fellaea bezeugten,
dass sie mehr als einmal schwerlich mit harten Streichen haetten buessen
muessen, wenn sie keinen Schaden oder Unglueck angestifft haetten. Und
wie Nicolaea Morelia sagt, hat er sie dermassen zerschlagen, dass ihr
der Athem davon ausgeblieben, und sie bey nahe gestorben waere; Uber
welches sich dann nicht zu verwundern sey, sintemahl er eiserne Haende
habe, mit denen er ihnen so unbarmhertzig die Koepffe zerschlagen, dass
sie deren nicht mehr empfinden.'[800]
In the Lyons district (1598) 'les Sorciers rendent conte a Satan de ce
qu'ils ont fait des la derniere assemblee, estans ceux la les mieux venus
qui ont commis le plus de meschancetez. Les autres sont sifflez & mocquez
de tous; l'on les fait mettre a l'escart, & sont encor le plus souuent
battus & maltraitez de leur Maistre'.[801] According to Bodin, 'chacun
Sorcier doit rendre compte du mal qu'il a faict sur peine d'estre bien
battu.'[802] De Lancre says, 'Les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts
durant. Ceux qui par nonchalance, ou autre petit empeschement ne s'y
trouuent, sont foueettez & battus a l'outrance.'[803] Alexander Hamilton
(1630) stated that 'thair was ane new tryst appointed be him to be keipit
wt thame altogidder within xiii days thereftir upon the cauldbit mure
Quhilk meitting was nocht keipit be the said Alexr for the quhilk caus and
breking of that tryst the said Alexr was maist rigorouslie strukin be the
devill wt ane battoun at ane meitting keipit betuix thame schortlie
thereftir upone gairnetoune hillis'.[804] In France (1652) two sisters were
tried for witchcraft: 'Icelle confesse n'avoir faict mourir qu'un vaulx et
d'avoir ete battu par le diable, deux fois, parce qu'elle ne vouloit faire
mourir aultres personnes et bestiault.' The other sister was 'interrogee sy
le diable ne luy avoit conseille de cracher la Sainte Hostie hors de sa
bouche, ou bien ne la point recepvoir, dist que non, mais bien que le
diable l'at une fois battue fort parce qu'elle l'avoit receu'.[805] The
girls at Lille (1661) informed Madame Bourignon that the witches 'are
constrained to offer him their Children, or else the Devil would Beat
them'.[806] Isobel Gowdie's account is, as usual, very full:
'Som tymis, among owr felwis, we wold be calling him "Blak Johne", or
the lyk, and he wold ken it, and heir ws weill aneughe; and he ewin
then com to ws, and say, "I ken weill aneughe what [3*]e wer sayeing
of me!" And then he vold beat and buffet ws werie sor. We wold be
beattin if ve wer absent any tyme, or neglect any thing that wold be
appointit to be done. Allexr Elder, in Earlseat, vold be werie often
beattin. He is bot soft, and cowld never defend him self in the leist,
bot greitt and cry, quhan he vold be scourging him. Bot Margret
Wilson, in Auldearne, wold defend hir selfe fynelie, and cast wp hir
handis to keip the stroakis off from hir; and Bessie Wilson would
speak crustie with hir townge, and wold be belling again to him
stowtlie. He wold be beatting and scurgeing ws all wp and downe with
cardis [cords] and vther sharp scurges, like naked gwhastis; and we
wold still be cryeing, "Pittie! pittie! Mercie! mercie, owr Lord!" Bot
he wold haue neither pittie nor mercie. When he vold be angrie at ws,
he wold girne at ws lyk a dowge, as iff he wold swallow ws wp.'[807]
The Swedish witches (1669) also had reason to complain of their
Grand-Master's cruelty: 'heretofore it was sufficient to carry but one of
their Children [to the meeting] or a strangers Child with them, but now he
did plague them and whip them if they did not procure him Children.'[808]
Among the Northumberland witches (1673):
'All of them who had donne harme gave an account thereof to their
protector, who made most of them that did most harme, and beate those
who had donne no harme.--At the said meeting their particular divell
tooke them that did most evill, and danced with them first, and called
every of them to an account, and those that did most evill he maid
most of.--The devill, in the forme of a little black man and black
cloaths, calld of one Isabell Thompson, of Slealy, widdow, by name,
and required of her what service she had done him. She replyd she had
gott power of the body of one Margarett Teasdale. And after he had
danced with her he dismissed her and call'd of one Thomasine, wife of
Edward Watson, of Slealy.'[809]
Punishments for minor offences are rarely recorded. At North Berwick
(1590), when the witches returned after sinking a ship, 'seeing that they
tarried over long, hee at their comming enjoyned them all to a pennance,
which was, that they should kisse his buttockes, in sign of duety to
him.'[810] At Aberdeen (1597) Christen Mitchell confessed that when the
Devil asked her to join, 'thow ansuerit, I will enter in thy band, bot I
will nocht byd thairin; and thairefter that the Devill gawe the a wisk, and
thow fell on thy face one the dyk of that yaird.'[811] Beigis Tod, who
belonged to one of the North Berwick Covens but was not tried till 1608,
was late in arriving at a meeting, 'quhair the Deuill appeirit to thame,
and reprovet the said Beigis Tod verrie scherplie, for hir long tayreing;
to quhome scho maid this ansuer, "Sir, I could wyn na soner."'[812] At
Lille if any witch desired to leave the religion, 'the Devil reproves them
then more severely, and obligeth them to new Promises.'[813] Occasionally
the witches kept discipline among themselves; this seems to have been the
case only when the culprit prevented the proper execution of magical
performances. At Aberdeen Thomas Leyis 'led the ring, and dang the said
Kathren Mitchell, becaus scho spillit your dans, and ran nocht sa fast
about as the rest.'[814] At Auldearne Isobel Gowdie described how the
witches used flint arrow-heads: 'I shot at the Laird of Park, as he ves
crossing the Burn of Boath; bot, thankis to God now, that he preserwit him.
Bessie Hay gaw me a great cuffe, becaus I missed him.'[815] The former
minister of Crighton, Mr. Gideon Penman, acted as the Devil's chaplain;
'ordinarily Mr. Gideon was in the rear in all their dances, and beat up all
those that were slow.'[816] But a reasonable excuse for trifling
misdemeanours could be accepted: 'The devill asked at Kathrine Moore quhair
hir Husband was that he came not she answered there was a young bairne at
home and that they could not both come.'[817]
Capital punishment was reserved for traitors, actual and potential. It must
have been brought into use only after the cult had fallen upon evil days,
and then only when the Chief himself was in danger. Beating to death,
hanging, and poison were the usual means of execution.
The earliest instance occurred in 1450, when the Church had begun to use
its power systematically against the witches. 'The Inquisitor of Como,
Bartolomeo de Homate, the podesta Lorenzo da Carorezzo, and the notary
Giovanni da Fossato, either out of curiosity or because they doubted the
witches whom they were trying, went to a place of assembly at Mendrisio and
witnessed the scene from a hiding-place. The presiding demon pretended not
to know their presence, and in due course dismissed the assembly, but
suddenly recalled his followers and set them on the officials, who were so
beaten that they died within fifteen days.'[818] Alesoun Peirson (1588) was
burnt as a witch, having gained her knowledge from the fairies, who
threatened that 'gif scho wald speik and tell of thame and thair doingis,
thay sould martir hir'.[819] The Lorraine witches (1589) took an oath of
silence, 'welchen Eyd sie so hoch und heilig halten, dass wenn sie
Eydbruechig werden, so darfuer halten, also ob sie ewig darumb musten
verdampt und gestrafft seyn.'[820] Alice Gooderidge, the Derbyshire witch
(1597), was tried for witchcraft, 'she should haue bin executed, but that
her spirit killed her in the prison.'[821] Jeannette d'Abadie (1609) was
more fortunate than most in that she was not killed, 'elle a este battue au
sabbat reellement & corporellem[~e]t par deux sorcieres qu'elle nomme, par
ce qu'elle auoit reuele les mysteres du sabbat.'[822] John Stewart, the
'juglour' of Irvine (1618)--
'for his better preferring to the day of the assys, was put in ane
lockfast buith, quhair no maner of persoun might haif access to him
quhil the dounsitting of the justice court, and for avoyding of
putting violent handis on himself, was verie strictly gairdit and
flitherit be the airms, as us is, and upon that same day of the assys,
about half ane hour befoir the doun sitting of the justice court, Mr.
David Dickson, minister at Irving; and Mr. George Dunbar, minister of
Air, having went to him to exhort him to call on his God for mercie
for his bygane wicked and evil lyf and that God wold of his infinite
mercie, lowis him out of the handis of the devil quhom he had servit
thir mony years by gane He acquiescit to their prayer and godlie
exhortation, and utterit thir wordis--I am so straitlie gairdit that
it lyis not in my hand to tak off my bonnett, nor to gett bread to my
mouth. And immediately after the departing of the two ministers from
him, the Juglour being sent for at the desyr of my Lord of Eglintoune,
to be confrontit with ane woman of the burgh of Air, callit Janet
Bous, quha was apprehendit by the Magistrates of the burghe of Air,
for witchcraft, to the burghe of Irvine, purposlie for that effer. He
was fund be the burrow officers, quha went about him stranglit and
hangit be the cruik of the dur, with ane tait of hemp (or a string
maid of hemp, supposed to haif been his garten, or string of his
bonnet) not above the length of twa span long, his kneyis not being
from the grund half ane span, and was brocht out of the hous, his lyf
not being so layt expellit: but notwithstanding of quhatsomever meines
usit to the contrair for remeid of his lyf, he revievit not, but so
endit his lyf miserable by the help of the devill his maister.'[823]
Rebecca West, a young Essex witch (1645), confessed to Matthew Hopkins that
'if shee should discover any thing, they all told the said Rebecca, shee
should endure more torments on earth, then could be in hell: and the said
Rebecca told this informant that shee promised to keepe all their secrets;
and moreover they all told her, that shee must never confesse any thing,
although the rope were about her necke, and shee ready to be hanged'.[824]
In Fifeshire (1649) 'ane Mistres Hendersone (sister to Fordell Hendersone,
in the presbytrey of Dumfermling), sometymes lady of Pittahro, being
delated by many to be a witch, was apprehended and caried to Edenbroughe,
wher she was keiped fast; and after her remaining in prison for a tyme,
being in health att night, vpon the morne was founde dead. It was thought,
and spoken by many, that she wronged her selfe, either by strangling or by
poyson.'[825] The Swedish children (1670) were not spared: 'if the Children
did at any time name the Names of those that had carried them away, they
were again carried by force either to Blockula, or to the Cross way, and
there miserably beaten, insomuch that some of them died of it.'[826]
Whether Deliverance Hobbs (1692) was actually beaten, or whether her
statement was made from the knowledge of what might happen to her, cannot
be certain without reference to the records of the trial itself, as
Mather's bias is apt to distort the evidence: 'She now testifi'd, that this
_Bishop_ tempted her to Sign the _Book_ again, and to deny what she had
confess'd. She affirm'd, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, which
whipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her thereunto.'[827] Elizabeth
Anderson in Renfrewshire (1696) went with her father to a witch-meeting,
'severals of them being affraid that the Declarant would Confess, and tell
of them as she done formerly on her Grand-mother, they threatened to tear
her all in pieces if she did so.'[828] John Reid of the same Coven--
'after his Confession had called out of his prison Window, desiring
Baily Scott to keep that old body Angus Forrester, who had been his
fellow prisoner, closs and secure; whereupon the company asked John
when they were leaving him on Friday night the 21th of May, whether he
desired company or would be afraid alone, he said he had no fear of
anything: So being left till Saturday in the Forenoon, he was found in
this posture, viz. sitting upon a stool which was on the Hearth of the
Chimney, with his feet on the floor and his Body straight upward, his
shoulders touching the lintel of the Chimney, but his Neck tyed with
his own neck-cloath (whereof the knot was behind) to a small stick
thrust into a hole above the lintel of the Chimney, upon which the
Company, especially John Campbel a Chyrurgeon who was called, thought
at first in respect of his being in an ordinary posture of sitting,
and the neck-cloath not having any drawn knot (or _run loup_) but an
ordinary one which was not very strait, and the sticke not having the
strength to bear the weight of his Body or the struggle, that he had
not been quite dead; but finding it otherways, and that he was in such
a Situation that he could not have been the Actor thereof himself,
concluded that some extraordinary Agent had done it, especially
considering that the Door of the Room was secured, and that there was
a board set over the Window which was not there the night before when
they left him.'[829]
A similar fate befell the warlock Playfair in 1597. He was found strangled
in his prison at Dalkeith with the 'point' of his breeches tied round his
neck.[830]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 735: Cotton Mather, p. 160.]
[Footnote 736: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 737: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 219, 220, 239, 240.]
[Footnote 738: Potts, B 2.]
[Footnote 739: Sinclair, pp. 46, 47.]
[Footnote 740: Kinloch, pp. 124, 129.]
[Footnote 741: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 605.]
[Footnote 742: Pitcairn, iii, p. 617.]
[Footnote 743: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 147, 148.]
[Footnote 744: Id., pt. ii, pp. 291, 293.]
[Footnote 745: Pitcairn, i, pt. iii, p. 246.]
[Footnote 746: _Spalding Club M |
